The birth of western Canada: A history of the Riel Rebellions

EN Ex LIBRIS
! *\ UNIVERSITATIS
oy ALBERTENSIS

Ralph B. Young (MBA, 1973)
Western Canadian Collection

"To the future students and researchers
who share an appreciation for our
proud history and heritage”

THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Louis Rien

THE BIRTH OF WESTERN
CANADA
A History of the Riel Rebellions

By
GEORGE F. G. STANLEY, D.Phil.

With Maps and Illustrations

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
LONDON - NEW YORK + TORONTO

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. LTD.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, £.C.4
6 OLD COURT HOUSE STREET, CALCUTTA
53 NICOL ROAD, BOMBAY
356A MOUNT ROAD, MADRAS

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO,
114 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
221 EAST 20TH STREET, CHICAGO
88 TREMONT STREET, BOSTON

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
215 VICIORIA STREET, TORONTO

First published June, 1936

Printed in Great Britain

In piam memoriam
JOHANNIS HENRICI STANLEY
patris mei
qui Canadac suae amantissimus
ut studio pari annales eius evolverem
me stimulavit
hunc librum
dedico.

PREFACE

THE Riel Rebellions were the most dramatic episodes in the
history of Western Canada. Their historical significance has,
however, been distorted and even lost sight of in the political,
racial and religious controversy which their events engendered.
Many writers, steeped in the immediacy of the events, have read
into the conflict of the half-breeds and Indians with the Canadians
in 1869-70 and 1885, the prejudices of Old Canada; others,
developing this theme, have regarded the valleys of the Red and
the Saskatchewan rivers as the western battle ground of the
traditional hostilities of French Catholic Quebec and English
Protestant Ontario. I feel that the significance of those troubles
which marked the early history of Western Canada is to be found
rather in their connexion with the general history of the frontier
than with the ethnic relationships of Quebec and Ontario. Both
the Manitoba insurrection and the Saskatchewan rebellion were
the manifestation in Western Canada of the problem of the
frontier, namely the clash between primitive and civilized
peoples. In all parts of the world, in South Africa, New Zealand
and North America, the penetration of white settlement into
territorics inhabited by native peoples has led to friction and
wars ; Canadian expansion into the North-West led to a similar
result. Here both the half-breed population and the Indian
tribes rose in arms against Canadian intrusion and the imposition
of an alien civilization.

Fundamentally there was little difference between the half-
breed and the Indian question. Both were aspects of the same
general problem. By character and upbringing the half-breeds,
no less than the Indians, were unfitted to compete with the whites
in the competitive individualism of white civilization, or to share
with them the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. They
did not want to be civilized ; they only wanted to survive. To
the half-breeds and Indians, unable even to maintain the advan-
tage of numbers, civilization meant demoralization, decline and

vu

viii PREFACE

ultimate extinction. Bishop Grandin, writing in 1887, placed
his finger on the underlying cause of the half-breed rising when
he wrote: “ Les métis ... ont grandement souffert des change-
ments arrivés dans leur pays. Ils n’étaient pas assez préparés 4
cette civilisation qui tout 4 coup est venue fondre sur cux... Je
pourrais dire que c’est 14 toute l’explication de la guerre civile.”
And Hayter Reed, Assistant Indian Commissioner, in 1885, “I
have now formed, I think, a pretty correct idea as to our rebel
Indians, they all look upon the whites as interlopers and would
get rid of them if they saw their way clear.”

The dates of the two Riel risings are significant. The first,
1869-70, coincided with the passing of the Hudson’s Bay Com-
pany as the governing power of the North-West. The second,
1885, coincided with the completion of the Canadian Pacific
Railway, an event which definitely marked the end of the old
order in the North-West. The rebellion of 1885 was the last
effort of the primitive peoples in Canada to withstand the in-
exorable advance of white civilization. With the suppression of
the rebellion white dominance was assured. Henceforth the
history of the Canadian West was to be that of the white man,
not that of the red man or the bois brulێ.

In writing this volume I have endeavoured to provide a more
accurate and fuller history of the birth of Western Canada than
has hitherto been written. New details have been added to the
history of the transfer of the Hudson’s Bay Company Territories
to Canada, the immediate causes which made possible—even
inevitable—the insurrection, Riel’s Provisional Government, and
the amnesty controversy of the seventies ; also to the Govern-
ment’s Indian policy, the grievances of the half-breeds and
Indians in 1885, and particularly to the part played by many of
the white settlers in the District of Lorne during the Riel agita-
tion ; and lastly to the effect of the racial, religious controversy
of 1885-6 upon the political life of the Dominion. The book is
fully documented. It has been my object to bring the reader
into direct contact with the original materials, the letters and
records of those who were themselves principals or eye-witnesses,
and thus enable him to form his own independent judgment.

I have, therefore, examined the contemporary sources, many
of which had not been examined before in this respect, studied
both sides of controversies, and endeavoured to eliminate—as

PREFACE ix

far as is possible to the historian relating events, the fire of which
has not yet been extinguished by time—all partisan or personal
bias. I have also read widely the works of others on the same
subject. For any unwitting or unacknowledged appropiation I
ask pardon; it is difficult for those who have read and made
notes from innumerable sources over a period of years to be at
all certain of the originality of their ideas or phrases. In this
work I have made a serious effort to reach the truth and feel that
the justification of this book lies in its thorough treatment and
its contribution of a new interpretation to a story which, however
familiar in outline, has not hitherto been the subject of serious
research.

During the preparation of this work assistance has been
received from many sources. For placing materials at my
disposal and assisting my research, I am indebted to the Governor
and Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, Dr. V. T. Harlow,
Keeper of the Rhodes House Library, the Royal Empire Society
and the Public Record Office; also to Sir Arthur Doughty and
the Public Archives of Canada, the Commissioner of the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police, the Deputy Minister of Indian Affairs,
and the Librarians of the University of Ottawa and the Biblio-
théque St. Sulpice ; also to the officials of the State Department,
Washington, D.C. J am under obligation to Miss D. G. Lent
for preparing and forwarding me transcripts from the New
Nation at Winnipeg. Sir Francis Wylie and J. G. Legge, Esq.,
kindly read the manuscript, and R. Leveson Gower, Esq., made
many important corrections in the proofs. Professor R. Coup-
land was a source of constant encouragement. For their very
‘generous assistance in making this publication possible, I am
deeply indebted to the Rhodes Trustees, the Beit Trustees and
the Committee for Advanced Studies of the University of Oxford.
Lastly I wish to acknowledge my debt of gratitude to my Mother
for her patience, interest and helpful criticism during the writing
of this book.

G.F.G.S.
Keble College, Oxford.
April zoth, 1936.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER

PREFACE
BOOK ONE
THE RED RIVER REBELLION

. THE OLD OrpberR OF RED RIVER
. THe Enp oF Company RuLE
. HatF-BrEED Unrest IN THE Rep RIVER

SETTLEMENT

. THe Rep River REeBetLion: Parr I
. THe Rep River REBELLION: Part II
. THE Manrrosa Act

. THe Mrirrary ExpEDITION 1870

VIII,

THE AMNESTY QUESTION

BOOK TWO
THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION

. THE GrRowTH OF SETTLEMENT IN THE NorTH-

WEST

. Tue INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES
. THe INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES
. THE Growru oF PotrricaAL DISCONTENT IN THE

Norru-West TERRITORIES

. THE GrowrH OF DISCONTENT AMONG THE INDIANS
. Tue RETuRN oF RIEL AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF

THE AGITATION

. THe Nortu-West REBELLION: Parr I

xi

PAGE

vii

177
194
216

243
269

295
327

xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER
XVI. THE Norru-West REBELLION: Parr II
XVII. THe PourricaL Resutts oF THE NortTH-WEstT
REBELLION .
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL Nore
NoTEs
INDEX

PAGE

350

380
408
411
453

ILLUSTRATIONS

FACING PAGE
Louis Rieu. . : . Frontispiece

From MacBeth, “ The Romance of Western Canada,” by
permission of the Ryerson Press
Fort GARRY
By permission of the Governor and Committee of the Hudson’ S
Bay Company
Carroon, A CASE oF Rrex Distress !
From “ Grip,” by permission of Thomas Bengough, Esa.

Carroon, Loyatry IN A QUANDARY
From “ Grip,” by permission of Thomas Bengough, Eva.

CrowFOOT

From Maclunes, “ In the Shadow of the Rockies, ” by per
mission of Messrs. Rivington and Co., Ltd.

Cartoon, MereLy A Hum-Buc-BEar
From “ Grip,” by permission of Thomas Bengough, Eg.

Bic BEAR
From Cameron, “ The War Trail of Big Bear,” by permission
of Messrs. Gerald Duckworth and Co., Ltd.
POUNDMAKER
By permission of H. A Kennedy, Esa.

Louis “ Davip ” Rie.
By permission of Rev, A. G. Morice, 0. M. 1

SUPERINTENDENT L. N. F. Crozier
By permission of Colonel J. W. Spalding, R. C M. P.

xili

72

168

172

230

264

280

284

324

xiv ILLUSTRATIONS

PACING PAGE

IMASEES

From Cameron, “ The War Trail of Big Bear, ” by permission
of Messrs. Gerald Duckworth and Co., Ltd.

GasrieL Dumont .
From Ouimet, “ La Verité sur la ‘Question Mitisse”

THE SURRENDER OF POUNDMAKER .
From a painting of R. W. Rutherford, by permission of the
Public Archives of Canada

MAPS

PLAN OF THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT, 1870

PLAN oF BritisH NorrH AMERICA, 1869-70

PLAN OF THE INDIAN TREATIES, 1871-77

Tue NortH SASKATCHEWAN VALLEY, 1885

THe Norru-Westr TErrirorigs, MrLiraAary COLUMNS

338

358

372

BOOK ONE

THE RED RIVER REBELLION

CHAPTER I
THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER

On May 2nd, 1670, Charles II granted to the Governor and
Company of Adventurers of England Trading into Hudson’s
Bay ‘‘ the sole Trade and Commerce of all those Seas, Streightes,
Bayes, Rivers, Lakes, Creekes and Soundes in whatsoever Latitude
they shall bee, that lie within the entrance of the Streightes,
commonly called Hudsons Streightes together with all the Landes
and Territoryes upon the Countryes, Coastes and Confynes of the
Seas, Bayes, Lakes, Rivers, Creekes and Soundes aforesaid that
are not already actually possessed by or granted to any of our
Subjectes, or possessed by the Subjectes of any other Christian
Prince or State’: and constituted them “ the true and absolute
Lordes and Proprietors of the same Territory, lymittes and
places.”? Of the extent of this vast territory, henceforth called
Rupert’s Land after the cavalier prince, neither the King nor the
Company had any conception. Yet an area as large as Europe,
bounded on the north by the ‘“* Barren Lands,” on the west by the
snow-capped Rockies, and on the south by the arid plains, was
transferred by Charles’s sweeping gesture to the overlordship of
the Hudson’s Bay Company.

Scattered throughout this area were thousands of aborigines,
or Indians, as they had been miscalled by Columbus. It is
almost impossible to compute their numbers at this period, but
it is possible that the native inhabitants of Rupert’s Land at the
beginning of the nineteenth century numbered about 50,000.”
These Indians were made up of three great linguistic groups, the
Algonkin, the Athapascan and the Siouan. Each group was
split up into tribes. The Algonkin included the Crees, Ojibways,
Saulteaux, Blackfeet, Bloods and Piegans: the Athapascan
included the Sarcees, Beavers, Chipewyans and other northern
tribes: the Siouan, predominantly American in habitat, were
tepresented in British territory by the Assiniboines or Stonies
and a few wandering Sioux. These tribes were again divided

3

4 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

into sub-tribes or bands, and even into families, often dispersed
over a wide extent of wilderness.

The aboriginal inhabitants were not left in undisturbed
possession of the western plains. Although the Hudson’s Bay
Company wasted little time on exploration or “ the discovery of
a new Passage into the South Sea,”® several expeditions were
despatched inland to draw the remote tribes to the trading posts
on the Bay. As early as 1690 Henry Kelsey was sent to visit
some of the tribes of the interior. From his Journal* it would
appear that he reached the country of the Assiniboines and Crecs
in what is now the south-eastern region of the province of
Saskatchewan. In 1754-5 Anthony Henday travelled over the
prairies and wintered among the Blackfeet in the western foot-
hills. Matthew Cocking made a similar journey in 1772.

While the English were thus penetrating Rupert’s Land from
Hudson Bay, the French, impelled by a spirit of adventure and
a desire for furs, were pushing up the St. Lawrence Valley and
the Great Lakes. Dulhut is said to have built a post on the
shores of Lake Superior about 1678: ten years later Jacques de
Noyon reached the Lake of the Woods: and in 1717 La Noiie
followed in his footsteps. But the man who really opened the
door to the North-West was Pierre Gaultier, Sieur de la
Vérendrye, whose explorations from 1732 to 1743, carried on in
the face of extraordinary difficulties, render his name “ one of the
most honoured names in Canadian exploration.”® Accompanied
by his sons, Vérendrye discovered the Red River of the North and
built Fort Rouge on the site of the present city of Winnipeg.
Pressing further west in his search for “the western sea” he
reached the Saskatchewan River; but, harassed by creditors
whose interests were economic rather than scientific, Vérendrye
was finally obliged to abandon his explorations. Trade entered
the gateway which exploration had opened and by 1757 the
French had built a chain of forts from Montreal to the
Rockies.

The conquest of Canada by Wolfe and Amherst changed, for a
time, the course of events. Within five years of Henday’s
journey the French had disappeared from the west. Engaged in
a struggle for the defence of Canada, the French withdrew their
officers and men from the fur trade with the Indians to combat
the English. But within a year of the capitulation of Montreal

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER 5

the fur trade was resumed, and French and English merchants
were again sending goods to the western Indians. The evils of
unrestricted competition soon urged upon individual traders
the advisability of co-operation, and during the winter of 1783~4
competing interests in Canada united to form the North-
West Company.

Spurred on by a bitter commercial rivalry the North-West
Company and the Hudson’s Bay Company pushed further and
further into the Indian country, until, within the space of ten years,
the whole region from Lake Superior to Lake Athabasca and from
Hudson Bay to the Rocky Mountains was dotted with trading
posts. By 1800 it is estimated that the rival fur companies must
have had from 1,500 to 2,000 white men permanently in the North-
West. These men were apprenticed for a definite period to
serve in the interior and were known as the “ winterers.” They
ranged from the humblest guide to the highest officer, Chicf
Factor or Bourgeois. In the English company the apprentice
clerk served five years before becoming a clerk; this was
followed by a longer period before promotion to the position
of Chief Trader and by another period before promotion to the
rank of Chief Factor. Each of these was entitled to share in
the profits of the company’s trade. In the Canadian company
the gradations of rank were similar, the highest being that of
Bourgeois or partner. In addition there was an army of guides,
labourers, and voyageurs, attached to each company. As a
gencral rule the employces of the Hudson’s Bay Company were
drawn from Scotland and the Orkney Islands, while those of the
North-West Company were Scots and French Canadians.

It was inevitable that these men, living in the midst of a
savage society far from their own kind, should unite with the
Indian women of the plains. When Henry Kelsey returned to
Fort York in 1692, accompanied by an Indian woman, he only
began among the Hudson’s Bay Company employees the practice
which had been customary among the French traders and
coureurs de bois since the early days of Canadian history. The
Hudson’s Bay Company at first viewed these unions with dis-
pleasure, but eventually favoured them as having a steadying
cflect upon the men and establishing useful trading connexions
with the Indians. Accordingly, during the next century and a
half, there were few employees of either fur company who did not

6 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

contract alliances with the Indian women in the neighbourhood
of the Companies’ forts.

Most of these alliances were “ according to the custom of the
country.” Daniel Harmon, a Bourgeois of the North-West
Company, writing in 1800, described the procedure followed :

“When a person is desirous of taking one of the daughters of
the Natives, as a companion, he makes a present to the parents
of the damsel, of such articles as he supposes will be most accept-
able; and, among them, rum is indispensable ; for of that all
the savages are fond, to excess. Should the parents accept the
articles offered, the girl remains at the fort with her suitor, and
is clothed in the Canadian fashion. The greater part of these
women, as I am informed, are better pleased to remain with the
white people, than with their own relations. Should the couple,
newly joined, not agree, they are at liberty, at any time, to
separate ; but no part of the property, given to the patents of
the girl, will be refunded.’”®

Many of these marriages were only temporary. When her
white consort returned to civilization, the Indian woman, of
necessity, rejoined her tribe, to remain in widowhood until she
caught the fancy of some other voyageur or trader. Some,
however, proved permanent. The Indian women. teadily
adapted themselves to the life of the whites and “ the tenderness
existing between them and their husbands presents one great
reason for that attachment which the respective classes of whites
cherish for the Indian countries.”” After many years spent in
the free life of the wilds, men found the ways of civilization
cramping and preferred to settle down in the country with their
native wives. Harmon, in spite of his early scorn for these
unions, not only married, but became so attached to his Indian
wife that he took her with him when he returned to civilization.

From this intermingling of natives and Europeans developed
a race of people known as half-breeds, métis, or bois brulés.
In the century following the penctration of the North-West by
the fur traders these people increased tapidly in numbers, and,
separate alike from whites and Indians, they became the chief
actors in the political troubles which mark the history of Western
Canada to 1885.

The greater number of these half-breeds, or métis, were of
French-Canadian origin, the offspring of the hardy voyageurs

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER 7

who served the North-West Company. Their skin was dark—
hence the name brulé—but beyond that they carried few traces of
their savage origin. They dressed like the whites in common
blue capote, red belt, and corduroy trousers : the belt was the
simple badge of distinction, the métis wearing it under and the
whites generally over the capote. “ Too many at home,” wrote
Southesk in January 1860, “ have formed a false idea of the half-
breeds, imagining them to be a race little removed from barbarians
in habits and appearance. . . . 1 doubt if a half-breed, dressed and
educated like an Englishman, would seem at all remarkable in
London society. They build and farm like other people, they go
to church and to courts of law, they recognize no chiefs (except
when they elect a leader for their great hunting expeditions), and
in all respects they are like civilized men, not more uneducated,
immoral, or disorderly, than many communities in the Old
World.’’

Of the physical characteristics of the métis the same observer
wrote :

“ Physically they are a fine race, tall, straight, and well pro-
portioned, lightly formed but strong and extremely active and
enduring. Their chests, shoulders, and waists are of that
symmetrical shape so scldom found among the broad-waisted,
short-necked English, or the flat-chested, long-necked Scotch.”®

W.B. Cheadle, on his journey across the North American continent
in 1862, found them unequalled as guides and voyageurs :

“* Of more powerful build, as a rule, than the pure Indian, they
combine his endurance and readiness of resource with the greater
muscular strength and perseverance of the white man. Day after
day, with plenty of food, or none at all, whether pack on back,
trapping in the woods, treading out a path with snowshoes in the
deep snow for the sleigh-dogs, or running after them at a racing
pace from morning to night, when there is a well-beaten track,
they will travel fifty or sixty miles a day for a week together
without showing any sign of fatigue.”!°

The métis were a hospitable people ; all comers and goers
were welcome guests at their board."!_ Theft seems to have been
uncommon among them. Upon one occasion a gentleman
travelling over the plains left at his camping place a box containing
gold and notes to the value of £1030. The following evening a
French half-breed, camping at the same spot, found the box, and,

8 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

in spite of his own poverty, followed the owner a day’s journey
to return it. Alexander Ross, who cannot be suspected of undue
sympathy for the métis, nevertheless recorded that “this act
might be taken as an index of the integrity of the whole body,
generally speaking.” They were, moreover, very religious and
devoted to their clergy. The hunter always reserved the best
cut of meat for the priest, while the trader kept aside his best
piece of cloth for the Church.

At the same time the French half-breeds were indolent,
thoughtless and improvident, unrestrained in their desires,
restless, clannish and vain. Life held no thought of the morrow.
To become the envied possessor of a new suit, rifle, or horse, they
would readily deprive themselves and their families of the neces-
sities of life. ‘‘ A half-breed able to exhibit a fine horse, and gay
cariole,” wrote Ross, “is in his glory; this achievement is at
once the height of his ambition, and his ruin. Possessed of
these, the thriftless fellow’s habitation goes to ruin ; he is never at
home, but driving and caricoling in all places, and every oppor-
tunity ; blustering and bantering every one he meets.”43 Another
observer gave the following description of their care-free life of
pleasure :

“They are a merry, light-hearted, obliging race, recklessly
generous, hospitable, and extravagant. Dancing goes on nearly
every night throughout the winter, and a wedding, or ‘ noce’
as it is called, is celebrated by keeping open house, and relays
of fiddlers are busily employed playing for the dancers all
through the night and often far on into the next day. By that
time most of the guests are incapacitated from saltatory exercise ;
for rum flows freely on these occasions, and when a half-breed
drinks he does it, as he says, comme il faut—that is, until he
obtains the desired happiness of complete intoxication.’’!4

With few exceptions the French half-breeds were neither
extensive nor successful farmers. Brought up in the open prairies
they preferred the excitement of the chase to the monotony of
cultivating the soil. They might have envied the lot of the more
industrious and regretted their own poverty, but so strong was
their attachment to the roving life of the hunter that “ the greater
part of them depend entirely on the chase for a living, and even
the few who attend to farming take a trip to the plains, to feast on
buffalo humps and marrow fat.’”!5 These métis were not a savage,

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER 9

vicious, or immoral people, but honest, hospitable and religious,
rather improvident and happy-go-lucky, without care and without
restraint, true sons of the prairie, as free as the air they breathed
and by nature as independent as the land which gave them birth.

As a tule the English-speaking half-breeds formed a contrast
to the French. The greater number were of Scotch origin.
Many of the officers of the Hudson’s Bay Company came from
Scotland and their half-breed children inherited the steadier
disposition of their fathers, as the métis inclined to the roving life
of the coureurs de bois. ‘They were, for the most part, economical,
industrious and prosperous. Cheadle declared that the English
and Scotch half-breeds “ form a pleasing contrast to their French
neighbours, being thrifty, industrious, and many of them
wealthy, in their way ... we met but few who equalled the
French half-breeds in idleness and frivolity."2* John McLean in
his Notes of a Twenty-five Years’ Service in the Hudson’ s Bay Territory
also stated :

“ The English half-breeds, as the mixed progeny of the British
are designated, possess many of the characteristics of their
fathers; they generally prefer the more certain pursuit of hus-
bandry to the chase, and follow close on the heels of the Scotch
in the path of industry and moral rectitude. Very few of them
resort to the plains, unless for the purpose of trafficking the
produce of their farms for the produce of the chase; and it is
said that they frequently return home better supplied with meat
than the hunters themselves.””!?

It often happened that, as the Scots and English held the
rank of gentlemen in the fur trade, their half-breed sons were
given a better start in life and a training which did not oblige
them to seek their living with their rifle like the sons of the
poor voyageurs. If they indicated any aptitude for learning
these sons might be sent to schools in England or Scotland. On
their return, some, like Moses Norton, rose in the service of
the fur trade, others settled down to farm and to take a leading
part in the life of their community. But to say that the English
half-breeds cultivated more land, were better educated and
possessed more of the world’s goods, is not to speak slightingly
of the French, nor to say that they were more honest or loyal.
Each possessed distinct characteristics and each played a part in
the history of the half-breed race.

10 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

In spite of these differences there was a common bond between
the English and the French half-breeds. Both sprang from a
common race; both claimed territorial rights to the North-West
through their Indian ancestry; both, in a large measure, spoke
their mother tongue in addition to French or English. The
half-breeds as a race never considered themselves as humble
hangers-on to the white population, but were proud of their
blood and their deeds. Cut off, as they were, from European
expansion by the accident of geography and by the deliberate
policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company, they developed a resolute
feeling of independence and a keen sense of their own identity
which led them to regard themselves as a separate racial and
national unit, and which found expression in their name, ‘“‘ The
New Nation.’ Louis Riel, the métis leader, gave expression to
this national feeling when he wrote :

“ C’est vrai que notre origine sauvage est humble, mais il est
juste que nous honorions nos méres aussi bien que nos péres.
Pourquoi nous occuperions-nous 4 quel degré de mélange nous
possédons le sang européen ect le sang indien? Pour peu que
nous ayons de |’un ou de l’autre, Ja reconnaissance et l’amour
filial, ne nous font-ils pas une loi de dire: Nous sommes
Métis.’718

This consciousness of community and strong racial feeling domin-
ated the half-breed “ nation” for almost a century: it was the
basic factor in the frontier problem of Western Canadian history.

Colonization naturally followed the opening of Rupert’s
Land by the fur trade. In 1812 the first attempt to found a
white settlement in the North-West was made under the patronage
of Lord Selkirk. Four years previously Selkirk had begun to
buy up the stock of the Hudson’s Bay Company in an effort to
secure a controlling share, and, although he was unable to
interest the Company in his project, he was thus able to secure
from them a grant of 116,000 square miles in the Red River
valley, covering what is now the southern part of Manitoba
and a portion of Minnesota, for the purposes of a colony. In
July 1811, the first band of Scottish settlers, led by Miles Mac-
donnell, a Canadian highlander, sailed for the New World.
They passed the winter at York Factory and in the following
spring made their way south to the site of the proposed settlement.

The Hudson’s Bay Company viewed Selkirk’s efforts with

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER II

indifference ; but the North-West Company regarded them with
undisguised hostility. Selkirk’s grant of land lay directly
across the route from Montreal to the interior of Rupert’s
Land and the Nor’ Westers believed its settlement was merely
a move upon the part of their rivals to stifle their trade. With
their economic interests at stake they set out to destroy the
Selkirk colony by fair means or foul. At first an attempt
was made to bribe the colonists to abandon the settlement. But
sugary promises of free passages and assistance to fertile lands in
Upper Canada failed to lure the stubborn Scots from Red River,
and so the Nor’ Westers turned to the half-breeds.

At the door of the North-West Company must be laid the
responsibility for rousing the racial consciousness of the métis.
The Nor’ Westers carefully fostered the idea of half-breed terri-
torial rights and informed the credulous métis that the white
settlers were interlopers who had come to steal the land from
them. The métis were easily convinced. They had already been
estranged by two ill-advised acts of Miles Macdonnell—the one a
proclamation forbidding the sale of pemmican to the North-
West Company, and the other an attempt to prohibit the running
of the buffalo on horscback—and readily construed every act of
coercion against the fur company as unjustifiable tyranny over
their race. Under the leadership of Cuthbert Grant and Peter
Pangman, two half-breed employees of the North-West Company,
they began to assert their claim to an aboriginal title to the
country and to demand compensation from the white settlers.

In 1816 the situation reached a climax. Grant was appointed
“ Captain General of all the half-breeds in the country,”’ and in
March it was reported that “ the new nation under their leaders
are coming forward to clear their native soil of intruders and
assassins.”!® In May, Grant and fifty half-breeds surprised the
brigade descending the Assiniboine River towards the settlement,
confiscated the goods and took several prisoners. Early in
June they seized Brandon House and set out to join a party from
Fort William for a combined attack on the Red River Settlement.
Passing Fort Douglas, the centre of the colony, on the rgth, they
were accosted by Robert Semple, the newly-appointed Governor.
A gun was fired and in the exchange of shots which followed,
Semple and twenty-one of his men were killed, Grant losing only
a single follower.

12 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

This massacre of Seven Oaks, or La Grenouillére as it is known
to the French half-breeds, is important in the history of the western
frontier, not so much in itself, as in its portents. By stirring up
the natives of the country, imbuing them with the idea that they
were the true owners of the soil and that the whites—“ les
jardiniéres ”—were intruders, the North-West Company sowed
the seeds of that métis unrest which manifested itself at intervals
for the next seventy years. Seven Oaks was only the first of
several demonstrations by the half-breeds against the settlement
of their country by the whites, and was, in consequence, the fore-
runner of the Riel Rebellions of 1869-70 and 1885. On cach of
these occasions the underlying cause of trouble was this spirit of
half-breed nationalism and the conviction, expressed in the
“chanson ”’ of Pierre Falcon, a métis folk-song, that the white
strangers had come “ pour piller notre pays.’’2°

Seven Oaks did not mean the end of the Red River Settlement.
Lord Selkirk at once sent military assistance, made prisoners
of the North-West Company Icaders in their stronghold of Fort
William, restored the settlers to their lands and continued the
struggle in the courts. In 1820 Lord Selkirk died, discouraged
by the failure of his colony and crushed by the persecution of his
enemies. His death removed the principal obstacle to a recon-
ciliation between the two fur companies whose opposition to
colonization was mutual, and in 1821 they were united under the
name of the Hudson’s Bay Company. This union was significant.
Both companies were convinced of the incompatibility of colon-
ization and the successful prosecution of the fur trade, and for the
next two generations the interests of the latter predominated in
Rupert’s Land. No further attempts at colonization were made
and the Red River Settlement entered upon a period of quict and
obscure development.

The outstanding feature of this development during the years
from 1820 to 1860 was the transformation of the colony from a
white settlement into a half-breed settlement. When Miles
Macdonnell selected the site on the Red River in 1812, his
little band numbered seventy. In 1817, the year after Seven Oaks,
the number of the Scottish settlers at Kildonan had increased to
200, while across the river at St. Boniface were a few Canadians
and about 100 Swiss mercenaries whom Selkirk had brought to
the country during his struggle with the North-West Company.

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER 13

The Swiss, however, had little love for Red River and when that
little was devoured by the grasshoppers and washed away by the
floods they abandoned the country for the United States. In
spite of this defection the colony grew in numbers, not by
accessions from Canada or Europe, but by the settlement of the
employees, half-breed and white, of the fur companies. It had
been a condition of Selkirk’s grant that one-tenth of the area
should be set apart ** to the use of such person or persons being
or having been in the service or employ of the said Governor and
Company for a term not less than three ycars,””? and Red River
became the favourite retreat of the Company’s servants with their
squaws and half-breed progeny. Moreover, the union of the
rival fur concerns in 1821 threw many clerks and voyageurs out
of employment, with the result that the numbers of the colony
were practically doubled in a few yeats. In 1831 the population
numbered 2,417, and nine years later, 4,369.22 Asevidence of the
rapid change in the racial composition of the Red River Settlement,
H. Y. Hind reported that although the population had increased
by 1,232 souls between 1849 and 1856, the number of European
and Canadian families had decreased by 102.3 Finally, in 1871,
the official census stated that there were in the country 5,720
French-speaking half-breeds, 4,080 English-speaking half-brceds
and 1,600 white scttlers."* This transformation is significant, for
it explains why Canadian annexation, with its implied white
predominance, failed ‘to gain many adherents in the Red
River colony.

The economic life of the Settlement was primitive in character.
The principal occupation was the buffalo hunt. The following
figures indicate its growing importance. In 1820, 540 buffalo
carts were sent out from Red River to the western plains; in
1830, 820 carts; and in 1840, 1,210: the total value of the hunt, in
the last year amounting to £24,000. Next in importance were
freighting and farming. ‘The Hudson’s Bay Company employed
a number of half-breeds to transport goods from the posts on
Hudson Bay to the valley of Lake Winnipeg. Fifty-five boats,
of three to five tons burden, were engaged in this service in
1856." As the western states of America were opened to
settlement the occupation of freighting increased in importance
and St. Paul, Minnesota, became a distributing point for the
Red River Settlement. Donald Gunn wrote in 1857 that there

14 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

were 300 carts with an average load valued at £25 to £30 engaged
in the overland transport from St. Paul.?” Beyond these occupa-
tions there was no industry or distinct trade in the Settlement.
Every man was his own wheelwright, carpenter or mason, as well
as hunter, farmer or freighter.

When the Settlement was first established land was sold at
five shillings an acre. This price gradually increased until, in
1834, it reached twelve shillings and sixpence.28 The transfer of
the territory from Lord Selkirk’s heirs to the Hudson’s Bay
Company in 1836, was made without prejudice to those who
held good title from the Earl. The price was reduced and the
Company resumed the policy of selling land at five shillings
or seven and six an acre, generally leasehold for 999 years.?® In
return they demanded from the lessee that he should bring at
least one-tenth of his land under cultivation within five years,
refrain from trading or dealing with the Indians or trafficking in
furs and peltries except under licence, obey the Company’s laws,
contribute to the public expenses, and neither dispose of nor
assign the lease without the Company’s assent.2° The Hudson’s
Bay Company, however, made few sales under these terms. In
1857 Sir George Simpson made the statement that not more
than £2,000 to £3,000 had been received from the settlers in
payment for their lands.*! This may be accounted for by the fact
that the majority of the settlers were half-breed squatters, who
maintained the view that the land was theirs by natural law and
that there was no need to bother about the Company’s title. As
the latter never made any effort to disturb them in the peaceful
enjoyment of their lands, this lack of title was not a great source of
anxiety. Governor Simpson informed the Select Committee
of the House of Commons in 1857 that the Company’s title was
held of little value and that “ nineteen-twentieths of the people
have no title *?; while Henry Youle Hind wrote that “in no
single instance could I find any half-breed, in possession of a
farm, acquainted with its existence. In very many instances the
settlers did not know the number of their lots, and had no paper
or document of any kind to show that they held possession of
their land from the Company, or any other authority.’ This
complete absence of a systematic land tenure, although it aroused
no apprehensions at that time, was, however, to prove an
important cause of unrest among the half-breed squatters

incest etn nc

VNIGW3d

180d ake AAVONNOG

ey
Ary ae

Walad 1s 4% ANNY “ais L1
LNAWID ‘1s 6% AHINDV “2S 91

{HIVON) MAYONY “1S 7% (uimos) LYIVYON “IS GI

Siog G8
(ines) MAYGNV “1S 1% (ION) IYAGYON “1S 41 Da
ANVd ‘1s OF TVA "1S £4
NYNOGTIN 6) (1sva) JOW4INOS “4S 3)
NHOf ‘1s 81 (sam) JDWdINOG “AS 1)
SaWY? “ls oO} SITYVHD US 6 ; fy AANINS 107 WIA DNIMOHS
ATONIGVIH & G8VD YIAVX SIODNVAd “Is ZL FaaIATy TI ONY It SO Notas
ANIOd UV1dOd % CHM) ARIAVX SIOINVAI IS 9 : &
dine HOIH ¢ TnWd iS ae ¢ C (OsINtssy
BBIW%d WI IDvIeOd TG AN3UNVI ‘Is | q os
HSITONG HON3U4 >) <7 or
S3HSIaVd xX ee

INAW3S1LISS YSAIY 9a
IHL JO NV 1d

Y

ND adINNIM | & VEOLINVW |
, Bay

SANT

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER 15

when Rupert’s Land was transferred to the Dominion of
Canada.

The system of survey,°4 by which the Settlement was divided,
was similar to that adopted in French Canada. The farms were
long and narrow and at right angles to the general course of the
river. They all had frontage on the water, after the fashion of
farms in Quebec—a system which had grown up from the
times when rivers were the principal routes of communication.
At first the farms ran back ninety to one hundred chains, but
subsequently they were extended to two miles. There was
no uniformity of width and holdings were divided and sub-
divided at will. There was, in addition, a valuable privilege
recognized by the Company—and which, apparently, had always
been exercised by the owners of these river farms—namely, the
exclusive right of cutting hay on the outer two miles immediately
in the rear of the river lot. This outer portion came to be known
as the “ hay privilege”? and was jealously guarded by local laws,
infringements of which were visited with punishment.

For the first few years of its existence the Red River colony
was governed directly by a Governor appointed by Lord Selkirk.
After the Earl’s death in 1820, the Settlement remained nominally
under the care of his executors, but actually was administered
through the Hudson’s Bay Company. This anomalous position
became each year more evident, and the sixth Earl, lacking
his predecessor’s interest in colonization, finally surrendered,
in 1836, the territory granted to his father in 1811. From 1836
to 1869 the Company ruled at Red River.

Little change was made in the system of government in the
colony. The Hudson’s Bay Company followed the practice of
Lord Selkirk and appointed a local Governor and Council to
conduct the affairs of Red River, or Assiniboia, as it was known
during the Company régime. Although the interests of the
Company naturally predominated, nevertheless there was a
deliberate attempt to make the Council fairly representative of all
the interests in the colony. The clergy, Roman Catholic and
Protestant, were represented, as were the half-breeds, French and
English. In the first Council, after the reconveyance of the
Selkirk grant, sat John Bunn, an English half-breed, and Cuthbert
Grant, who had led the métis at Seven Oaks. The representative
character of the Council was attested by no less an authority

Cc

16 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

than the Roman Catholic Bishop of St. Boniface, who wrote to
Governor Dallas in 1862 :

“Tt is well known that these Nominees are chosen among the
most respectable and the most intelligent of the place. Moreover
the Company has, even in this choice, evinced generosity, as
several of the Members of the Council have personal interests
diametrically opposed to the commercial interests of the Company.
To my knowledge the Company went so far as to consult those
interested, and the greater number of the Councillors have been
appointed because such appeared to be the desire of the popula-
tion in general.’’55
The Anglican Bishop expressed a similar view, namely, that the
members of the Council
“have been generally selected on the spot, as those possessing
weight and influence, and generally acceptable with the settlement
at large. . . . All cannot be Councillors, but I feel confident that
the voice of each District would have elected for the most part
the very individual recommended for a seat in Council.’’3¢

At first the duties of the Council were largely judicial, but
from 1835 they tended to become more and more legislative and
executive in character. A great variety of local measures were
passed, relating to fires, animals, hay, roads, sale of intoxicating
liquors to the Indians, police, debtors, contracts for services,
surveys, administration of justice and other matters. To assist
in carrying out these regulations the Council organized a
Board of Works, a Committee of Economy, legal and judicial
machinery, customs and postal facilities, and appointed various
public officials. The work of the Council covered the whole life
of the colony, from the issue of marriage licences to the encour-
agement of local industries.°”

The jurisdiction of the Governor and Council of Assiniboia
covered only an area of fifty miles’ radius around the Red River
Settlement. For administrative purposes this area was divided
into four judicial districts, each under a magistrate or Justice of
the Peace competent to try petty cases. In 1837 this judicial
machinery was altered. The settlement was divided into three
judicial districts, each under two magistrates. Two years later
further changes were made. A special officer, the Recorder of
Rupert’s Land, was appointed as head of the legal affairs of the

colony, and the number of magistrates over each district was

THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER 17

increased to three, one of whom, at least, was to reside in the
district, and one, at least, outside it. Owing to the growth of the
colony this number was increased again in 1850. These magis-
trates held quarterly courts—after 1850, twice monthly—of
summary jurisdiction, with final judgment in cases of debt not
exceeding forty shillings. Cases of doubt or difficulty were
referred to the supreme tribunal, the Quarterly Court of the
Governor and Council of Assiniboia.3®

The Canadian courts had concurrent jurisdiction with those of
the Company. In 1803 an Act was passed “ for extending the
Jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice in the Provinces of Lower
and Upper Canada, to the Trial and Punishment of Persons guilty
of Crimes and Offences within certain parts of North America
adjoining to the said Provinces.”** This Act, assuming that
crimes committed in the Indian territories were not cognizable
by any jurisdiction, brought such crimes within the jurisdiction
of Canadian courts, and empowered the Governor of Lower
Canada to appoint Justices to commit offenders until conveyed to
Canada for trial. As doubt arose as to whether this Act extended
to the territories of the Hudson’s Bay Company, since crimes
committed in them could hardly be said to be “ not cognizable
by any Jurisdiction whatever,” another Act was passed in 18214°
to clarify the position. After reciting the doubts referred to and
the necessity of removing them, this Act declared that the pro-
visions of the previous Act should be deemed “ to extend to and
over, and to be in full force in and through all the Territories
heretobefore granted to the Company of Adventurers of England
trading into Hudson’s Bay.” Nothing in the Act, however, was
to be construed to affect the rights, privileges, authority, or
jurisdiction of the Company. But, while this concurrent juris-
diction was granted to the Canadian courts, there is no record
of any persons having been authorized to act as magistrates or
Justices of the Peace, nor any courts constituted under either Act.

Such is the picture of the primitive society which existed
in the Red River Settlement during the last century. Economic-
ally and politically itwas a simple society and filled the needs of a
simple people for nearly two generations. Cut off from the
outside world by the opposition of the Hudson’s Bay Company to
colonization, and by the physical barrier of geography to immi-
gration, the half-breeds of Red River “‘ were without the vexation

18 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

and the heart-burning of active politics . . . their simple life. . .
had nothing of that fierce element of competition into which the
newer civilization was to hurl them.”#! But there could be no
place for this almost static society in the competitive civilization
of the North American continent. The half-breeds, particularly
the hunting class, were doomed to economic absorption.
Neither their racial consciousness, nor their primitive economy
was strong enough to maintain the separate identity of the half-
breed “nation” in the midst of an overwhelming white immi-
gtation and a competitive nineteenth-century civilization. Herein
lay the basic cause of the half-breed rising in 1869. The meétis
leaders and their clergy realized that the rapid influx of settlers,
which was bound to follow the transfer of the country to the
Dominion of Canada, would lead to the loss of their lands and
their livelihood, the breakdown of their society, and the eventual
effacement of their race. Resistance was therefore inevitable.

CHAPTER II
THE END OF COMPANY RULE

Towarps the middle of the nineteenth century it became in-
creasingly evident that the days of Company rule in British
North America were numbered. With the ascendancy of the
doctrines of economic liberalism the outlook for the great trading
and governing monopolies was decidedly unfavourable. It is
true that many Englishmen had ceased to believe in the economic
advantages of the great chartered monopolies long before the
adoption of free trade, but it was not until the ’fifties and ’sixties
that the principles of the Manchester School began to dominate
British colonial policy. The influence of that school of thought
was much greater than its parliamentary voting power. But,
although it never became a governing body, its ideas suffused
the policies of both the great political parties.

The mid-Victorian attack upon the chartered companies was
not confined to their alleged economic fallacies, but was also
directed against their political status. In the pursuit of commer-
cial advantages these companies had often extended their activities
over widespread areas, and in doing so were invariably obliged
to assume administrative responsibilities for which their character
as trading corporations scarcely fitted them. Adam Smith
had emphasized the fundamental contradiction of this position,
namely, the clash between the interests of trade and the responsi-
bilities of government. “ As sovereigns,” he wrote of the
East India Company, their “interest is exactly the same with that
of the country which they govern. As merchants, their interest
is directly opposite to that interest.”! Even in the case of
companies like the Virginia Company, whose first interest was
colonization, the necessity of operating at a profit conflicted with
the aspirations of the colonists and the needs of administration.
This conflict of interests was all the more apparent in the case of
those companies which, like the Hudson’s Bay Company and the
East India Company, were primarily trading corporations. The
great chartered companies of the seventeenth century had been

19

20 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the pioneers of Britain’s Empire in the East and in the West, but
by the nineteenth they were regarded as anachronisms, a mere
transitory phase in Imperial expansion.

It cannot be denied that economic rather than political con-
siderations dominated the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company
in Red River. Every effort was made to discourage the idea of
colonization and Sir George Simpson sought to keep a Chinese
Wall around the Company’s fur preserve. Pro Pelle Cutem was
the Company’s motto, and the fur trade, not the settlement of
their vast territories, was the Company’s object. Old “ Bear”
Ellice, who, more than any other man, had been responsible for
the union of the North-West and the Hudson’s Bay Company,
openly stated that “a fur company have very little to do with
colonization . . . the Hudson’s Bay Company would have done
much better if they had never had anything to do with coloni-
zation.”’? They feared that an inrush of immigrants would drive
away the fur-bearing animals—a fear which was fully justified
in the light of experience—and that a chain of settlements
would not only deprive the Company of their supply of buffalo
meat, but would so interfere with their trade as to lead to the
inevitable extinction of the Company.

It was impossible, however, for the Company to keep Red
River and Rupert’s Land in a state of perpetual isolation. The
prejudice of the fur traders, the charter rights of the Company
and the rocky barrier of geography were not insuperable obstacles,
and from the early part of the nineteenth century to the transfer
of the country to Canada, the question of the colonization of the
North-West and the extinction of the Company’s territorial
rights occupied a position of increasing importance in the politics
of both Great Britain and Canada.

The first evidence of official interest in the idea of colonization
in the North-West appeared in 1837, when the Hudson’s Bay
Company applied to the British Government for a renewal of
the licence of exclusive trade granted to the combined companies
in 1821. Lord Glenelg was not, apparently, convinced by the
Company’s repeated assertions of the sterility of their territories
and their unfitness to sustain any considerable population.
Instead he was “disposed to regard them with distrust ” and
urged upon the Board of Trade that a renewal of the licence
should be accompanied by “ such conditions as may enable Her

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 21

Majesty to grant, for the purpose of settlement or colonization,
any of the lands comprised in it, and with that view. . .a power
should be reserved even of establishing new colonies or provinces
within the limits comprised in the Charter.” This amendment
was accepted by the Company, and when the licence of exclusive
trade was renewed in 1838 for twenty-one years, a special clause
was inserted granting the Crown authority to annex any portion
of the Company’s chartered territories for the purpose of estab-
lishing a Crown colony.

No action was, however, taken to implement this provision
until 1857. During these years the agitation in the Red River
colony against the Company’s fur monopoly and the difficulties
in Vancouver Island focused attention upon the position of the
Hudson’s Bay Company, and it was generally realized that a state
of things in which vast tracts of land were withheld from coloniza-
tion in the interest of a trading monopoly could not continue
indefinitely. The approaching expiry of the exclusive trade
privilege provided the British Government with the opportunity
of reviewing the political status of the Company and the question
of North-West colonization. Early in 1857, therefore, a Select
Committee was appointed “to consider the State of those
British Possessions in North America which are under the
Administration of the Hudson’s Bay Company, or over which
they possess a Licence to Trade.’

From February to July this committee conducted their investi-
gations. The whole economy of the Hudson’s Bay Company
was thoroughly discussed. Twenty-four witnesses were exam-
ined, 6,098 questions were asked, and evidence to the total of over
450 printed folio pages was compiled. The Company was
charged with exercising an obnoxious monopoly in a tyrannical
manner and with placing every obstacle in the way of colonization
and settlement. The Company replied with a denial of the first
charge and a justification of the second. Their witnesses declared
that the Red River Settlement had been “ an unwise speculation ”
and “ had failed.”” According to Sir George Simpson, who had
for thirty-seven years been engaged in the fur trade, the North-
West was quite unfit for settlement, the soil was poor and beyond
a mile from the river even the native grass grew only “ in detached
spots.”” When asked whether a colony could be self supporting
in what is now Manitoba, he replied, “A population thinly

22 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

scattered along the banks might support themselves, but a dense
population could not live in that country, the country would not
afford the means of subsistence,” while in some regions there
were “ deep morasses which never thaw.” This, oddly enough,
was how he described in 1857 the country which, only ten years
before, he had compared to the beautiful country in the neigh-
bourhood of the Thames at Richmond, and concerning which he
had prophesied, “Is it too much for the eye of philanthropy to
discern through the vista of futurity this noble stream... with
crowded steamboats on its bosom and populous towns on its
borders.’

In spite of the labours of the Select Committee and its brilliant
personnel® the report was quite colourless. It postponed decision
upon the question of the Company’s political status and left the
question of the boundary of Rupert’s Land and Canada “to be
solved by amicable adjustment.”” Nevertheless it indicated the
trend of popular opinion. Gladstone had moved “ that the
country capable of colonization should be withdrawn from the
jurisdiction of the Hudson’s Bay Company ” which should thus
rest upon a statutory foundation, and his proposal was negatived
only by the deciding vote of the chairman. The final report
of the Committee conceded the principle by recommending that
the Red River and Saskatchewan districts be ceded to Canada
“ on equitable principles,” or, if “ Canada should not be willing at
a very early period to undertake the government of the Red River
District, it may be proper to consider whether some temporary
provisions for its administration may not be advisable.”

The recommendation that the colonizable portions of the
Company’s territories might be annexed to Canada represented a
new departure in British policy. Hitherto the intention had been
eventually to erect these districts into Crown Colonies. Sir
James Stephen, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies,
wrote in 1837 that Glenelg was “of opinion that the public
interest may not improbably require the erection of some part of
the territory comprised in the Company’s Charter into one or
more colonies, independent of and distinct from either Upper or
Lower Canada.”’ As time went on and the settled provinces
of Canada grew in population and importance it became evident
that the political status of the Company’s territories could not be
settled without reference to Canada’s future relations with the

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 23

North-Western territory. Moreover, British interest in coloniza-
tion was on the wane. The adherents of /aissez-aller and the
Manchester School regarded with distrust the adoption of further
colonial responsibilities by the mother country, and the desire
of Canada for westward expansion was a welcome alternative.

Canada did not begin to take an active interest in the North-
West until the middle of the century. It is true that prior to
1821 explorers and traders had pushed as far west as the Rocky
Mountains and the western fur trade had been an important
factor in the economic life of the country, but after the union of the
English and Canadian fur companies and the abandonment of the
old North-West canoe route, Canadians no longer gazed with
adventurous eyes towards the Terra Incognita on the western
horizon. For the next three decades their attention and energies
were absorbed in the political struggles accompanying the attain-
ment of self-government, and it was not until the late "forties that
the Globe and the North American, edited respectively by George
Brown and William McDougall, began to attack the Hudson’s
Bay Company and to urge the acquisition of the North-West by
Canada.

At first the G/obe’s campaign met with little public response.
The Company’s territories were still looked upon by many as an
inaccessible region in the centre of the continent, locked in
eternal frost and snow, in which no one could live except the
Indians and a few hardy individuals from the north of Scotland
who were inured to the cold. The Canadian press deprecated
the value of the territory. Even as late as 1855 the Montreal
Transcript stated that the climate of the North-West was “ alto-
gether unfavourable to the growth of grain ” and that the summer
season was too short to “ mature even a small potato or cabbage.’”*
The Hudson’s Bay Company assiduously cultivated this erroneous
conception, and in a series of letters to the Hamilton Spectator,
Edward Ermatinger emphasized the small value of the country,
its inhospitable climate, its inaccessibility, and the legal authority
by which it was held. Nevertheless, the need for action became
increasingly apparent during the ’fifties, and Chief Justice Draper
was commissioned by the Canadian Government to watch the
investigations of the Select Committee in 1857 and generally to
press upon the British Government the rights and interests of
Canada relative to the North-West.

24 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

It was the north-westerly movement of the American frontier
of settlement that brought home to Canadians the urgency of
securing the north-western territories for British rule. In 1849
there had been fewer than 5,000 people in the territory of Minne-
sota, south of Assiniboia, but by 1860 there were more than
172,000. St. Paul had become the distributing centre for the
Red River Settlement and the overland route via the United
States had displaced Hudson Bay as the principal trade route to
the interior of the British North-West. The natural direction
in which further expansion would take place appeared to be the
Red River valley, and it was evident that, unless Rupert’s Land
was in the hands of a power stronger than a trading monopoly,
American frontiersmen would pay little heed to the existence of
an imaginary boundary line. It was not difficult to foresee the
serious international complications which might arise from a
sudden and unauthorized influx of immigrants from the United
States. The Americans were, as a rule, anti-British and strongly
biased in favour of republican institutions, and the doctrine of
“manifest destiny’ was a powerful force in American politics.
Peaceable American penetration had been the preliminary step
to the annexation of Oregon and Texas, and it was not beyond
the bounds of possibility that Rupert’s Land and the North-West
might go the same way.

Great anxiety was, therefore, felt in Canada. Chief Justice
Draper said that he was “speaking the sentiments of large
numbers of the inhabitants’? when he informed the Select
Committee that in Canada there was “a very serious apprehension
that if something is not done that territory will in some way or
another cease to be British Territory.”® A Minute of Council in
January 1857 stated that this was a question of paramount
importance :

“The rapid settlement of Minnesota, shortly to be admitted a
state of the American Union renders this the more necessary, for
as civilization approaches the boundary so will be increased the
difficulty of maintaining the distinction between the rights of the
two nations on the frontier.””}°

Opinion in Red River was also apprehensive of the danger
which threatencd from the south. American agents were
already in the country “tampering and meddling with our
people ”’ with the result that among many “ everything American

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 25

is praised, everything British dispraised.”** Petitions were sent
both to Great Britain and to Canada calling attention to “ the
immediate danger which threatens the integrity of the present
Imperial rule in British America ” from the “ subtle ingression of
a foreign power into its very centre ” ;!# and A. K. Isbister urged
before the Select Committee that Great Britain should take over
the North-West “ because the United States are fast peopling
the territory along the frontier, and they will have that territory
from us unless we do people it.””!8

American westward expansion not only emphasized the danger
to British interests in the North-West; it also inspired Canadians
with the spirit of emulation. Events in the United States are
scarcely ever without their reaction in Canada and in this instance
American expansion led to the vision of a greater Canada
extending “A mari usque ad mare.” Canadian people began to
regard the vast unpeopled territories to the west as the natural
outlet for their surplus population and as the necessary comple-
ment for the full development of their commerce and nationality.
“YT hope you will not laugh at me as very visionary,” said
Chief Justice Draper to the Select Committee in 1857, “but I
hope to see the time, or that my children may live to see the time,
when there is a railway going all across that country and ending
at the Pacific; and so far as individual opinion goes, I entertain
no doubt that the time will arrive when that will be accom-
plished.”4

The revival of Canadian interest in the North-West was
influenced by economic as well as by political considerations.
The idea of linking up the British possessions on the Atlantic
with those on the Pacific by a North-West passage by land had
long been in the minds of promoters and statesmen.!® As early as
1845, Warre and Vavasour were sent out to report upon the
the practicability of sucha project,and in 1851 Allan Macdonnell,
of Toronto, sought a charter for the incorporation of the Lake
Superior and Pacific Railway Company. Macdonnell’s applica-
tion was refused by the Legislature. The railways of Canada
were hardly a financial success, and the idea of . constructing a
road through an Indian-infested wilderness and over a mountain
range to the small settlements on the Pacific coast was not such
as would appeal either to the private investor or to the Govern-
ment Treasury. Nevertheless the project was not abandoned.

26 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

By 1858 the outlook had undergone a change. Macdonnell was
granted a charter for his North-West Transportation, Navigation
and Railway Company, to construct railways linking the navigable
waterways; Sandford Fleming, later Engineer-in-Chicf of the
Canadian Pacific Railway, expressed his belief in the feasibility
of a Pacific railway ; and the Canadian Legislature resolved :

“In view of the speedy opening up of the territories now
occupied by the Hudson’s Bay Company, and of the development
and settlement of the vast regions between Canada and the
Pacific Ocean, it is essential to the interests of the Empire at
large, that a highway extending from the Atlantic Ocean westward
should exist, which should at once place the whole British posses-
sions in America within the ready access and easy protection of
Great Britain, whilst, by the facilities for internal communication
thus afforded, the prosperity of those great dependencies would
be promoted, their strength consolidated and added to the
strength of the Empire, and their permanent union with the
Mother Country secured.’’!¢

There were a few individuals in Canada whose interest in the
future of the North-West was inspired by purely selfish motives.
Sir George Simpson believed that with many of the leaders of the
Canadian annexation movement “ the chief incentive undoubtedly
is the desire of participating in the Indian Fur Trade,” and informed
the Governor and Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company
that “ several persons who have rendered themselves conspicuous
in this movement ... have proceeded from Toronto to Red
River Settlement with a view, it is stated, of taking advantage of
the present juncture, pending the negotiations for the renewal of
the Company’s Licence of trade—to incite the inhabitants to resist
the constituted authorities, and to embark in the Indian trade in
disregard of the Company’s rights. In these objects they will
no doubt receive willing support from the American traders on
the frontier, who have a common interest in the matter with the
Canadian agitators.’”2? There were, indeed, many who held
exaggerated notions as to the profits to be derived from the fur
trade, and both John Ross and Chief Justice Draper testified before
the Select Committee that there were “certain gentlemenat Toronto
very anxious to get up a second North-West Company.”

By 1857 the acquisition of the North-West appears to have
been a generally recognized ideal in Canada. In March the

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 27

municipal Council of Lanark and Renfrew petitioned the legis-
lature that measures might be adopted to impress upon the
British Government the necessity and expediency “ of at once
assuming possession of the Hudson’s Bay Territory ... and
incorporating it with Canada.’’!® The Toronto Board of Trade,
although interested more in the commercial than in the political
aspects of Canadian expansion, urged the Legislative Council of
Canada to “take into consideration the subject of how far the
assumption of power on the part of the Hudson’s Bay Company
interferes with Canadian rights, and as to the necessity of more
particularly declaring the boundaries of Canada on the westward
and on the northward, and of extending throughout the protec-
tion of Canadian laws, and the benefits of Canadian institutions.’’?°
The Legislature voted £5,000 towards the opening of com-
munications with Red River, and parties under Hind, Gladman
and Dawson, were sent to explore the southern regions of the
Hudson’s Bay Company’s tertitories in order to report upon a
feasible route.

The principal obstacle in the way of Canadian westward

expansion was the royal charter granted to the “‘ Adventurers ”’ in
1670. The validity of this charter had been challenged upon
several occasions but the law officers of the Crown had always
upheld it and the question had never been referred to a legal
tribunal. This course was suggested to Isbister and his fellow
petitioners in 1849 but they had refused the responsibility. In
1857 the question was taken up by Canada. When asked whether
“Canada would be disposed . . . to raise the question of the
validity of the charter of the Hudson’s Bay Company, either in
whole or in part, before either the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council, or some other tribunal,’ Chief Justice Draper
replied, “‘I can best answer that question by stating that I have
express instructions and authority to retain counsel to represent
the province, whenever, in my judgment, it is necessary .
If Her Majesty’s Government were broadly to say that Canada
must appear before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council
for the purpose of determining her boundaries, I apprehend that
my instructions go the full length of enabling me to do so.’’!

Canada based her case upon early exploration. Draper was
instructed to bring forward “any claims of a legal equitable
kind which this province may possess on account of its territorial

28 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

position or its past history,’’? and was provided with an elaborate
historical statement®* prepared by the Honourable Joseph Cauchon,
Commissioner for Crown Lands. This stated that the territory
occupied by the Hudson’s Bay Company had, in 1670, belonged to
New France, and was thus specifically excluded from the grant of
Charles II by the words “‘ not already actually . . . possessed by
the Subjectes of any other Christian Prince or State.” In regard
to those regions which were at that time unknown, Cauchon
argued that Charles II could not reasonably convey any right to
property which might afterwards become his or anothers by the
right of prior discovery :

“ The right of discovery is and was so well established, and
wherever considered of any importance, has been so jealously
watched that volumes of diplomatic controversy have been
written on single cases of dispute, that the King of Great Britain
could not by his Charter annul the recognized law of nations, or
limit in any degree the right of other States to discover and possess
countries then unknown.”

The greater part of the territories claimed by the Hudson’s Bay
Company had been discovered by those intrepid French Canadians
who had travelled overland from New France into the North-
West hinterland. Therefore, Cauchon concluded, the utmost to
which the Company had a clear title was a strip of territory in the
neighbourhood of Hudson Bay ; the vast North-West, including
the Red River and Saskatchewan valleys, belonged to New
France, and hence to Canada, by right of prior discovery and
occupation.

To determine the validity of the charter of Charles II, Henry
Labouchere, the Colonial Secretary, referred the question to the
law officers, early in June 1857. They replied in July that “ the
Crown could not now with justice raise the question of the
general validity of the Charter ” which could not “ be considered
apart from the enjoyment that has been had under it during
nearly two centuries, and the recognition of the rights of the
Company in various acts, both of the Government and the
Legislature. Nothing could be more unjust, or more opposed to
the spirit of our law, than to try this Charter as a thing of yesterday,
upon principles which might be deemed applicable to it, if it had
been granted within the last ten or twenty years.”’*4 Accordingly
Labouchere informed the Canadian Government in January 1858

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 29

that while the question of the boundary between Canada and the
Company’s territories might be referred to the Privy Council
for decision, he could not challenge the general validity of the
charter “ without departing from those principles of equity by
which their conduct ought to be guided.”?5 The Colonial Office
was, however, anxious to meet any reasonable demands upon the
part of Canada. At the same time that he wrote the above to the
Governor-General, Labouchere also wrote to the Hudson’s Bay
Company urging upon them the necessity of ascertaining the
boundary between Canada and Rupert’s Land, or, preferably, of
surrendering to the Crown “ such portions of the Territory now
claimed ... under the Charter, as may be available to and
required by Canada for purposes of settlement,” and suggesting
the appointment of a board of three commissioners representing
the Imperial and the Canadian Governments and the Hudson’s
Bay Company, to consider when the proposed annexation should
take place, the amount of compensation to be awarded and other
details of the transfer.** The Company replied accepting these
proposals, but before further action could be taken, Labouchere
surrendered the seals of office.

The change of government was followed by a change in the
policy of the Colonial Office. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton,
Labouchere’s successor, was not inclined to temporize with the
Hudson’s Bay Company. He abandoned Labouchere’s idea of
negotiations by means of a commission, and informed Shepherd
and Berens, the Company’s representatives, that he intended to
take the opinion of the law officers as to the best method of
ascertaining the validity of the Company’s charter.2?7 The
Canadian Legislature also favoured this mode of procedure. In
August they forwarded to the British Government an address
praying for “a final decision on the validity of the Charter of the
Company, and the boundary of Canada on the north and west.’’6

The Company regarded this address as a direct challenge.
They reasserted their right to the privileges granted by the
contested charter and informed the Colonial Office that they
would refuse to become “a consenting party to any proceeding
which is to call in question rights so long established and recog-
nized; but ... will... be prepared to protect themselves
against any attempt that may be made on the part of the Canadian
Authoritics to deprive them, without compensation, of any

30 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

portion of the territory they have so long been in possession
of.”’

Lytton did not conceal his “ disappointment and regret”? at
this rebuff. He again stressed the necessity of an inquiry before
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and threatened to
take “ the necessary steps for closing a controversy too long open,
and securing a definite decision, which is due to the material
development of British North America, and the requirements of
an advancing civilization.”°° The Company, however, were not
to be intimidated. They expressed their willingness to surrender
any of their rights or territory, but refused to consent to an
inquiry to call those rights into question. The matter was then
referred to the law officers, who replied in December that, under
the circumstances, the only course open was for Canada to proceed
by a writ of scire facias.31 Lytton hastened to inform the Canadian
Government, who, after a delay of several months, refused to
avail themselves of this opportunity, and claimed that the respon-
sibility of litigation should be assumed by the Imperial rather than
by the Colonial Government.” Before any steps could be taken
in this respect Lytton was out of office, the net result of his
secretaryship being the development of a spirit of acrimony
between the Colonial Office and the Hudson’s Bay Company and
the expiry, without renewal, of the Company’s licence of exclusive
trade.

The Duke of Newcastle reopened negotiations in 1860 with
much vigour. He adopted the principle of negotiation expressed
in Labouchere’s letter of January 1858, reminded Berens of
the Company’s expressed willingness to surrender portions of
their territory for settlement, and forwarded him a draft of a
* Bill to Facilitate Colonization in parts of the British Territories
in North America”? for comment. This Bill called for the
surrender of Red River and the Saskatchewan within five years
and provided for compensation for loss incurred for immovable
improvements, live stock, chattels and loss of profit or monopoly
of trade—the amount of compensation to be settled by arbitration.
These proposals were a great advance on those of Lytton, the
validity of the charter and the principle of compensation, al-
though from what source is not evident, being readily admitted.
Berens replied at the end of May.*4 He acknowledged Newcastle’s
offer but suggested certain modifications, including compensation

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 31

for land held in fee simple and provision for no interference
with the Company’s rights until the date of the actual payment.
No mutually satisfactory agreement was, however, reached, and
the proposed Bill was never introduced into Parliament.

In the meantime public demand in Canada for the opening of
overland communication with the colony of British Columbia and
for the settlement of the fertile western plains was becoming
more insistent, as the knowledge of the interior was increased by
the reports of surveyors, scientists and travellers. By 1860
an irregular postal service by canoe, courier and dog-sled, had
been inaugurated between Canada and Red River. A steamer
was placed on the Great Lakes to ply between Collingwood and
Fort William and a group of Toronto men promoted the “ North-
West Transit Company’ to carry mails and passengers by
steamboat and waggon across British North America. This
project did not meet with an immediate response, but in 1861 it
received a decided fillip as a result of Edward Watkin’s visit to
Canada in connexion with the Grand Trunk and the Intercolonial
Railways. The capitalists with whom he was associated took up
the project and the Duke of Newcastle considered it “a grand
conception.”**

The Hudson’s Bay Company regarded the North-West Transit
Company without enthusiasm. Berens wrote to the Colonial
Secretary that the whole scheme was impracticable, that the land
west of Lake Superior was one of rocks and swamps, and that
the region west of Red River was “a vast desert.”” The Company
refused to risk any capital in what they characterized as ‘‘ a doubt-
ful undertaking ” but promised, if the Duke should insist upon
making the experiment, to give it all “the moral support” in
their power.** The Transit Company was in greater need of
practical assistance than of moral support and Newcastle urged
the Company to make a grant of land to help the proposed road
and telegraph. In response to this demand Berens replied,
almost in terror, “‘ What! sequester our very tap-root! Take
away the fertile lands where our buffaloes feed! Let in all kinds
of people to squat and settle, and frighten away the fur-bearing
animals they don’t hunt and kill! Impossible. Destruction—
extinction of our time-honoured industry. If these gentlemen
ate so patriotic, why don’t they buy us out?” To this outburst
the Duke quietly replied, “ What is your price ?”’? Thus pushed

D

32 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

to the wall the Governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company answered,
“ Well, about a million and a half.’’8?

Watkin appears to have made every effort to persuade the
British Government to accept Berens’ price and to purchase the
assets of the Hudson’s Bay Company. He assured Newcastle that
at the figure named there could be no risk of loss, that the fur
trade could be separated from the proprietorship of the soil, that
a new company could be formed to take over the old company’s
posts and trade, and that it could pay a rental of three and a half
per cent on £800,000, leaving only £700,000 as the price of a
territory larger than Russia. The Government was, however,
opposed to the scheme. As we have observed earlier, the trend
of political opinion was against the assumption of further colonial
responsibilities by the mother country, and Newcastle could only
reply, “ Were I minister of Russia I should buy the land. It is the
right thing to do for many, for all reasons; but ministers here
must subordinate their views to the Cabinet.”

Accordingly Watkin and his associates came to the conclusion
that, if the project was to be carried through, the Hudson’s Bay
Company would have to be bought out by private enterprise.
The Company’s offer of a mere site for the road and ground for the
telegraph was of little value, and finally, after several months
of bickering, a satisfactory agreement was reached. Throughout
the negotiations the Duke of Newcastle lent his unofficial assist-
ance to the promoters of the “ Pacific Scheme.” In March 1863,
Berens wrote privatcly to Dallas “‘ there can be no doubt that the
Duke of Newcastle is most anxious to get rid of us, and would, I
believe, do all he can to further this purpose. He is certainly
encouraging other parties to move vigorously in the promotion
of his views and no one can foretell what the result may be.’
The result was the purchase, three months later, by the Inter-
national Financial Society, of the stock of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, and its redistribution among a new body of proprietors
who were to carry on the fur trade under the original charter of
Charles II, but who would administer the affairs of the re-organ-
ized company “‘ on such principles as to allow the gradual settle-
ment of such portions of the Territory as admit of it, and facilitate
the communication across British North America by telegraph or
otherwise.’”4°

The solution of the North-West question now appeared to be

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 33

only a matter of formal negotiation. The proprietors who had
been hostile to the idea of colonization had disposed of their
interest in the Hudson’s Bay Company and the new pro-
prictors were fully alive to the necessity of surrendering the
Company’s territorial and governing privileges to promote the
settlement of the western plains. Looking forward to this happy
state of affairs the new Governor and Committee entered into a
lengthy correspondence with the Colonial Office. On August
28th, 1863, a resolution to the effect that “ the time has come when,
in the opinion of this Committee, it is expedient that the authority,
executive and judicial, over the Red River Settlement and South-
Western portion of Rupert’s Land should be vested in officers
deriving such authority directly from the Crown and exercising
it in the name of Her Majesty,” was forwarded to the Duke of
Newcastle.4!

In reply Newcastle signified his readiness to consider any
proposal made by the Company. Whereupon the Company
made what they considered “a fair and advantageous offer,”
offering to surrender all the land south of the Saskatchewan River
and east of the Rockies for a money compensation for the value
of the territory and the Company’s charter interest in all gold and
silver found therein, or, alternatively, for the ownership in fee
simple of half the lands surrendered, one-third royalty for mineral
rights, and the sole right to erect and operate a telegraph under
Government guarantee.“? The Duke was unable to consent to
these demands, but, desirous of keeping the negotiations alive,
he submitted counter proposals, offering the Company one
shilling for every acre of the surrendered lands sold by the Crown
but limited to £150,000 in all, and to fifty years in duration, one-
fourth of any revenue from gold or silver, but limited to £100,000,
and fifty years, and one square mile of adjacent land for every
lineal mile of road and telegraph constructed to British Columbia.‘
These proposals were carefully considered by the Committee of
the Hudson’s Bay Company who accepted the principle but not
the details of the offer. They demanded, instead, that either
the payments should not be limited to fifty years or should total
one million sterling, and that the land to be granted to the
Company should amount to five thousand acres for every fifty
thousand sold.4# In the meantime, however, Newcastle had
been obliged to relinquish his position at the Colonial Office by

34 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the illness which resulted in his death. Edward Cardwell, his
successor, was not disposed to accept the Company’s terms
“‘ without considerable modifications,’’45 and for several months
no further correspondence took place on this question.

The change in the directorate of the Hudson’s Bay Company
did not alter the attitude of the Canadian Government. They were
suspicious of any corporation which succeeded to the territorial
rights granted by the charter and put little faith in the Company’s
professed interest in colonization and their plan to construct a
transcontinental telegraph. Watkin’s “ heads of proposals ”’ sub-
mitted to the Canadian Government on behalf of the “ Atlantic
and Pacific Transit and Telegraph Company ” were rcjected, and
Canada revived her claim to the North-West territory by virtue of
French discovery. This meant the virtual end of the road and
telegraph project. The Hudson’s Bay Company refused to build
it without substantial assistance and a guaranteed profit of not
less than four per cent, and countered the Canadian historical
claim with the venerable charter of Charles II. In words that
might have come from Shepherd or Berens, Sir Edmund Head
informed the Colonial Office that “it is not precisely as a boon
to themselves ” that the Hudson’s Bay Company had encouraged
the surrender of their territories, that “‘ their commercial interest
would be equally served if things remained as they are,”** and
that the Company would never institute proceedings against their
charter but would defend it to the utmost.4”

In 1865 the first real progress was made towards breaking the
deadlock between Canada and the Company. The Hudson’s
Bay authorities had always expressed their willingness to sur-
render their territorial claims for equitable compensation, and
every Colonial Secretary since 1857, with the possible exception of
Lytton, had endeavoured to reach an agreement on that principle.
Accordingly, when John A. Macdonald, George Cartier, George
Brown and Alexander Galt visited England in the spring of 1865,
to confer on matters relating to Canada, Mr. Edward Cardwell
urged upon them the advisability of a modification in the
Canadian attitude. He pointed out the vital necessity of opening
the North-West to Canadian enterprise and emigration, and the
risk that recent gold discoveries on the eastern slopes of the
Rockies might attract to the country large numbers of settlers
unaccustomed to British institutions. In the end the Canadian

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 35

delegates concluded that “‘ the quickest solution of the question
would be the best,” and proposed that the whole of Rupert’s
Land should be annexed to Canada, “ subject to such rights as
the Hudson’s Bay Company might be able to establish ; and that
the compensation to that Company (if any were found to be due)
should be met by a loan guaranteed by Great Britain.”48 Cardwell
at once informed the Hudson’s Bay authorities that Canada
would undertake negotiations with them. A settlement of the
North-West question was now in sight. Canada having accepted
—although in ungracious terms—the principle of compensation,
subsequent negotiations should only have been a matter of
agreeing upon the amount.

Canada did not, however, undertake immediate negotiations
with the Hudson’s Bay Company. The task of Confederation
occupied the attention and energies of Canadian statesmen
during the next two years, and it was not until December 1867
that the legislature of the newly constituted Dominion picked up
the threads of negotiation where the provincial legislature of
Canada had dropped them.

In the meantime the position of British rule in the North-West
was growing ever more precarious. The political leaders of the
frontier states openly encouraged American expansion into
British territory, and there is strong evidence that this movement
was tolerated if not directly encouraged by Washington. One
reason suggested for the abrogation of Reciprocity was the
hope that Canada’s economic life being so bound up with that
of the United States, the colony would be forced to seek admission
into the American union.” In July 1866 a Bill, providing for
“the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
Canada East and Canada West, and for the organization of the
Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan and Columbia,”’ was intro-
duced into the House of Representatives at Washington.®?
Seward’s covetous interest in British Columbia and his purchase of
Alaska in 1867 were acclaimed and defended as a brilliant stroke of
policy shutting off the new Dominion from the Pacific. “It
was, in short,” wrote the New York Tribune of April 1st,51 ‘a
flank movement”? upon Canada; soon the world would see in
the north-west of the continent “a hostile cockney with a watch-
ful Yankee on each side of him” and John Bull would be made
to understand that his only course would be the disposal of his

36 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

North American interests to Brother Jonathan. Typical of the
American jingoism of this period was the expressed wish of
Ignatius Donnelly that American territories “abut only on the
everlasting seas,” and the fears of Mr. Shellabarger, that the
United States might become so large “ that we could only love
half at a time.’’5?

The north-western states were those directly interested in the
annexation of the Hudson’s Bay Company territory. As early as
1859, J. W. Taylor, later consul at Winnipeg, whose life-long
ambition was to bring about the peaceful annexation of British
territory to the United States, had been sent to report on the route
from Pembina, via Red River and the Saskatchewan, to the
Fraser river gold-ficlds—a question which Governor Ramsey of
Minnesota declared concerned “in a great degree the future
growth and development of our State.”53 Public opinion was
strongly in favour of the acquisition of the British North-West.
The newspapers were full of blustering patriotism concerning
“ the integrity of American territory between St. Paul and Sitka.”
The St. Paul Daily Press urged that a protest should be sent to
Washington against the proposed transfer of that region to
Canada and stated ‘‘ We trust that Mr. Seward and Congress will
not be slow in giving the London Cabinet a gentle hint that the
course talked of over there is not at all compatible with the
common understanding of good neighbourhood.”’*4 In March
1868, the Minnesota Legislature—at Taylor’s instigation®>—
followed this advice. It protested against the transfer of the
Hudson’s Bay Company Territories to Canada without a vote of
the settlers, and passed a resolution to the effect that it “ would
rejoice to be assured that the cession of North-West British
America to the United States ’’ was “ regarded by Great Britain
and Canada as satisfactory provisions of a treaty which shall
remove all grounds of controversy between the respective
countries.””**

The absence in the colony of any defensive force constituted
a potential danger. In 1861 the Royal Canadian Regiment,
then stationed at Fort Garry in the Red River Settlement, was
withdrawn in spite of the Company’s protests, just at a time
when the increased knowledge of the territory, the rumours
of the discovery of gold on the Saskatchewan and the news of
the negotiations for the transfer of the country to Canada,

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 37

would attract crowds of adventurers and settlers to a colony
which had no force save moral suasion to back its authority.
With a sufficient number of troops the Company might have
held their rights secure, but they were like a king without an
army, helpless in the face of defiant opposition. The Americans
were fully aware of this weakness and Taylor reported to the
Secretary of the Treasury that “in case of a collision with
England, Minnesota is competent to ‘ hold, occupy, and possess ’
the valley of Red River to Lake Winnipeg.’’5”

There is no doubt that the United States would have welcomed
overtures from the Hudson’s Bay Company. The presumptuous
Bill of 1866 contained the following clause :

“ Article XI. The United States will pay ten millions of dollars

to the Hudson’s Bay Company in full discharge of all claims to
territory or jurisdiction in North America, whether founded on
the charter of the Company, or any treaty, law or usage.”
In the same year a group of Anglo-American capitalists offered to
purchase the Company’s territories in order to “ colonize the
same on a system similar to that in operation in the United States
in respect to the organization of territories and states ” ;5§ while in
1869 Taylor wrote to the Company’s agent at St. Paul :

“T know that President Grant is anxious for a treaty with
England which shall transfer the country between Minnesota and
Alaska in settlement of the A/abama controversy, and as a con-
sideration for the establishment of complete reciprocal trade with
Canada. I have no doubt that a clause would be inserted in such
a treaty giving $5,000,000 to the Hudson’s Bay Company in
satisfaction of the title to one-twentieth of the land in central
British America.”5®
This “awful swallow for territory,” together with the bellicose
attitude of the United States, their ill-concealed hostility towards
Great Britain as a result of the A/abama affair, the danger of inter-
national complications arising out of the Indian troubles south of
the frontier, and the weakness of the colony from a military
standpoint, rendered the political future of the North-West
uncertain.

The federation of the four British provinces in North America
concluded in 1867, negotiations for the acquisition of the North-
West were resumed. The British North America Act had made
special provision for the admission of Rupert’s Land and the

38 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

North-Western Territories into the federal union, and on
December 4th, William McDougall, one of the foremost apostles
of national expansion, introduced into the Canadian House of
Commons a series of resolutions which formed the basis of an
Address to the Crown praying for the transfer of the Hudson’s
Bay Company territories to Canada. This address did not,
however, follow the course urged by Cardwell in 1865. Instead
it requested that the transfer should precede the settlement of the
Company’s claims which might then be submitted for adjudication
to the Canadian courts.

The Hudson’s Bay Company had ample reason to protest
against this course. In 1865 the Canadian delegates had under-
taken to negotiate with the Company and the fact of this under-
taking was recited by the Colonial Office as a reason why the
Company should not consider proposals from other sources.
Now, after the conclusion of Confederation, the Canadian
Government suggested a mode of proceeding entirely contrary
‘to the expectations raised by the acts of their delegates and the
communications which had passed between the Colonial Office
and the Company. It had always been understood that the
negotiations should precede and not follow the transfer of the
territory. If the latter course were adopted the Company could
only rely upon the honesty and considerate disinterestedness of
the Canadian Parliament and the impartiality and competence of
Canadian courts—a doubtful support in view of the long
expressed hostility to the Hudson’s Bay Company in Parliament
and press. That this was fully realized is shown by a passage in a
speech by the Honourable Mr. Holton and by John A. Macdonald
himself, who admitted that the procedure advocated in the
address would render the Company’s title practically worthless.”

The Colonial Office were unwilling to accept the Canadian
suggestion. The law officers had assured the Duke of Buck-
ingham and Chandos, the latest Colonial Secretary, that the
Crown could not, in view of the charter, transfer Rupert’s Land
to Canada without the consent of the Company, and the Duke
informed Sir Curtis Lampson, the Deputy Governor of the
Hudson’s Bay Company, that he favoured direct negotiations for
an arrangement to be confirmed by Parliament.** The Newcastle
negotiations were advanced as a possible basis for discussion, with
the difference that the whole of Rupert’s Land, rather than certain

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 39

specified areas, should be the object of surrender. On May 13th,
1868, the Governor outlined the Company’s terms.°? They
demanded one shilling per acre for every acre sold, leased or
granted by the Government, and one-fourth of any export duty
on gold or silver, the total to be fixed at £1,000,000 ; a land grant
on the basis of 5,000 acres for every 50,000 disposed of by the
Government ; 6,000 acres around each Company post except at
Red River ; Canada to take over the telegraph materials at cost
plus interest ; the Company to be exempt taxes on undeveloped
land and to be free to carry on trade.

The Duke of Buckingham could hardly accede to these de-
mands. The Colonial Office considered them unreasonable and
in a draft reply the Duke wrote :

“If... the Company adhere to the terms indicated in their
letter, Her Majesty’s Government must be understood distinctly
to decline to assent to those terms, which they conceive it would
be inexpedient for the Crown to concede in the event of retaining
the territory as a Crown Colony, and which they would not
therefore suggest for the concurrence of the Canadian Govern-
ment.,’’83
Nevertheless he went ahead with arrangements for the eventual
transfer. In July, an Act, known as the Rupert’s Land Act,
was passed by the Imperial Parliament to enable the Crown to
accept, upon terms, a surrender of the lands and privileges of the
Hudson’s Bay Company, and, within a month of this acceptance,
to transfer them to Canada.** During the next few months
private discussions took place between the representatives of the
Colonial Office and those of the Company. Buckingham
suggested several modifications, such as the reduction of the land
reserves around the posts, and land grants of five lots, of not
less than 200 acres, in each township. No definite answer was
made to these counter proposals until January 13th, 1869, when
Sir Stafford Northcote, the new Governor of the Company,
without accepting Buckingham’s suggestions, offered certain
amendments of his own.**

In the meantime the Canadian Government had intimated their
desire to have some voice in the settlement of the North-West
question, and requested that the negotiations then in progress be
suspended until the arrival of a Canadian delegation. In
October Sir George Cartier and William McDougall sailed for

40 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

England. On their arrival they were invited by the Duke to
Stowe “for the purpose of discussing freely and fully the
numerous and difficult questions involved in the transfer of these
great territories to Canada.” It was Buckingham’s object to
arrange a compromise to which both parties would consent and
he impressed upon the Canadian delegates the determination of
the British Government to treat with the Company as “ lords
proprietors,” not as a body with a defective title. Before he was
able to accomplish his aim, however, the Duke quitted office on
the fall of the Derby-Disraeli administration in December.

Lord Granville, the Duke’s successor, abandoned the policy of
direct negotiation between the Colonial Office and the Hudson’s
Bay Company. He regarded the Company’s letter of January
13th, 1869, as a definite rejection of Buckingham’s proposals
and considered the matter as closed. He insisted that further
negotiations ‘‘ for the purchase ” were a matter for “ the seller
and the buyer, the Company and the Colony.” He refused to
frame or suggest further terms of accommodation, but offered
to act “as a channel of communication between these two real
parties to the transaction, using its best endeavours to remove any
difficulties not inherent in the nature of the case.”’°* Accordingly
he forwarded Northcote’s letter of January to Cartier and
McDougall for comment. On February 8th the Canadian dele-
gates returned their answer. It displayed® a sharpness of tone
and an unwillingness to treat with the Company in a spirit of
compromise. The delegates reiterated their challenge to the
Company’s chartered rights ; declared that they had been hitherto
merely “ spectators of a negotiation begun and carried on upon
principles and under conditions to which we are strangers, rather
than that of assenting principals, responsible for its initiation and
bound by its results’; offered £106,431 as the highest amount
which could be properly demanded by the Company; and
concluded with a request that, as no money offer deemed reason-
able by Canada would be accepted by the Company, Great Britain
should authorize a transfer of the North-West to Canada without
further loss of time !

The Hudson’s Bay Company felt that the uncompromising atti-
tude taken in this letter left little hope for a satisfactory settlement,
but the Colonial Office were, nevertheless, determined to carry
matters through to a conclusion. The negotiations were con-

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 4!

tinued, Granville using his position as go-between to exert pressure
upon both parties. Interviews were held with the Canadian
delegates and with the representatives of the Company and finally,
on March goth, Granville presented his ultimatum with the
remark :

“If the proposal is really an impartial one, Lord Granville
cannot expect that it will be otherwise than unacceptable to both
of the parties concerned. But he is not without hope that both
may find, on consideration, that if it does not give them all
that they conceive to be their due, it secures to them what is
politically or commercially necessary, and places them at once in
a position of greater advantage with respect to their peculiar
objects than that which they at present occupy.’’7°

The main provisions were: the surrender by the Hudson’s Bay
Company of all its rights and privileges in Rupert’s Land; the
payment by Canada to the Company of £300,000 ; a land grant of
one-twentieth of the land within the Fertile Belt, and certain
blocks of land in the vicinity of the Company’s trading posts
totalling 50,o00 acres; the right of the Company to continue
its trade without hindrance or “exceptional ” taxation ; and the
purchase by Canada of the materials for the neglected telegraph.

The Company were in a difficult position. Events at Red
River had made it apparent that they could not much longer carry
on the civil government in the absence of a military force, and
Lord Granville had coupled his offer with a shadowy threat :

“ At present the very foundations of the Company’s title are
not undisputed. The boundaries of its territory are open to
questions of which it is impossible to ignore the importance.
Its legal rights, whatever these may be, are liable to be invaded
without law by a mass of Canadian and American settlers, whose
occupation of the country on any terms they will be little able to
resist ; while it can hardly be alleged that either the terms of the
charter, or their internal constitution, are such as qualify them
under all these disadvantages for maintaining order and perform-
ing the internal and external duties of government.”

A final effort was made to secure more favourable terms, the
Company offering to accept Granville’s proposals with certain
modifications. But Cartier and McDougall were determined to
make no concession. They replied to Northcote that they had
accepted Granville’s terms “‘ pure et simple ” and would go no

42 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

further.”* The Company had, therefore, no alternative save to
accept. In April the terms were submitted to a General Court
of the Proprietors. Northcote moved their acceptance, but a
considerable body of proprietors opposed them ‘as obviously
involving too great a sacrifice of their interests.’’?? The meeting
was a stormy one, but, after a long discussion, the motion was
carried by ashow ofhands. The minority shareholders protested
to the Committee and even to the Colonial Office that Northcote’s
motion had not been carried constitutionally, but the deal was
closed and the date for the surrender fixed.

The terms of the transfer were, perhaps, the best that the
Company could have obtained at the time, although there is
evidence to show that the Canadian delegates might have paid the
million pounds specified in Buckingham’s proposals.’4 The
cession was, in any event, inevitable, and time was on the side
of the Canadian Government. There is no doubt that the
Company always believed that a Crown Colony would be the
best solution, but with the spirit of expansion dominant in
Canada and J/aissez-aller in England, this was never seriously
considered by the Colonial Office. Nevertheless, in view of the
recognition of the validity of the Company’s charter and the
territorial jurisdiction granted by it, for two hundred years, the
extent and value of the rights surrendered, and the beneficial
tule of the Company over the Indians, the price paid was not
over-generous.

The terms agreed upon at London were ratified by the Canadian
Parliament and the date of the transfer was fixed for October
1st, 1869.75 This date was, however, altered to December 1st,
owing to a delay in making the necessary financial arrangements.
In the meantime the Canadian Government, in anticipation of the
transfer, passed “ An Act for the Temporary Government of
Rupert’s Land,”’* which provided for the administration by a
Lieutenant-Governor and Council not exceeding fifteen and not
less than seven persons, and the retention of all the laws then in
force in the territory not inconsistent with the British North
America Act or the terms of the transfer. The choice for the
position of Lieutenant-Governor fell upon the Honourable
William McDougall. It was regarded by many as a fitting
reward for his public services in bringing about the acquisition
of the North-West—although his enemies suggested that the

car a

L
and 1° s

WLOSSNNIW

ViLO3S WAON
: SA

O48) WOVNVD OL ° Kar .

ANVdWO? = AVEPS = SNOSGNH even

2
z
L
%
3%

: tLe)
sword “FSOL ; WQYNNS OL
% VISWNtoD

a
WY 5 HS1LIUG
a

NoOSOnH

OL~ 6981 —
WOIWIWVY HIYON HS1L1N9 Zz. hak iin fui eh
4O NV 1d XE ‘ 4 > : VuSW1

THE END OF COMPANY RULE 43

Government were anxious to disembarrass themselves of an
unpopular colleague.

In order to be present at Red River when the long-negotiated
transfer should finally take place, the Governor-designate,
accompanied by his prospective Provincial Secretary, his Attorney
General, his Collector of Customs and his Chief of Police, set
out, by way of the United States, for the seat of his prairie govern-
ment. Towards the end of October he arrived at the frontier
village of Pembina where he was greeted, not by the expected
address of welcome, but by

* A Monsieur McDougall.

“ Monsieur—Le Comité National des Métis de la Riviére
Rouge intime a4 Monsieur McDougall l’ordre de ne pas entrer
sur le Territoire du Nord-Ouest sans une permission spéciale de
ce Comité.

Par ordre du président.
Joun Bruce
Louis Rrgx, Secrétaire.
Daté a St. Norbert, Riviére Rouge,
ce 21€ jour d’octobre, 1869.”

CHAPTER It
HALF-BREED UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT

IN outlining the history of the transfer of Rupert’s Land to the
Dominion of Canada we have travelled ahead and must now
return to examine the events which led to the erection of the
barricade at St. Norbert in 1869. During the years between 1830
and 1870 there were two distinct and separate periods of unrest in
Red River, each marked by an agitation on the part of the half-
breed inhabitants of the colony. The one, covering the years to
1850, was economic in origin; the other, racial and political.
The first was a movement against the Hudson’s Bay Company
for commercial freedom; the second, a movement against the
Dominion of Canada for national and economic security. This
distinction is important, for, while the first movement led to the
breakdown of the Hudson’s Bay Company monopoly of the fur
trade, the second led to the insurrection, alliteratively called the
Red River Rebellion.

By 1837 the walls of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s monopoly,
buttressed though they were by a parliamentary licence of exclu-
sive trade, were beginning to crumble. The settlers were restless.
The fur-trading restrictions were resented by the free spirits of
the colony, brulé and white, and a mischievous adventurer named
Dickson, who styled himself ‘‘ Liberator of the Indian Race,”
endeavoured to take advantage of this resentment by inciting the
half-breeds and Indians to seize the trading posts and depots and
to take possession of the fur trade and the country. Dickson’s
efforts were unsuccessful, and the Company, taking time by the
forelock, secured from the British Government a renewal,
for twenty-one years, of their trade licence. Thus assured of
their legal position the Hudson’s Bay Company authorities deter-
mined to take active measures to suppress the illicit trade in
furs which had by this time developed between the Red River
Settlement and the American State of Minnesota. In 1840 the
officers of the Company at Fort Garry, armed with muskets
and bayonets, broke open a half-breed cabin and confiscated all
the furs that it contained. This punitive measure failed to deter

44

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 4;

the offenders and in 1844 Governor Christie took the drastic
step of ordering all letters sent by importers to their agents in
England via the Company’s ships, to be sent to Fort Garry open
for perusal by the officials of the Hudson’s Bay Company ;
exemption from this regulation was only to be granted to those
willing to sign a declaration that they had not engaged in the fur
trade. This regulation. was much resented by the inhabitants
of the Settlement, most of whom were not averse to making a
few pounds by quietly trading in furs when the opportunity
presented itself. Leading settlers, like James Sinclair and
Andrew McDermott, unhesitatingly avowed their intention of
carrying on their illicit trade without regard for the Company’s
chartered privileges. “Over and above the direct results of
their own operations,” wrote Sir George Simpson, ‘“‘the example
of these two persons has proved to be peculiarly pernicious,
inasmuch as their superior standing and comparative intelligence
gave considerable weight to their opinions.’

To counter this move by the settlers and “‘to the utmost
extent of our means, to avert the blow thus aimed at the very
vitals of the Company’s trade and power,’’s the Council of Rupert’s
Land endeavoured to exert financial pressure upon the traders of
the colony. A special duty of twenty per cent was placed upon
maritime importations, but, as before, the Governor of Assiniboia
was authorized to exempt from payment all those who did not
traffic in furs. The result was a storm of indignation. In
August 1845, a number of half-breeds led by James Sinclair, who,
as early as 1837, had been a leader of the free trade in furs move-
ment, presented an address to the Governor of Assiniboia,
asking for a statement of their position and that of the Com-
pany. The Governor replied, a week later, that the half-breeds
possessed no rights superior to those of other British subjects,
and that they had ample opportunity of knowing the law of the
land as laid down in the charter and in the enactments of the
Council of Rupert’s Land. This answer was hardly satisfactory
and the agitation continued.

It is interesting to note that Sir George Simpson believed that
American influence was to a large extent responsible for the
unrest prevalent in Red River over the question of the fur trade.
In a letter to the Governor-General of Canada, dated November
1845, he wrote:

E

46 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“ The half-breeds, who, from their volatile character, are ever
fascinated by novelty, seem. . . elated by the advantages they are
led to believe would be derived from a more intimate connexion
with the United States ; and when the canoe came away, a petition
was being sent round among the settlers for signature, praying
Congress to assist and protect them in the formation of a settle-
ment at Pembina, The petition appears to have been drawn up
by one McLaughlin, a British subject, who last year went to the
Settlement from St. Louis . . . and who, together with a relative
of his (named McDermott) who has for many years been settled
at Red River, and a partner of McDermott’s named Sinclair, I
have no doubt, have been employed by some of the United States
authorities, as secret emissaries among our half-breed settlers and
the neighbouring Indians, with a view of sowing the seeds of dis-
affection, as a preliminary measure to the overtures that have now
been made, in which they appear to have been very successful,
if 1am at liberty to judge from the tone of discontent towards the
Mother Country which has recently obtained among those people.
McLaughlin, I understand, has been entrusted with this petition,
which has been signed by 1,250 half-breed and Canadian settlers,
and is now on his way to Washington for the purpose of laying
it before the authorities there.’

The prompter behind the scenes of this foreign interference
appears in a subsequent letter of Simpson’s, in which he encloses
a letter from the agent of Messrs. P. Chouteau, Jr. and Company
of New York, a large American fur company, to McDermott and
McLaughlin, promising to take all the furs they could supply,
and arranging for the establishment of the American company’s
trading posts on the boundary.®

In 1847 the unrest in the Red River Settlement was brought to
the attention of the British Government by the Memorial and
Petition against the Hudson’s Bay Company, presented by A. K.
Isbister to the Colonial Secretary on February 17th.?7 There was
also a petition drawn up by a committee of French métis bearing
977 signatures. This petition, among other things, demanded that:

* Comme sujets Britanniques, nous désirons ardemment étre
gouvernés d’aprés les principes de cette constitution qui rend
heureux tous les nombreux sujets de notre auguste Souveraine.”

This was the only demand on the part of the settlers for a
system of representative or responsible government. Neither
the Memorial nor the instructions to the delegates in England

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 47

made any mention of a desire for representative institutions ;
nor was it likely that the French half-breeds who signed the
petition had the slightest conception of the political implica-
tions of their demand. The real issue was not one of self
government, but of freedom of trade in furs. Isbister’s mission
was not a success. His refusal to contest the validity of the
chatter, coupled with the favourable reports of Colonel Crofton
and Lord Elgin on the government of the Hudson’s Bay Com-
pany, persuaded the British Government to drop the matter.
But the handwriting was on the wall and the destruction of the
monopoly was close at hand.

The whole question was brought to a head in 1849, when
Guillaume Sayer and three others were arrested and imprisoned
for trafficking in furs. Although convicted by a jury of his own
selection, Sayer was merely dismissed with an admonition, in view
of the hostile manifestations of the métis, three hundred of whom,
led by the fiery “ miller of the Seine,” Louis Riel pére, and armed
with rifles and buffalo guns, surrounded the Court House. The
métis hailed the decision as a virtual victory for their cause
and greeted the break up of the court with a few de joie and shouts
of “ Le commerce est libre, le commerce est libre, vive la liberté.’”®
The Council of Assiniboia discussed the half-breed demands a
few days later, but the control of events had been taken from their
hands, and henceforth the fur trade was carried on openly, and
in increasing amount by private parties.

The release of Sayer marked the end of the first period of
unrest and the Red River Settlement quickly settled down to its
early state of Arcadian simplicity. For the next ten years there
was little or no discontent manifest in the colony. The “ smooth-
ing ” influence of Sir George Simpson, and the tacit concession
of free trade in furs resulted in a period of amity and tranquillity.
The half-breeds gradually acquired an increasing voice in the
government by the admission of leading half-breeds to the Council
of Assiniboia. In spite of the complete absence of any military
force to enforce the law, crimes were “ perhaps, less frequent in
proportion than in any other community, while the more atrocious
offences are altogether unknown ; and as to the general condition
of the people, there is not . .. any country where industry is more
independent of the accidents of fortune or where idleness is less
likely to lead to want or to prompt to dishonesty.’ According

48 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

to R. G. MacBeth, the settlers, half-breed and white, lived in
harmony together “contented and happy under the régime of
the Hudson’s Bay Company, especially as that company did not
latterly insist on monopoly in trade.’2° Riel told the Council of
Assiniboia in October 1869 “that his party were perfectly
satisfied with the present Government, and wanted no other.”™
But this happy state of affairs was not to last. In less than two
decades the ‘ invidious bar ’’ of isolation was broken down, and
the simple, peaceful, contented community of Red River was
thrown into political and racial strife.

The second period of unrest in the Red River valley began
with the westward advance of Canadian expansion. Following
the awakening in Canada of an interest in the political future of
the Hudson’s Bay Company territory, adventurers and settlers
began to follow the historic advice of Horace Greeley “ go west,
young man.” With them they carried their national prejudices,
their ideas of political liberty, and their printing press, and like
their American prototype in Texas, they soon began to agitate
and to advocate annexation to the land from which they had come.
Although this “ Canadian Party,” as they were known in the
Settlement, were few in number, they made up in vigour and
vocality what they lacked in numerical strength. Of all the anti-
Hudson’s Bay Company and pro-Canadian element, the most
prominent was Dr. John Christian Schultz, a young physician
from Kingston, whose interests turned more to politics than to
the practice of his profession. He it was who led the small
band of storm troops who, from 1860, constantly assailed the
crumbling political breastworks of the great corporation.

The native population viewed this development with growing
concern. Much of what has been attributed, on the one hand,
to the unsatisfactory government of the Hudson’s Bay Company,
and on the other to a traditional Franco-English hostility brought
to Red River from the banks of the St. Lawrence, was, in reality,
a social and economic antagonism to the advancing army of
white immigrants and settlers. There was in the half-breed
mentality an inherent opposition to any political or economic
change in Rupert’s Land. The half-breeds had been the first
inhabitants of the country, and, unreasonable as the claim may
appear in view of their small numbers, they felt that the country
was theirs. This feeling of ownership and nationality had been

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 49

fostered by the North-West Company and had manifested itself
against the Selkirk colony in 1816. This same feeling of owner-
ship and nationality was the underlying cause of the half-breed
opposition to Canadian expansion in Red River. It must
be remembered that at no time had there ever existed any patti-
cular attachment on the part of the inhabitants of the Red River
Settlement for Canada. Their racial origin was different from
that of the Canadians, their historical life was distinct from
that of Canada, and all intercourse, social or economic, between
the two peoples had been prevented by natural obstacles. It was
only natural, thereforc, that the half-breeds should view with
alarm the expansion of what was to them almost a foreign country
—particularly when this expansion meant the disorganization
of their economic existence. With the advent of the Canadians
in Red River the day of the buffalo hunter and the small freighter
was at anend. A primitive people, the half-breeds were bound
to give way before the march of a more progressive people. It
was the recognition of this fact and the gradual realization of their
inability to adjust themselves to the new order that kindled the
spark of half-breed resentment which unfortunate circumstances
fanned into the flame of insurrection. Louis Riel stated the basic
cause of the Red River Rebellion when he told the Council of
Assiniboia in 1869 that the half-breeds “‘ were uneducated, and
only half civilized, and felt, if a large immigration were to take
place, they would probably be crowded out of a country which they
claimed as their own.’’!? Their fears were justified. In spite of
their victory in the rising of 1869-70, the half-breeds were soon
forced back by the advancing frontier of civilization into the
valley of the Saskatchewan, where, fifteen years later, they made
their last stand.

Under these circumstances it 1s not surprising that the agitation
of the Canadian party made little headway among the half-breed
settlers. There developed, instead, a feeling of distrust regarding
the motives of the agitators. In 1863 and 1866 efforts were
made by the Canadians to secure popular approval to petitions
favouring annexation to Canada, but they met with little success.
On the first occasion a memorial, praying for the establishment
of means of communication between Canada and British Columbia
via Red River and the Saskatchewan, was drawn up and sent to
Sandford Fleming, a civil engineer in Canada, who, although he

50 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

had never visited the colony, had been for some time the warm
advocate of the construction of a railway across British North
America. This petition was forwarded by Fleming to the
Canadian Government and later to the Colonial Office, but no
action was taken cither at Ottawa or London. It is interesting
to note that, according to the Governor of Rupert’s Land, the
otigin of Fleming’s petition lay, notin the grievances of the settlers,
but in the desire of that gentleman to win public notice. “In
the course of last winter (1862-63),”’ wrote Dallas to the London
Committee, “‘ we were rather surprised to observe in the columns
of our only paper, the Nor Wester, an announcement that at
large and influential public meetings Mr. Sandford Fleming had
been appointed Delegate to represent the wishes and opinions of
the people of the Red River Settlement in Canada and England.
As no such meetings had been held, we were rather at a loss to
make out the precise object of the Editor of the paper, and by a
curious coincidence (the paper having now changed hands) I
have ascertained that the whole affair originated in a douceur of
one hundred dollars paid by Mr. Fleming to the Editor to secure his
appointment as Delegate, Mr. Fleming’s object being I believe
solely to bring himself into notice. If opportunity offers it
may be well to make the Duke of Newcastle aware of the imposi-
tion which has been practised upon him. Mr. Fleming virtually
appointed himself to represent a country and a people whom he
had never seen. Many of the statements of his memorial are
incorrect, and the views and opinions set forth, open to much
question and of no value whatever.’!3 In 1866 a meeting was
called by Thomas Spence, a Canadian newly arrived in the
Settlement, at which a series of resolutions were drawn up amidst
uproarious expression of enthusiasm by five people !!4 while a
petition, drawn up by Dr. Schultz, demanding an entire change
of government, not only “ met with no support” but “in con-
sequenice of its appearance a counter petition to the Governor and
Committee has been got up.’ This lack of support was probably
due, as the Governor of Assiniboia wrote, to the fact that ‘ there
is a pretty general suspicion among the people that their foreign
Friends are simply following the course that they think will best
serve their own interests.””**

In spite of the fact that the native population held aloof from
the Canadian party, the Government of the colony was, how-

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 51

ever, quite incapable of coping either with the agitation or with
the agitators. The Company lacked an adequate force to back
its administration of the law and depended greatly upon the
peaceful, law-abiding and contented nature of the Settlement for
a strict observance of law and order. After 1860 the Company
experienced increasing difficulty in enforcing respect for its
authority, largely because of the aggressive attitude of the immi-
grants from Canada. In 1863 its authority was openly flouted
when the Rev. James Corbett, who had been imprisoned for a
serious offence, was released from the little prison outside the
walls of Fort Garry, by a small but determined band of men. ‘The
leader himself was imprisoned for this breach of the law, but was
forcibly released by his friends.’? A few ycars later there was a
recurrence of jail-breaking. This time Dr. Schultz was the central
figure. Imprisoned for assault in resisting a seizure for debt,
he was freed by a band of fifteen or cighteen men led by his fearless
wife, who overpowered the constables on duty and broke open
the prison door.’ As a result of this episode the Council of
Assiniboia proposed to enlist the services of one hundred special
constables, but the proposal was, for some reason or another,
never carricd into effect.

The principal weapon of the Canadian Party was the press. In
December 1859 the Nor’ Wester was founded at Winnipeg by two
Canadian journalists, William Coldwell and William Buckingham.
The avowed purpose of the paper was to attack the Company
tule and to further the cause of Canadian annexation. At first
the tone of the paper was relatively mild, but from 1865, when it
became the sole property of Dr. Schultz, it became more fiery and
abusive. Its articles were reprinted in the Canadian press and the
impression was conveyed to the people of Canada that the North-
West was groaning under the yoke of an obnoxious tyranny and
pleading to the outside world for assistance. The refusal of the
Council of Assiniboia to appoint Dr. Schultz to that body as
representative of the Canadians in Red River was the object of a
special outburst. The colony was represented as standing alone
on the face of the British globe in being denied the rights of
representative government, and vague threats were made that
some of the people were ‘‘ openly discussing the propriety of
taking the Government from its present hands into that of their
own,73°

52 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

To the native inhabitants the political agitation of the Nor’
Wester was decidedly disturbing. The first copy contained the
significant remark that “such a colony cannot now remain
unpeopled ” and in 1860 the paper began to predict ominous
changes : ‘‘ The wise and prudent will be prepared to receive and
to benefit by them ; whilst the indolent and the careless, like the
native tribes of the country, will fall back before the march of a
superior intelligence.”° This was exactly what the French half-
breeds feared, and during the ten years prior to the Red River
Insurrection these fears were sufficiently justified to produce a
deep unrest. Many of the white people living in the Settlement
also resented the lawlessness of the Canadian Party and the mis-
representations and threats which marked the columns of their
paper. A. G. B. Bannatyne, one of the most substantial of the
English-speaking settlers, wrote a friend :

* Old Red River is going to the devil faster than ever, and God

only knows what is to become of us if the English Government or
some other friendly soul does not take us by the hand. Between
James Ross and Corbitt they have managed to make the place
too hot to live in.”
Finally, after the Schultz jail-breaking of 1868, there was an
outburst of feeling against the Canadians and the Nor’ Wester.
A petition was drawn up and signed by some eight hundred people
protesting against the unlawful liberation of Dr. Schultz and
misstatements concerning it in the little newspaper.??

Had the Nor’ Wester been less violent and more truthful it
might have exercised a salutary influence on public affairs in Red
River, but instead it only served to discredit the Canadian
Party and the country they claimed to represent. Writing after
the outbreak of insurrection, J. J. Hargrave, secretary to the
Governor of Assiniboia, said:

“The way was prepared for these disorders by a party in the
colony, the representative of which was the Nor’Wester news-
paper. It was simply a disreputable clique which has in many
ways for a long time past excited sedition against existing
authority under pretence of loyalty to Canada.’”?8
Whether or not we accept this—not wholly unbiased—descrip-
tion of the Canadian Party, the fact remains clear that their con-
tinued war upon the Hudson’s Bay Company government in
Red River contributed in no small measure to the unrest which

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 33

finally broke out in insurrection. Illustrative of the unsettled
feeling in the colony is the following quotation from a contem-
porary source :

“Dans Ia colonie elle-méme il régne une certaine agitation et
inquiétude au sujet de son avenir. Les uns, en trés petit nombre,
qui espérent gagner par un changement quelconque, le demand-
ent 4 grands cris ; d’autres considérant plus les systémes que leur
application voudraient pouvoir tenter un changement, ne se
doutant pas qu’on ne revient plus 4 l’état primitif d’du ils veulent
s’écarter ; le plus grand nombre, la majorité redoute ce change-
ment.’?*4

To add to the troubles of Red River, the whole country was
visited in the autumn of 1867 by a horde of locusts. These
deposited their eggs and in the spring the young insects devoured
everything that was green in the Settlement. The colony was at
once faced with starvation. Taché wrote to the Nor’ Wester that
“within the whole colony not one bushel will be harvested... .
Moreover the buffalo hunters instead of furnishing their large
share of provisions . . . arrived starving from their usual hunting
grounds.’’*5 The distress was appalling. The Rev. George
Young wrote to a friend, “I heard of one family last week who
had killed and eaten their house cat, and others in the distance
have eaten their horses.” The Council of Assiniboia immediately
voted £1,600 for provisions and seed wheat. Lord Kimberley’s
letter to The Times?’ brought a generous response, while the
Hudson’s Bay Company, the Dominion of Canada and the
United States all contributed generously.

At this crucial moment there arrived in the colony a party of
Canadian Government employees under J. A. Snow, for the
purpose of building a road from the Lake of the Woods to the
Red River Settlement. This action on the part of Canada, was
somewhat premature in view of the fact that negotiations with
the Hudson’s Bay Company had not yet been concluded. The
Company authorities in London protested against this trespass,
but offered to grant permission for the work to proceed.2® The
Canadian delegates in England replied that the Canadian Govern-
ment intended it as a relief work, thus providing the indigent
settlers with employment and provisions.2® The Canadian
Government were committing no injustice in demanding work in
return for supplies and Snow’s party was at first welcomed in the

$4 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

colony. Unfortunately, however, subsequent events made it
appear as if Canada had merely taken advantage of the distress in
Red River to gain a foothold in the country. Moreover, Snow
and his party were guilty of sharp practice in the matter of
provisions. The men were engaged at the rate of £3 a month in
provisions, but were charged a higher rate than that prevailing
in the Settlement. The men were charged £3 12s. od. for a
barrel of flour that could be purchased elsewhere in the colony
for £3.3° This naturally aroused resentment, which was increased
by paying the wages in orders on Schultz’s store, a procedure
particularly offensive to the French half-breeds.

This association of the Canadian Government employces with
John Schultz and his unpopular companions was a serious blunder.
On many occasions hostilities between the half-breeds and
Schultz’s clique had been prevented only through the personal
influence of Governor Mactavish and Bishop Taché. The
English-speaking community too, according to Hargrave,
“fully understood the character of these people; but the
Canadians, belonging to the surveying and road-making partics
lately arrived, lived among them, and to the scandal of the well-
disposed, appeared to support them in their disorders. The
result has been that Canadians have made no progress in gaining
the goodwill of the people.’”’8! Mactavish considered this one of
the principal causes of the troubles which followed :

“ The chief cause of hostility on the part of the half-breeds
appears to be that they thought every Canadian official as he
arrived was too intimate with Doctor Schultz and his party, and
they suspected were acting under the Doctor’s influence, which
they suppose would not be in their favour.”’3?

With Snow came Charles Mair, who succeeded in making
himself and other Canadians extremely unpopular in Red River.
Mair wrote to his friends in Ontario a series of letters which
contained, in rather ungracious terms, his opinions of the people
of the North-West. These letters were, unfortunately, published
in the Toronto G/obe®* and other newspapers in castern Canada,
and in the colony they aroused considerable resentment. ‘‘ The
indignation against Mr. Mair is going on furiously,”’ wrote a
friend to Hargrave.** The female part of the population, about
whom Mair had made many uncomplimentary remarks, was
particularly angry. One pulled his nose, another his cars, while

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 55

a third, the wife of a leading citizen of the Settlement, drove him
from the Post Office with a horse whip !85 The indignation was
so great that Mair was ordered to leave the Settlement and was
only allowed to return upon the personal intervention of Governor
Mactavish and on apologizing to the people concerned.**

To this growing resentment against the Canadians upon the
part of the half-breeds was added the fear, dormant since the
tumultuous days of Cuthbert Grant, Bostonnais Pangman and
the North-West Company, that the whites had come “ pour
piller notre pays.” The majority of the population, it will be
remembered, were only squatters who had cultivated for years
lands to which they held no title. Moreover, lands had passed
from hand to hand and little account had ever been kept of the
transactions. Governor Mactavish had forescen trouble in this
regard. As carly as 1860 he wrote, “‘ The land business here is
anything but in a satisfactory state.”*’ The news of the
negotiations with Canada aroused feelings of apprehension as
regards the land question, feelings which were aggravated by the
thoughtless threats of the Canadian Party as to what would
happen to the country when it belonged to Canada. The fears
of the half-breeds seemed justified when it was learned that certain
of the Canadian Government employees had been purchasing
from the Indians—who had no right to sell—land in the neigh-
bourhood of the métis settlement at Oak Point. Snow himself
was fined {10 in the Petty Court for supplying liquor to the
Indians in connexion with these questionable land deals.®
Moreover, the rumour was spread about that these lands were
actually those belonging to the métis. Colonel Dennis swore on
oath, in 1874, that Dr. Schultz had told him that he and Snow had
staked off and bought from the Indians lands near Oak Point to
which the French half-breeds had laid claim, and asked Dennis
if he thought that the Canadian Government would recognize
his right to them.?® But, whether these lands were métis
lands or not, the effect of the news was electric, and the men in
charge of the road operations at that point were compelled by the
incensed inhabitants to quit the neighbourhood forthwith.

The temper of the native population, now thoroughly aroused,
was scarcely improved by the tactless decision upon the part of
the Minister of Public Works to begin at once the survey of the
territory which was to be transferred to Canada in accordance

56 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

with the agreement with the Hudson’s Bay Company. In July
1869, Colonel Stoughton Dennis was sent to superintend the new
surveys at Oak Point and Red River. Although the London
Office of the Company granted permission for this undertaking
to proceed, the local Governor, William Mactavish, considered
the move ill-advised. ‘It is unfortunate,’’ he wrote, “ that any
survey should be commenced till the Canadian Government was
in authority here, as the whole land question is fruitful of future
trouble which it will take much time and great labour to settle.
T expect that as soon as the survey commences the half-breeds and
Indians will at once come forward and assert their right to the
land and possibly stop the work till their claim is satisfied.”’4°
The most serious blunder, however, was the system of survey
adopted by the Department of Public Works. It was suggested
to Dennis that the American system, with certain modifications,
was best suited to the country. This system divided the country
into square townships of sixty-four sections of eight hundred
acres cach, and cut across the long ribbon-like farms which
bordered on the river. The result would have been chaotic ;
not a half-breed farm would have fitted into the proposed system.
Dennis soon learned that these surveys were not regarded with
any degree of goodwill by the inhabitants. He accordingly
wrote to the Minister, the Honourable William McDougall, that
great skill would be required in reconciling the proposed system
with the prevailing irregularity and confusion; and “that a
considerable degree of irritation exists among the native popula-
tion in view of surveys and settlements being made,” particularly
among the French half-breeds, who “have gone so far as to
threaten violence should the surveys be attempted to be made.’
A few days later Dennis wrote again to McDougall that he
hesitated to proceed with the surveys in view of “the present
temper of the half-breeds ”’ and stated, “I have again to remark
the uneasy feeling which exists in the half-breeds and Indian
element with regard to what they conceive to be premature
action taken by the Government in proceeding to effect a survey
without having first extinguished the Indian title.”4* Dennis’
warnings were, however, dismissed with the curt order to
** proceed with the surveys on the plan proposed.” The result
was, a few days later, that Mr. Webb, who had charge of the
surveys in the neighbourhood of the French half-breed settlement

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 57

of St. Vital, on the Red River, was ordered to desist by a party of
métis who claimed the region “‘as the property of the French
half-breeds, and which they would not allow to be surveyed by
the Canadian Government.’44 The surveyors were withdrawn
from that district, but the temper and irritation of the people
was such that Dennis did not consider it advisable to take any
measures against the offenders.

Under these circumstances it was regrettable that the Dominion
Government completely ignored the people of Assiniboia in the
negotiations with the Hudson’s Bay Company. Many of the
difficulties consequent upon the transfer might have been obviated
by consulting the wishes of the inhabitants and guaranteeing
legislative security for their national preservation. As early as
1857 the Canadian explorer, Hind, had penned the warning that
“ There is a strong and growing feeling among the few who have
turned their attention to such matters, that in the event of an
organic change occurring in the Government of the country, the
‘native’ or half-breed population should not be neglected, or
thrust on one side.”45 Moreover, the expericnce of Nova
Scotia was fresh in the memory of the Government. But at the
very time when the Federal Government were legislating away two
million dollars as a douceur to reconcile that refractory province
to Confederation, they were legislating to annex the North-West
without consulting the inhabitants in any way. Even the
authorities at Red River were kept in complete ignorance of the
proposed arrangements. As late as November 1869, Governor
Mactavish declared that he was still without any official instruc-
tion, either from Canada or from England, of the fact, conditions
or date of the proposed transfer. It is not surprising, therefore,
that the half-breeds, feeling that they had been sold “like dumb
driven cattle,” determined to dictate their own terms to the
Dominion of Canada. Writing after the stopping of the sur-
veyors the Governor of Assiniboia placed his finger on the direct
cause of the outbreak :

“The men who have thus interfered say they know the survey
could proceed without injury to anyone, but that stopping it is
always a beginning ; and they are desirous to let the Canadian
Government know that it is not wanted by them; that they
consider, if the Canadians wished to come here, the terms on which
they were to enter should have been arranged with the local

58 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

government here, as it is acknowledged by the people in the
country.’’46

To secure their own terms and thus erect a barrier around their
racial and religious privileges became the motive force behind
the half-breed rising in 1869.

Foreign influences were also at work upon the native popu-
lation of Red River. With the opening of the western states of
America and the linking of the economic interests of the colony
of Assiniboia with those of the State of Minnesota, a small, but
aggressive, American element grew up in the Settlement. ‘“ Some
of those gentlemen,”’ says Garrioch, “ took a lively interest in the
Transfer, and were outspoken enough to try and persuade the
people that Garry, as they called it, was the lawful and natural
prey of the American eagle.”*7 The New York Times stated
after the outbreak of the insurrection that “ A mistake will be
committed if, in considering the causes and scope of the insurrec-
tion, some allowance be not made for the variety and strength of
the American influences which have long been in operation in the
Red River region,” and hinted that the insurgents might be able
to “ draw aid and comfort of a very practical kind from the bold
adventurous element which forms so large a proportion of our
frontier population.”’4* Bryce, in his Remarkable History of the
Hadson’s Bay Company, wrote that he had it “‘ on the information
of a man high in the service of Canada ” that “ there was a large
sum of money, of which an amount was named as high as one
million dollars, which was available in St. Paul for the purpose of
securing a hold by the Americans on the fertile plains of Rupert’s
Land’; while Bishop Taché wrote to the Governor-General
during the course of the troubles that “‘ des sommes 4 un montant
de plus de quatre millions de dollars, des hommes et des armes ”’
had been offered by interested American parties to the half-breed
leaders.6° Corroborative evidence of this offer was given by
the Archbishop of St. Paul. Speaking before the Catholic Club
of Winnipeg in 1908 he said, “‘ Ce que je vous dis la n’est pas une
légende ni une rumeur vague. .. . J’étais alors en relation directe
avec quelques uns des hommes qui firent cette offre, et c’est
d’eux que je tiens le fait.’

More important, however, than the actions of adventurers
of the stamp of Enos Stuttsman, J. Rolette and Major H. N.
Robinson, was the active interest displayed by the American

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 59

Government in the events at Red River. We have already ob-
served the expansionist sympathies of Seward and Ramsey and
the provocative resolutions of 1866 and 1868, and there can be
little doubt that a certain amount of underhand work for American
annexation was countenanced if not directly encouraged by official
circles at Washington and St. Paul during the half-breed rising
of 1869-70. From 1867, J. W. Taylor, who had inspired the
resolutions, acted as special agent for the United States at Red
River, and worked actively in the cause of voluntary union. In
June 1869 Taylor learned of the terms of the transfer and the
details of the proposed government for the colony, and, feeling
certain that they would prove unsatisfactory to the inhabitants,
he requested the Governor of Minnesota to obtain for him a com-
mission from the State Department, in which his services might
be used in connexion with the impending trouble. The State
Department were watching development in the Hudson’s Bay
Company territorics with keen interest. As early as September
11th they had been informed by the American consul at Winnipeg
that “the mass of settlers are strongly inclined . . . to get up a
riot to expel the new Governor on his arrival here about October
15th,” and that “in case of insurrection . . . if the settlers...
should raise from among themselves a small regularly armed force
of say 1,000 troops, it would form a nucleus around which volun-
teers from the North Western States might collect.’ In
November the consul again reported, “ Should this revolution
be successful it may, I think, be safely predicted that in less than
two years’ time all the British colonies on this continent will
apply for admission into the Union.”’®? As a result of this
encouraging information the State Department appointed Taylor,
United States Secret Agent, with instructions to investigate and
report upon the following subjects :

“1, Full details of the revolt by the inhabitants of Selkirk
Settlement against the Canadian Confederation and the expulsion
of Honorable William McDougall on his way to assume the
office of Governor.

“2, The geographical features and commercial affinities of the
Selkirk, Saskatchewan and Columbia districts.

“3, The character and disposition of the population.

“4. Existing routes of communication from Canada and the
United States and what changes or improvements in this respect
are proposed.

Go THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

‘5. The political relations of the several British possessions
between Minnesota and Alaska.

“6, The general question of commercial and political relations
between the United States and Canada.

“7, The political relations between the Dominion of Canada
and the several states and provinces composing it.’’54

The United States were thus kept fully informed as to the march of
events. On December 8th the American Senate passed a resolu-
tion requesting the president to communicate to them information
“ relating to the presence of the Honorable William McDougall at
Pembina in Dakota Territory, and the opposition by the inhabit-
ants of Selkirk Settlement to his assumption of the office of
Governor of the North-West Territory.”5> These papers were
not brought down until several years after the insurrection, but
the resolution and the actions of the American authorities at this
time were significant of the attitude of mind at Washington.
The French half-breeds could never have carried out their
successful resistance had they not had the advice and tacit support
of their clergy. The part played by the Roman Catholic clergy in
the Red River Rebellion has often been misunderstood and some-
times misrepresented. Dr. George Bryce, with an obvious bias,
speaks of them as “ecclesiastics from old France,” with “no
love for Canada, no love for any country, no love for society, no
love for peace! ’°* To understand the rdle that they played in
the rising, we have only to turn to the history of Canada. From
the fall of Quebec to the present day, the French Canadian, with
the assistance of his curé, has clung strenuously to his laws,
his language, his religion and his institutions. Cut off from
France, the French Canadians have, nevertheless, maintained
inviolate their separate identity ; wherever we may go in Canada
we find communities of French Canadians maintaining the
nationality of their fathers, true to the watchword of old Quebec,
** Je me Souviens.”” Anyone who is acquainted with the French
Canadian in Western Canada is struck by the tenacity with which
he holds to his language and his nationality in the face of over-
whelming odds and difficulties. One of the greatest forces
which has assisted this tenacious survival has been the influence
exercised by the Roman Catholic Church. From the time of the
Conquest it has been the curé who has held the citadel of French
Canadian nationalism against the assaults of the Anglo-Saxon.

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 61

The Church realized that the French Canadian who lost his
language might also lose his faith. It was the strong organization
of the Catholic parish which saved the French Canadian as such
after 1670, and which maintains him to this day in the midst of the
English-speaking provinces of Canada.

This same influence was exercised by the Church in Red River.
The Roman Catholic clergy saw that unless some definite guar-
antee was secured from the Canadian Government, unless some
breakwater could be raised against the tide of Protestant English
immigration, the French Catholic métis would suffer the same
fate as the French Catholic Louisianian. Bishop Taché had
returned from Canada in 1857 full of apprehension for the future
of his race and his religion in the North-West, and expressed his
fear in a letter to Sir George Cartier :

** J’ai toujours redouté l’entrée du Nord-Ouest dans la Con-
fédération parceque j’ai toujours cru que I’élément frangais
catholique serait sacrifié . . . Le nouveau systéme me semble de
nature 4 amener la ruine de ce qui nous a cofté si cher.’’5?
Accordingly, certain members of the French Canadian Catholic
clergy, particularly the Abbé Ritchot, identifying the cause of the
métis with that of the French Canadian, threw the weight of their
influence on the side of the half-breeds rather than upon that of
Canada. Thus the Red River Rebellion, which was fundamentally
the revolt of a semi-primitive society against the imposition of a
more progressive, alien culture, assumed a religious and racial aspect
which was to have unfortunate repercussions in Eastern Canada.

The situation in Red River in the autumn of 1869 was critical.
Constituted authority had been weakened by the actions of
the turbulent element, and the continued attacks of the Nor’
Wester; while the half-breeds, who otherwise would have been
its strongest adherents, unaware of the Company’s helplessness
in the matter, felt that in selling Rupert’s Land to Canada
the Company had abandoned them, and thus forfeited its
claim to their allegiance. The métis, forming the largest and
most homogeneous section of the population were strongly
suspicious by nature of a change, exasperated by the actions of an
aggressive Canadian minority, and left in complete uncertainty
as to the future of their nationality and their livelihood. This
feeling was naturally strongest among the French half-breeds.
Their social and economic interests were more affected by

F

62 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Canadian expansion than those of their English-speaking kindred.
Not only were the latter English speaking and Protestant, but
they were, as we have observed in Chapter One, for the most part
agriculturists, not hunters, and, therefore, less likely to suffer
from the economic dislocation which was bound to follow any
rapid influx of white settlers. Nevertheless, the Scotch and
English half-breeds expressed anxiety regarding their rights, and
Thomas Bunn, a prominent English half-breed member of the
Council of Assiniboia, declared that, had the surveys taken place
among the English half-breeds instead of among the French,
they would have acted as the French had done.

The attitude of the white inhabitants of Red River—with the
exception of the aggressive Canadians and the interested
Americans—was one of complete indifference to the proposed
transfer. The Hudson’s Bay Company employees, like the meétis,
were hardly enthusiastic for the change. The sale of the Company
in 1863 had aroused considerable feeling among the “ wintering
partners ” who felt that they were entitled to receive some share
of the purchase money. There is little doubt that the transaction
of 1869 was viewed in the same light. ‘‘ The younger men in the
service never disguised their indignation and disgust,” and Dr.
Cowan, the Chief Factor at Fort Garry, complained bitterly to
Mair that the Company in England had ignored their interests.
If anything, these men preferred a crown colony to political
connexion with Canada. The Selkirk settlers and their descend-
ants were also little inclined to look with favour upon the transfer
of Red River to the Canadian Confederation® and were, as a
result, branded as ‘“‘ cowards, one and all of them.”** Although
they “‘ never entertained a doubt that in due time everything that
would be advantageous for the country would be granted by
Canada,’’®? the English-speaking population felt that they had
been treated discourteously by the Canadian Government, and
informed Dennis that “‘ when you present to us the issue of a
conflict with the French party, with whom we have hitherto
lived in friendship, . .. we feel disinclined to enter upon it, and
think that the Dominion should assume the responsibility of
establishing amongst us what it, and it alone, has decided upon.”
It was largely owing to this passive sympathy on the part of the
English-speaking population, and to the active co-operation of
certain of the Scotch and English half-breeds, that the French

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 63

métis, “ united and effective . . . obedient to daring leaders of
their own race. . . proved capable of dominating for ten months
a community in which, in moral and social influence, they were
perhaps the least considerable element.”®

Joseph Pope, in his biography of Sir John Macdonald says :

“it does not appear that the Hudson’s Bay Company took any
steps to prepare the settlers for the change of government. Nor
did they give any hint to the Dominion authorities of the state
of feeling afterwards known to have prevailed at the time, among
the half-breeds of the Red River.’
It was true that the Company did not officially warn Canada of
the impending politicalstorm; nevertheless, the Dominion authori-
ties were scarcely ignorant of the unsettled state of affairs in the
Red River colony. In 1868, Machray, the Anglican Bishop of
Rupert’s Land, in interviews with leading Canadian statesmen,
told them of the state of the colony and offered his services in
arranging a harmonious settlement. Although they listened to
him with courtesy, the Government took advantage neither of
his information, nor of his offer. Later Machray wrote to
Buckingham and Chandos that there was “imminent risk any
day of some outbreak leading to the utter prostration of law and
order,””®* and urged that some military force should be sent, and
liberal provisions should be made for the securing to the settlers
of titles to the lands which they had acquired from the Hudson’s
Bay Company or by squatters’ rights. But this letter, like so
many others, was merely acknowledged, pigeon-holed, and in all
probability forgotten. Another warning was given by Mactavish,
the Governor of Assiniboia. Thinking that the prospective
rulers of Rupert’s Land might wish to consult him, he visited
Ottawa on his return from London in 1869. Mactavish’s account
of his reception indicates the complacency of the Canadian
politicians. He was “left waiting for an interview for some
days ” and when it was obtained his “ advice was not asked for
as to the mode in which the government should be assumed or
carried on.” The Governor was usually “ cautious and dip-
lomatic,” but on this occasion he plainly intimated “ that they
would not find it child's play to rule the North-West. It had
been in the past no easy place to govern, and under new rulers
he thought the difficulties would increase.”*’ Speaking to
Bishop Taché, Mactavish described his rebuff :

64 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“*T have just returned from Ottawa, and although I have been
for forty years in the country, and Governor for fifteen years, I
have not been able to cause any of my recommendations to be
accepted by the Government. Those gentlemen are of opinion
that they know a great deal more about this country than we do.”’®8

Still a third and more important warning was given to the
Canadian authorities by Bishop Taché. On his way to the
Oecumenical Council at Rome, Taché warned Sir George Cartier
that there was considerable unrest in the North-West over the
proposed transfer. Cartier, however, replied that “ he knew it all
a great deal better than I did, and did not want any information.’’6°
In spite of this snub, Taché repeated his warning, but no notice
was apparently taken of it, save to despatch a few rifles and rounds
of ammunition to the North-West with Lieutenant-Governor
McDougall |

There seems to be very little excuse, in the light of these
repeated warnings, for the conduct of the Canadian Government.
Had some effort been made to use these men who had great
influence in the colony to reassure the inhabitants as to the policy
that Canada intended to follow, and to guarantee the tenure of
their lands and the protection of the half-breed element, the
insurrection, with its bloodshed, might have been averted. It is
true that Joseph Howe, as Secretary of State for the Provinces,
paid a flying visit to the colony and wrote to Macdonald that his
visit had been opportune in removing a number of “ absurd
rumouts”’ and much “ strong prejudice.”’?® Mactavish wrote
hopefully of Howe: “a shrewd clear headed man—he very soon
made out his whereabouts and steadily avoided Dr. Schultz’s
offers of accommodation. He told me to-day that he was
perfectly astonished to find the state of matters here and that
without any means it was most wonderful how things had been
kept together. . .. I have no doubt from his observations he will
be able to set some of his colleagues right in their ideas about Red
River.””?! Others, however, expressed the opinion that Howe’s
journey did more harm than good. McDougall, in a masterpiece
of invective, accused Howe of being “‘ the chief abettor, if not the
chief instigator’ of the Red River insurrection ;72 while the
Globe, rejoicing in an opportunity to belabour the Government,
stated that Howe had urged the settlers to follow the example of
Nova Scotia and fight for ‘‘ better terms.”’”’ There is no authority

UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 65

for these statements which were the result of personal vindic-
tiveness and political partisanship. If any encouragement was
given to the Red River population, it was probably due to the
fact that Howe did not identity himself with the objectionable
Canadian Party, and that his successful opposition to Confedera-
tion was not unknown in the colony. Beyond Howe’s short and
unofficial visit, no person of any official position was sent to the
colony to prepare the way for the new government, and even in
November Mactavish declared “ up to this moment we have no
official intimation from England, or the Dominion of Canada, of
the fact of the transfer, or of its conditions, or of the date at which
they were to take practical effect upon the Government of this
Country.’74

The final blunder of this chapter of blunders was the form of
government devised, temporary though it was meant to be, and
the selection of William McDougall as the first Lieutenant-
Governor. The white settlers, at least, had hoped for some
representative form of government and feared that the continua-
tion of the nominated council would lead to the appointment of
those who professed to be the friends of Canada. The G/obe,
in a rare prophetic moment, stated :

“If Wm. McDougall is sent up to Fort Garry with a ready-
made council composed of men utterly ignorant of the country
and the people, the strongest feelings of discontent will be
aroused,”’75

Although McDougall intended to include some of the more
prominent inhabitants in his council, the appointment of A. N.
Richards and J. A. N. Provencher to the leading positions, and the
presence of Cameron, Wallace, Begg and others in the Governor’s
suite, appeared to the people of Red River as “a whole govern-
ment appointed and despatched to their destination before the
people at Ottawa had taken the first steps to obtain legislation for
their guidance, and before the necessary measures had been taken
to get possession.”’”*

The choice of Licutenant-Governor was most unfortunate.
Had Canada desired to stir up trouble in the North-West she
could not have chosen a more suitable man. Cold and in-
tractable in his dealings with his colleagues, McDougall was not
the man to handle a difficult situation with patience and under-
standing. He did not know the half-breeds at all, but they knew

66 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

him only too well : McDougall, more than anyone else, had been
the consistent advocate of Canadian expansion and the implacable
enemy of the Hudson’s Bay Company. He was, moreover, the
Minister of Public Works who was held responsible for the
conduct of the road workers and the surveyors at Red River. It
was believed by some that many of the difficulties consequent
upon McDougall’s appointment might have been precluded by
the appointment of Governor Mactavish as his own successor.
This course was suggested both by Bishop Taché” and Sir
Alexander Galt,”* but was ignored; and William McDougall,
C.B., was appointed to usher in the new order at Red River.

CHAPTER IV
THE RED RIVER REBELLION. PART ONE

Ir was in the latter part of the summer of 1869 that the first
steps were taken by the half-breeds to organize their opposition
to the transfer of Red River to the Dominion of Canada. In
1868 Louis Schmidt found “un grand changement parmi le
peuple. On commengait 4 parler politique, méme parmi nos
gens” ;! but after the return of Louis Riel to the colony events
moved rapidly. An ardent patriot of his people, Riel was
destined to become one of the stormy characters upon the Western
Canadian scene. Upon two occasions, in 1869 and in 1885, he
led the half-breeds in a futile protest against the inevitability of
their national extinction, and perished upon the scaffold for
unfurling the standard of armed rebellion.

Louis Riel was born at St. Boniface in the district of Assiniboia,
on October 22nd, 1844. His mother, Julie Lagimodiére, was
the daughter of the first white woman in the North-West, and
his father, one of the leaders of the free trade in furs movement of the
*forties, was a French Canadian with a dash of Indian blood in his
veins. Bishop Taché, early impressed by Riel’s success in the
school at St. Boniface, arranged for his education in Eastern
Canada; and for several years Ricl attended the College of
Montreal. In 1866 he completed his classical education and spent
the following year with an uncle, John Lee, near Montreal. In
1867 financial reasons compelled him to return to the West where
he secured employment in St. Paul. A year later he returned to
Red River, where he was joined by Louis Schmidt, both “ bien
résolus toutefois de nous occuper des affaires publiques quand le
moment en sera venu.””?

Louis Riel did not stir up the métis to the insurrection which
occurred in 1869; he only assumed the leadership of the dis-
content, which we have observed in the previous chapter, and
guided it according to his judgment or his impulse. His educa-
tion, his eloquence in both French and English, and his ability
marked him at once as the natural leader of the half-breed

67

68 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

malcontents ; but his lack of experience, and inability to brook
opposition, unfitted him for the responsibilities of leadership.
Even as a youth he was unable to tolerate criticism. ‘“‘ Pas trop
de contradictions avec le jeune Louis qui aimait bien 4 discuter
pourvu qu’il gagnat toujours son point de discussion :’’ wrote a
contemporary, “ lui offrir une opinion contraire 4 sienne c’était
Pirriter ; il ne comprenait pas qu’on ne put partager son opinion
tant qu’il croyait 4 son infaillibilité personelle.”? Nevertheless,
it is only fair to state, that in spite of his quick temper and his
love of popular adulation, Riel was inspired by feelings of racial
patriotism and a genuine belicf in the justice of the half-breed
cause.

Riel found the people ready for the kind of leadership which he
was able to give and his fiery speeches fell upon inflammatory
material. Louis Schmidt, the companion of his boyhood years
and Jater secretary of the insurgent government, remarked in his
reminiscences upon “ l’effet qu’il faisait sur ces natures simples
et honnétes comme /’étaient les métis, lorsqu’il leur démontrait
leurs droits les plus sacrés foulés aux pieds par l’envahissement
de leur pays par le Canada.’* Thoroughly aroused to a realiza-
tion of the danger which they believed to threaten them, the half-
breeds began to hold secret gatherings among themselves to
discuss the political situation. These small gatherings soon
developed into large assemblies, and it was resolved in August, or
eatly in September 1869, that every means should be taken to
oppose the entry of the Canadian Governor until adequate
guarantees had been given for the safeguarding of half-breed
rights.5

The first actual resistance to the new order occurred on
October 11th, when Captain Webb began to run his survey lines
across the “ hay privilege ” of André Nault, about two and a half
miles from Red River. Nault protested, but as the surveyors
did not understand French, he was obliged to seek the aid of his
cousin, Louis Riel. Riel and a band of some eightcen men
accordingly informed Webb that the country south of the Assini-
boine belonged to the French half-breeds, and that they would
allow no survey to be made. No arms were seen with the party.
They merely stood upon the chain but made it clear that if the
surveys were persisted in trouble would ensue. Colonel Dennis
complained to Dr. Cowan, the magistrate at Fort Garry, but

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 69

neither his efforts nor those of Roger Goulet’ or Governor
Mactavish were able to extract anything from Riel save the deter-
mined statement that “ the Canadian Government had no right to
make surveys in the Territory without the express permission of
the people of the Settlement.”’® Application was made to Father
Lestanc, administrator of the Diocese of St. Boniface during the
absence of Bishop Taché at Rome, but the Reverend Father,
fearing that once the métis began to believe “ that the Church also
was in sympathy with the Government ”’ of Canada, it “ might
lead to weakening their influence over the people in a religious
point of view,’”* refused to do anything, adding “ let the Canadian
Government convince them that their rights shall not be inter-
fered with and the métis will of themselves go for Mr. McDougall
and triumphantly bring him here.”

The news of McDougall’s approach with his ready-made
government and his cases of rifles accelerated events. On
October 16th a meeting of the French half-breeds was held at the
house of Abbé Ritchot at St. Norbert. What passed at this
gathering is not known, but the métis apparently determined to
organize the entire French-speaking population on the semi-
military lines of the buffalo hunt. John Bruce was chosen as
president and Louis Riel as secretary. Bruce was, however,
president in name only"; the real leaders were Louis Riel and
the curé of St. Norbert.1* Steps to prevent McDougall’s entry
into the Red River Settlement were undertaken at once.
On the day following the organization of the “ Comité National
des Métis’? some forty horsemen assembled at St. Norbert and
erected a barricade across the road, a short distance from the point
where it crosses la Riviére Sale ; and, on October 21st, a warning
was despatched to the prospective Lieutenant-Governor, not to
attempt to enter the country without the permission of the
National Committce.

Learning of these summary proceedings the Council of
Assiniboia met on the 25th to consider the situation. The
Council unanimously expressed “ their indignant reprobation of
the outrageous proceedings . . . but, feeling strongly impressed
with the idea that the partics concerned in them must be acting
in utter forgetfulness, . . . of the very serious consequences,”’ it
was thought that “ by calm reasoning and advice they might be
induced to abandon their dangerous schemes.”!? With this

7oO THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

object in view, Riel and Bruce were invited to present themselves
at the Council board. Riel expressed his satisfaction with the
Hudson’s Bay Government, but stated that the métis ‘“ objected
to any Governor coming from Canada without their being
consulted in the matter; that they would never admit any
Governor. . . unless delegates were previously sent, with whom
they might negotiate as to the terms and conditions under which
they would acknowledge him . . . that they consider that they
are acting not only for their own good, but for the good of the
whole Settlement, that they did not feel that they were breaking
any law, but were simply acting in defence of their own liberty
and that they were determined to prevent Mr. McDougall from
coming into the Settlement at all hazards.” The Council failed
to convince Riel that his views were erroneous and at length
decided to send two influential French half-breeds to procure the
peaceable dispersion of the party intending to intercept
McDougall. Owing to Ritchot’s determined attitude this
mission was a failure, and all that could be reported to the Council
was that the assembly of malcontents “ appeared to be even more
fully bent on their purpose.” The Council, lacking any police
or military force to prevent a breach of the peace, were unable to
do anything more save to advise McDougall, in view of the
temper of the people, to remain at Pembina.'® McDougall,
however, pushed on to the Hudson’s Bay Company post on the
Canadian side of the border. Several days later he was obliged
to return to the United States by a body of armed half-breeds.

The thoroughness with which Riel carried out his organization
of the French métis is astonishing. The number of his men
increased rapidly. On November 1st “the muster roll...
was answered by 4oz men, all bearing arms,” later ‘“ about
100 more came into camp.’6 Strict discipline was main-
tained. The men were obliged to take an oath against drinking
intoxicating liquors and seem to have kept it. Scouts were
posted on the prairie and along the road to cut McDougall off
from his adherents in Red River, and all parties and mails entering
the colony were subject to examination by the métis at the
barricade.

The half-breed movement, which had begun as a riotous
assembly, assumed the serious proportions of an insurrection
when, on November 2nd, Louis Riel, accompanied by some

Ae A AU ORS

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 71

hundred or more of his followers, entered Fort Garry and
informed Dr. Cowan, the Company officer in charge, that they
had come to guard the Fort from an impending danger.’” It
was not without difficulty that Riel persuaded his followers to
carry out this daring act, but the move was decisive. Situated
at the junction of the Red and the Assiniboine Rivers, about a
mile from the village of Winnipeg, provisioned with stores of
food and munitions, and defended by high stone walls and
cannon, Fort Garry was the geographical and strategical centre of
the Red River Settlement. The party that controlled the Fort
controlled the colony. The Canadian sympathizers were not
unaware of this fact, an old pensioner having offered to raise a
force ‘‘ which... could hold the Fort against all the Rebels who
would be likely to attack it.”’7® This was precisely what Riel
feared, and, realizing that if the Canadians took possession of
Fort Garry the movement of the métis would be completely
paralysed and their position rendered untenable, he decided to
forestall his adversaries, and “to keep Mr. McDougall at a
distance, in order that his party, which were so hostile to our
interests, might not, under such circumstances, get possession of
the Government of our native country.”

Now in possession of Fort Garry, Riel turned his attention to
the English-speaking settlers, half-breed and white, who had so
far taken no part in the insurrection. His aim was not to fight
Canada, but, with the whole body of settlers, French and English,
behind him, to force the Canadian Government to negotiate
with the half-breeds the terms of their entry into Confederation.
This was Riel’s constant objective from the beginning to the
conclusion of the insurrection. Their own terms, embodied ina
Canadian statute and confirmed by the Imperial Parliament, were
regarded by the half-breed leaders as the only safeguard for the
interests of a people soon to find themselves on the defensive.
Prior to the capture of Fort Garry Bruce had informed Provencher
that “‘ if the Canadian Government was willing to do it, they were
ready to open negotiations with them, or any person vested with
full powers, in view of settling the terms of their coming into the
Dominion of Canada.”® Such a concession by Canada was not,
however, likely as long as the half-breeds failed to present a
united front. Accordingly, on November 6th, Riel issued a
“ Public Notice to the Inhabitants of Rupert’s Land ”# inviting

72 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the English-speaking people of the colony to “ send twelve repre-
sentatives . . . in order to form one body,” with the French
Council, ‘‘ to consider the present political state of this country,
and to adopt such measures as may be deemcd best for the future
welfare of the same.” The delegates were to meet in convention
“in the Court House at Fort Garry, on Tuesday, November 16th.”

The English half-breeds and the whites, not understanding
Riel’s motives, were inclined to regard his overtures with sus-
picion. It was the universal opinion that the métis had over-
stepped the mark. The stoppage of the mails, the retention of
private goods in transit, and the seizure of the public books
“were acts uncalled for in their cause, and have raised a great
deal of indignation against them; but as yet it will be only an
act of extraordinary provocation or the spilling of blood that will
raise a fight among the settlers.” Desiring, however, to co-
operate in finding a peaceful solution of the difficulties which had
arisen, the English parishes, notwithstanding the assurances of
Snow and others to the contrary, decided to elect representatives
to meet the French in council.

The Convention opened on a discordant note The English
demanded the election of a new president and secretary, a demand
to which the French refused to accede until there was evidence
of agreement among the delegates upon a common course of
action. The English then voiced their opposition to the
occupation of the Fort and to the ejection of McDougall from
British soil. Despite this they were impressed—at least so Riel
wrote—by the métis protestations of loyalty to the Crown and by
the plea for the protection of their common rights and liberties
from the ingress of a “foreign power.”’ Atthis moment, Hargrave,
secretary to Governor Mactavish, presented to the Convention a
Proclamation by the Governor which protested against the
unlawful actions of the French party. Whereupon James Ross,
the leader of the English-speaking delegates, declared that the
métis must now evacuate the Fort or be considered guilty of
rebellion. Riel protested. “Si nous rebellons contre la
Compagnie qui nous vend et veut nous livrer, et contre le Canada
qui veut nous acheter,” he declared, “nous ne nous rebellons
pas contre la suprématie anglaise, qui n’a pas encore donnée son
approbation pout le transfert définitif de ce pays . . . de plus nous
sommes fidéles a notre patrie. . .. Nous voulons que le peuple de

AUUVE) LOS

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 73

la Riviére Rouge soit un peuple libre. Aidons-nous les uns les
autres. Nous sommes tous fréres et des parents, dit Monsieur
Ross, et c’est vrai. Ne nous séparons pas. Voyez ce que
Monsieur Mactavish dit. II dit que de cette assemblée peut venir
un bien incalculable. Unissons-nous, le mal qu’il a redouté
n’aura pas lieu.”

In spite of the fact that the Convention was entirely unofficial in
character, it continued to sit with the tacit approval of Governor
Mactavish. Its labours, however, did not result in that unanimity
of opinion for which Riel had hoped. The English, with a greater
knowledge of constitutional procedure, stubbornly contended
that the proper course was to permit McDougall to enter the
territory and for the settlers to place their grievances before him ;
while the French obdurately declared that McDougall could only
be brought in over their dead bodies. The Convention, there-
fore, remained at a deadlock, and Mactavish wrote on November
23rd that he believed that the French would consent to nothing
short of the establishment of a Provisional Government.*4

Riel had already satisfied himself that this step was not only
necessary, but was, under the circumstances, justifiable. Finding
that the English and Scotch colonists would not go as far as he
desired, Riel decided that, if the métis were not to lose all the
advantage they had gained, he must consolidate their position and
form a Provisional Government which could treat with Canada
on equal terms. Accordingly, at the risk of alienating all the
English speaking and moderate opinion, he forced the Hudson’s
Bay Company accountant to surrender the public accounts,
carefully assuring Governor Mactavish “ that there was not only
no desire to meddle with private funds, but every desire to respect
them.” ‘“ How far this resolution will be carried out,” wrote the
Governor, “it is very difficult to say, though at the time it was
made I have no doubt it was sincere.” In the Convention Riel
argued that the formation of a Provisional Government was
indispensable on the grounds that the Council of Assiniboia “a
vraiment montré une faiblesse extréme dans ces derniers jours
. . . Qu’en conséquence il est temps que les habitants de la
colonie songent a Ja formation d’un gouvernement provisoire
pour une protection et pout traiter avec le Canada et forcer celui-ci
a nous donner un mode de gouvernement responsable.” This
suggestion was even less acceptable to the English, who hinted

74 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

that Canada was mote likely to send troops than delegates. The
meeting thus concluded, as Riel noted, with “‘ pas d’entente, peu
despoir d’entente.”

Fundamentally a conservative people, the French half-breeds,
like their English-speaking kindred, were reluctant to go the full
distance proposed by Riel, and it was not without some difficulty
that he finally carried his point. The night of November 23rd
was spent by the French party in heated debate on this question.
Riel, himself, is said to have argued for seven hours to bring the
faltering ‘‘ National Committee ” to agree to his plan of proce-
dure. ‘‘ Que de craintes et d’hésitations 4 vaincre,”’ he wrote,
“c’est incroyable les répugnances que j’ai eu a leur faire sur-
monter.” The métis objected to the Provisional Government as
constituting an act of rebellion against the British Crown, and it
was only as a result of Riel’s repeated declarations of loyalty
and his arguments “que le gouvernement d’Assiniboia en se
vendant s’est tellement affaibli . . . que s’il lui reste encore quelque
chose d’un gouvernement c’est le nom... que si Ja Reine savait
ce que nous voulons, elle nous écouterait ” that they accepted his
proposal.

On November 24th the Convention sat again. The proposal
to form a Provisional Government was once more put before the
delegates, this time backed by the unanimous voice of the
French. The English regarded this proposal as beyond the scope
of their authority and declared that they would be obliged to
consult their constituents before taking such a radical step. The
unfortunate result was that nothing was accomplished, and the
Convention adjourned until December 1st, the date on which
Canada had provisionally agreed to accept the transfer of the
North-West to the Dominion.

McDougall’s instructions had requested him to proceed with
all convenient speed to Fort Garry, and there to make the
necessary preliminary arrangements for the completion of the
transfer. En route he passed Joseph Howe, returning from his
flying visit to Red River, but ‘‘ as the weather was stormy ” they
“had only a very short interview.”** Howe promised to advise
McDougall by post of the situation in the colony, but “ apparently
did not anticipate, that there was any danger of an armed insur-
rection before my arrival at Fort Garry.” The promised letter,
with the salutary advice that “it would be a great mistake to

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 75

patronize a little clique of persons at war with the more influential
elements of society ” which was “ sufficiently mixed and hetero-
geneous to require delicate handling,”®’ did not reach McDougall
until after he had met with his rebuff at the hands of the militant
French half-breeds. He was not, however, totally unaware of
the dissatisfaction which prevailed in Red River, but confidently
anticipated that, with the aid of J. A. N. Provencher, a nephew of
the late Bishop of the North-West, he would be able to pacify the
malcontents. Arriving at Pembina McDougall was surprised
at the extent of the métis opposition, but hoping to assure the
insurgents that the Government would “ deal justly with all
classes . . . without reference to race or religion,”’?* he sent his
prospective provincial secretary to interview the métis at the
barricade. At the same time, Captain Cameron, the dashing
prospective Chief of Police, in spite of McDougall’s expressed
wishes, determined to proceed to Fort Garry on his own respon-
sibility. But neither the persuasion of Provencher’s name, nor
the command of Cameron to “remove that blasted fence ”
accomplished anything. Both were escorted back to Pembina
and McDougall suffered the humiliation of being expelled from
the territory which he had expected to govern. The American
press were jubilant at his discomfiture ; a newspaper of St. Paul
wrote :

“A King without a Kingdom is said to be poorer than a
peasant. And I can assure you that a live Governor with a full
complement of officials and menials from Attorney-General down
to cooks and scullions without one poor foot of territory is a
spectacle sufficiently sad to move the hardest heart.”’2®

Confident that an exposition of his designs would induce a
reaction in his favour, McDougall wrote to Mactavish asking him
to issue a Proclamation explaining the nature of the proposed
transfer and warning the malcontents of the serious nature of
their actions.*° Mactavish consulted the Council of Assiniboia
and replied that in view of the fact that no official word had
yet come to the colony of the fact or date of the transfer, they
doubted the value of the suggested Proclamation, and advised
McDougall, in the interests of “ the peace of the country ” and
* the establishment in the future of the Canadian Government,”
to return to Canada.*!_ ‘This would probably have been the wisest
course, as McDougall’s presence on the frontier was a constant

76 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

provocation to the French half-breeds, while the English-speaking
settlers were obviously not prepared to support him. Unfortu-
nately he preferred to listen to the more congenial, but misleading
advice of the Canadian Party, with whom, in spite of Riel’s pre-
cautions, he was in secret communication. Snow advised “ Issue
Proclamation, and then you may come fearlessly down. Hudson’s
Bay Company evidently shaking. By no means leave Pembina.”*?
Mair, even more blindly optimistic, declared that the only reason
the English had not yet risen was because they had not been
called upon to do so. “Issue your Proclamation,” he wrote,
“and it will be responded to by five hundred men.”3? Although
Mactavish’s intervention had been unable to induce the English-
speaking half-breeds and Selkirk settlers to adopt the Canadian
cause, McDougall, encouraged by the false reports of his
adherents in the colony, determined to issue, on December ist,
a proclamation in the Queen’s name, announcing the transfer of
the North-West territory to Canada and his appointment as
Lieutenant-Governor.

The proclamation of December 1st was a very serious blunder
from the Canadian standpoint. McDougall’s commission
appointed him Lieutenant-Governor only “ from and after the
day to be named by Us for the admission of Rupert’s Land and the
North-Western Territory into the Union or Dominion of
Canada.” That McDougall was fully cognizant of his position is
apparent from his correspondence. Shortly after his arrival at
Pembina he had written to Mactavish :

“As you are aware, the transfer of the Territory and the
powers of government entrusted to you, is to take effect on a
day to be named in Her Majesty’s Royal Proclamation, until that
day arrives (which I am informed will be about the 1st day of
December next), you are the legal ruler of the country, and
responsible for the preservation of the public peace. My
commission authorizes and commands me to assume and exercise
the powers of government from and after that day.”

On November 7th he wrote again :

“T shall remain here until I hear officially of the transfer of
authority, and shall then be guided by circumstances as to what I
shall say and do,”’35
Again on the 14th, referring to Snow’s suggestion to issue a
proclamation, McDougall wrote to Howe:

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 77

“ The recommendation that I should issue a Proclamation at
once, is not made for the first time, but I have uniformly replied
that until the transfer of the Territory has taken place, and I am
notified of the fact I shall not assume any of the responsibilities
of Government.”

but, he added:

“TI expected to hear, by this time, that the ‘ transfer’ had been
agreed to, and the Imperial Order in Council passed. IfI do not
receive notice of this ‘ Order’ in a few days, I shall be much
embarrassed in my plans, and the leaders of the insurrection will
be emboldened and strengthened. They understand perfectly
that I have no legal authority to act, or to command obedience,

till the Queen’s Proclamation is issued.’’3¢

On November 25th he complained that he was “ still without
any official notice of the Imperial Order in Council, and must act,
if at all, upon the information contained in the private letters
from Sir Curtis Lampson, which announces the date of the
transfer agreed to by the Imperial Government to be December tst
next.”*” Notwithstanding the fact that he had received no
official confirmation of the transfer which he knew he must
await, McDougall informed the Canadian Government, on the
29th, that he had “ prepared a Proclamation to be issued the first
day of December . . . stating . . . the fact of surrender by the
Hudson’s Bay Company, acceptance by Her Majesty, and transfer
to Canada, from and after December ist, A.D. 1869. These facts
I gather from the newspapers, from a private letter to me of the
Deputy Governor of the Company, and my own knowledge
before I left Ottawa, that December 1st had been agreed upon as
the date of the transfer.”** McDougall realized the weakness of
his position. Writing after the issuance of the questionable
proclamation he said :

“T hope I am right in using the name of Her Majesty as
prominently as I have done.’’??

This action was all the more regrettable as, on December 6th,
McDougall received a despatch from Howe, dated November
19th, reminding him that “as matters stand, you can claim or
assert no authority in the Hudson’s Bay Territory, until the
Qucen’s Proclamation, annexing the country to Canada, reaches
you through this office.”*° At the same time a private letter
from the Prime Minister warned him :

G

78 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“ Never forget . . . that you are now approaching a foreign
country, under the government of the Hudson’s Bay Company.
. . . You cannot force your way in.”4!

And another a few days later :

“* A Proclamation such as you suggest. . . would be very well
if it were sure to be obeyed. If, however, it were disobeyed,
your weakness and inability to enforce the authority of the
Dominion would be painfully exhibited, not only to the people
of Red River, but to the people and Government of the United
States.’”4?

This letter concluded with the startling information that the
Canadian Government had refused to complete the transfer :

“We have thrown the responsibility on the Imperial
Government.”

The decision to withhold the acceptance of the territory was
made by the Dominion Government following the receipt of
McDougall’s letters reporting the active opposition of the
French half-breeds and his expulsion from the Red River Settle-
ment. On November 25th, Sir John Rose, the confidential
agent of the Canadian Government at London, was instructed
to refrain from paying over the £300,000 to the Hudson’s Bay
Company, and on the 26th the Governor-General telegraphed to
Lord Granville that “the responsibility of administration of
affairs ” would “ rest on Imperial Government ” if the surrender
were accepted by Great Britain as “‘ Canada cannot accept transfer
unless quiet possession can be given.”43 The Colonial Office
were, to say the least, annoyed. Granville’s comment on
receiving this news was:

“ T see no grounds for the Dominion to repudiate the agreement
which has been formally made. They had no business to send a
Governor-designate to Red River unless they considered the
agreement as substantially concluded. Delay, moreover, will
now be most inconvenient and injurious to all parties.”

He accordingly replied to Young’s telegram that the transfer
must follow the surrender to the Imperial Government in order
to make the latter legal as the Rupert’s Land Act required the act
of transfer to follow the surrender within one month; otherwise
the territory would remain under the jurisdiction of the Hudson’s
Bay Company “‘ liable to all the disorders which are to be expected
when the prestige of a Government long known to be inadequate,

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 79

is shaken by the knowledge that it is also expiring, and by the
appearance, however well intended, of its successor.’

There can be no doubt that Canada was under a legal obligation
to complete the transfer once the Deed of Surrender, which had
already been prepared by the Hudson’s Bay Company, was
accepted by the British Government. Such was the opinion of
the law officers to whom Granville referred the question.

“We are of opinion that if the surrender is accepted by the
Crown and the proposed Order in Council is passed within a
month of that acceptance, Canada is bound to accept the territory,
to pay the price of it as specified in the Second Address, and to
provide for its government. . . . The Executive Government of
Canada have, in our views, no power to invalidate a proceeding
of the Canadian Legislature which has been acted upon by the
Hudson’s Bay Company and by the Crown in pursuance of powers
conferred by the Imperial Legislature.”4¢

Nevertheless, there was a certain political justification for the
action of the Canadian Government. As a minute of the
Cabinet pointed out:

“ Any hasty attempt by the Canadian Government to force
their rule upon the Insurgents would probably result in armed
resistance and bloodshed. Every other course should be tried
before resort is had to force. If life were once lost in an encounter
between a Canadian force and the inhabitants, the seeds of
hostility to Canada and Canadian rule would be sown, and might
create an ineradicable hatred to the union of the Countries, and
thus mar the future prosperity of British America. If anything
like hostilities should commence, the temptation to the wild
Indian tribes, and to the restless adventurers, who abound in the
United States (many of them with military experience gained in
the late Civil War) to join the Insurgents, would be almost irre-
sistible. .. . No one can see the end of the complications that
might thus be occasioned, not only as between Canada and the
North-West, but between the United States and England. From
a sincere conviction of the gravity of the situation, and not from
any desire to repudiate or postpone the performance of any of their
engagements, the Canadian Government have urged a temporary
delay of the transfer.’’4?

Granville too recognized the force of this argument and did not
push legality to the limit. “‘ We have two objects,” he wrote
in an office minute, “ First, in common with Canada, and, if they

80 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

are wise, the Hudson’s Bay Company, to give Canada the time
really necessary for getting peaceably into the saddle. Second,
in common with the Hudson’s Bay Company, and, if they are
honest, the Canadian Government, to prevent any waste of time
in so doing. ... For the moment we ought all to agree to a
moderate delay.”** But this “ moderate delay,” whether judici-
ous or not, cut the ground from under McDougall’s feet, and
rendered his proclamation not only worthless but illegal.

Both Howe and Macdonald condemned McDougall’s ill-
considered, hasty action. Howe reminded McDougall that he
had used the Queen’s name without Her authority, and had attri-
buted to Her Majesty acts which she had not yet performed.”
McDougall, obstinately optimistic, declared that results would
justify his policy. ‘I feel very confident,” he wrote, “ that this
prompt display of vigour, and the determination to assert, and
maintain by force, if need be, the authority of the new Govern-
ment, from the day and hour of its expected birth, will inspire
all the inhabitants of the Territory with respect for your Repre-
sentative, and compel the traitors and conspirators to cry ‘God
Save the Queen ’ or beat a hasty retreat.””°°

Events in the Settlement, however, showed no indication of
bearing out McDougall’s view. The French were frankly
sceptical of the authenticity of the Queen’s Proclamation ; the
English accepted it without enthusiasm ; only the Canadians were
jubilant. At this moment the French party brought forward a
“ Bill of Rights” embodying their demands. The Bill was
discussed by the Convention, and the English, finding nothing
unreasonable in the demands of their French-speaking compatriots,
agreed to its adoption by the Convention. It was then proposed
that delegates, two French and two English, should be sent to
McDougall to learn if he was empowered, by virtue of his com-
mission, either to accept this “ Bill of Rights ” or to guarantee its
acceptance by the Canadian Parliament. The English, believing
in the validity of McDougall’s Proclamation, considered a dele-
gation useless on the terms suggested, and the Convention came
to an indecisive conclusion. At the close of the sitting Riel
addressed the English-speaking delegation in scathing terms :

** Allez, retournez-vous en paisiblement sur vos fermes.
Restez dans les bras de vos femmes. Donnez cet exemple 4 vos
enfants. Mais regardez-nous agir. Nous allons travailler et

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 81

obtenir la garantie de nos droits et des vétres. Vous viendrez a
la fin partager.”

The Convention had accomplished little in the way of promoting
English and French co-operation, but that little had been sufficient
to persuade the English-speaking inhabitants that the French
demands were both reasonable and justifiable, and to cool any
ardour that might have developed for the Canadian cause.

During his sojourn at Pembina McDougall was responsible
for several blunders, but the most serious in its consequences was
the determination, expressed in his letter to Howe “ to assert and
maintain by force . . . the authority of the new government.”
On December 1st, McDougall issued to Colonel Dennis a com-
mission as ‘‘ Lieutenant and Conservator of the Peace ” authoriz-
ing him, in the Queen’s name, to “ raise, organize, arm, equip
and provision, a sufficient force ” to “ attack, arrest, disarm, or
disperse the . . . armed men so unlawfully assembled and dis-
turbing the public peace ; and for that purpose, and with the force
aforesaid, to assault, fire upon, pull down, or break into any fort,
house, stronghold, or other place in which the said armed men
may be found.”5! Armed with this redoubtable commission and
with the illegal proclamation referred to earlier, Dennis cluded the
vigilance of the métis guards and made his way into the Settle-
ment. At Winnipeg he discussed the situation with two repre-
sentative leaders of the party opposed to Riel and then proceeded
to the Stone Fort, twenty miles below Fort Garry, which he made
the headquarters of the counter-insurrectionary movement. He
then divided the colony into company districts, appointed
volunteer drill instructors for each, and entrusted Major Boulton,
a former member of his surveying party, with the task of
enrolling volunteers.

The response fell far short of what Dennis or McDougall had
hoped. Although Henry Prince and the Saulteaux Indians in the
neighbourhood of the Stone Fort turned out in full war paint,
eager to fight the métis or anyone else, the white and half-breed
settlers held back. “ You speak of enthusiasm,” Dennis
complained to Dr. Schultz, “I have not seen it yet with anybody
but ‘ Prince’s’ men.”5? Boulton, while attempting to enlist
recruits at the Scotch settlement of Kildonan, found that even
they were beginning to question the validity of McDougall’s
proclamation; and one disgusted “loyalist”? wrote to the

82 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

expectant Lieutenant-Governor that ‘even among our English-
speaking population, we have to contend with worse characters
than the French half-breeds . . . The Scotch Settlement won’t
join us or any other Parish of the Protestant population, so that it
would be the height of folly for us to take any aggressive steps.”
As a last resort Dennis issued a “‘ call ” by virtue of his commis-
sion, to “all loyal men of the North-West Territories to assist
me, by every means in their power... and thereby restore public
peace and order, and uphold the supremacy of the Queen in this
part of Her Majesty’s Dominions.”*4 This, however, proved
of little value, and the next day Dennis was forced to admit that
he had not sufficient men to relieve a small band of Canadians
who had succeeded in precipitating hostilities with the métis at
Winnipeg.

McDougall’s appeal for armed support had been doomed to
failure. The English-speaking inhabitants, as we have seen, had
little in common with the Canadians, and both Dennis and
Wallace had previously reported that they were opposed to the
idea of a conflict with “ those who have been born and brought
up among us, ate with us, slept with us, hunted with us, traded
with us, and are our own flesh and blood.’’5> Moreover, the
discord which had becn apparent at the proceedings of the
Convention became less pronounced, a fact which Dennis in-
formed McDougall, “‘ might probably be accounted for by the
distribution through the parishes . . . of the French ‘ List of
Rights.’ It was stated, that, up to the time of the dissemination
of this document, no one but themselves knew what the demands
of the malcontents were ; and now that they had been published,
some of them proving reasonable in their character. . . it might
easily be conceived that the effect upon the rest of the people
would be to make them less jealous of French domination, and
more hopeful of secing peace brought about by other means
than by a resort to arms.”°* Hence, after a letter from Bishop
Machray deprecating the use of force, Dennis issued a proclama-
tion on December 9th, calling upon “ the loyal party in the North-
West Territory, to cease further action under the appeal to
arms made by me,””” and rejoined McDougall at Pembina. Howe
was genuinely alarmed at the report of Colonel Dennis’ actions.
He wrote to McDougall, ‘‘the proceedings of Colonel Dennis, as
reported by himself, are so reckless and extraordinary, that there

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 83

can be no relief from solicitude here while an officer so imprudent
is acting under your authority.”°* Although Dennis acted in
perfect sincerity that his commission was legal, his actions were
both illegal and unwise; illegal, because he had no lawful
authority to resort to force, and unwise, because the only
consequence of his attempt was the imprisonment in Fort Garry
of a number of Canadians.

Dennis had found the Canadians, at least, eager to enlist. After
enrolling at the Stone Fort they were sent back to Winnipeg,
where the majority of them were living, with orders to remain
quietly in their usual lodgings until further orders. “ Their
presence there in that way, having fully instructed them to avoid
being any cause of offence to the French,” wrote Dennis, “‘ seemed
to me could be no cause of irritation, and the knowledge that
they were there, might tend to prevent any outrage on person or
property of loyal people in the town.”*? Unfortunately these
orders were not strictly obeyed. Instead of remaining at their
lodgings, the Canadians at Winnipeg assembled at the storehouse
of Dr. Schultz, where a considerable quantity of Canadian
Government provisions, intended for the use of the road and
survey parties, was stored. Officers was elected, sentries posted,
and all preparations made to withstand an attack.*° This move
was ostensibly to protect the provisions and prevent them from
falling into the hands of the insurgents; but it appeared to the
half-breeds as the spearhead of attack against Riel when the
occasion should be deemed opportune. As soon as he learned
of these hostile manifestations, Colonel Dennis wrote both to
Boulton and to Schultz that the Canadians were to avoid any
conflict with the métis and should retire to Kildonan. They
refused. Boulton boldly replied to Dennis that “under the
circumstances (that we have seventy men and sixty-five good
arms on the premises), we have a strong position, and could
resist successfully a strong attack.’’**

Under the circumstances this attitude was one of sheer bravado
and absolute foolhardiness. Fearing a sudden assault by the
assembled Canadians, the French half-breeds poured ‘into Fort
Garry. Bishop Machray assured Dennis on December Gth that
Riel had “ over six hundred men... in arms and... well
armed.”’** At the same time Riel appropriated provisions, guns
and ball from the Hudson’s Bay Company and “ cleared all the

84 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Stores of the merchants in the village of Winnipeg of all their
guns and ammunition.”** Realizing the danger in which the
small band of Canadians stood, far more than they apparently
did themselves, Dennis wrote to Boulton repeating his orders
of December 4th. Riel, however, had posted his men about the
warehouse and retreat was impossible. The following day Snow
went to Fort Garry on behalf of the besieged party and informed
Riel that they had assembled only to protect themselves and their
property and would retire quietly to their homes if allowed to do
so. A. G. B. Bannatyne and the Reverend George Young
likewise tried to dissuade Riel from any act that might lcad
to bloodshed. But Riel’s men were impatient with keeping
guard during the cold winter days and urged that the Canadians
should be taken prisoners and confined in the Fort.“* Riel
therefore demanded an unconditional surrender within fifteen
minutes, offering only to secure their lives if they would comply.®
There was no alternative save to fight, and Riel had posted
two hundred men with cannon around the house. Preferring
to live to fight another day the Canadians accepted Riel’s terms,
and forty-five prisoners were marched between the files of Riel’s
nondescript soldiers to the cells of Fort Garry.

The next day, December 8th, Riel issued a grandiloquent
‘Declaration of the People of Rupert’s Land and the North-
West,”®* declaring “that a people, when it has no Government, is
free to adopt one form of Government, in preference to another,
to give or to refuse allegiance to that which is proposed.” It
continued further that the Hudson’s Bay Company having
abandoned the people, without their consent, to a “ foreign
power,” the people were free to establish a Provisional Govern-
ment “and hold it to be the only and lawful authority now in
existence in Rupert’s Land and the North-West, which claims the
obedience and respect of the people”; but, nevertheless,
expressed the readiness of the new government “ to enter into
such negotiations with the Canadian Government as may be
favourable for the good government and prosperity of this
people.” Macdonald had feared that this would be the outcome
when writing to McDougall on November 27th :*”

* An assumption of the Government by you, of course, puts an
end to that of the Hudson’s Bay Company authorities... .
There would then be, if you were not admitted into the country,

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 85

no legal Government existing and anarchy must follow. In sucha
case. . . itis quite open by the Law of Nations for the inhabitants
to forma Government ex necessitate for the protection of life and
property, and such a Government has certain sovereign rights
by the jus gentium which might be very convenient for the United
States but exceedingly inconvenient for you. The temptation to
an acknowledgment of such a Government by the United States,
would be very great and ought not to be lightly risked.”

Again, in a minute of the Privy Council,® he wrote :

“ While the issue of the Proclamation would put an end to the
Government of the Hudson’s Bay Company, it would not sub-
stitute the Government by Canada, therefore such a Government
is physically impossible until the armed resistance is ended ; and
thus a state of anarchy and confusion would ensue, and a legal
status might be given to any Government de facto formed by the
inhabitants for the protection of their lives and property.”

Although the law officers in Great Britain expressed the
opinion “ that the apprehensions of the Canadian Government
are unfounded, and the insurgents or rioters (by which term they
may be properly designated) will not be improved or strengthened
by the transference of the territory from the Hudson’s Bay
Company to the Canadian Government,” nevertheless it must
be admitted that McDougall’s ill-advised act in ending the
Hudson’s Bay Company government without being able to
impose his own, gave a colour of justification, if not legality, to
Riel’s Provisional Government.

To celebrate the proclamation of the new government Riel
hoisted, on December roth, the flag of the Provisional Govern-
ment, a fleur de lys and shamrock on a white back, and allowed
his men for the first time “ de trinquer en ’honneur du nouveau
drapeau.”””® At the same time the Nor’ Wester and its embryo
successor, the Red River Pioneer, were suppressed, reappearing in
January under the significant title of Te New Nation, as the
organ of the Provisional Government. On the 13th McDougall
sent a letter to Riel suggesting an interview, but receiving no
reply, he wrote once more to Mactavish informing him that “ if,
in consequence of the action of the Dominion Government, the
surrender and transfer of the country did not take place on the
first day of December, as previously agreed upon, then you are
the Chief Executive officer as before, and responsible for the
preservation of the Peace and enforcement of the Law. If,

86 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

on the other hand, the Transfer did take place on the first day of
December, then, I take it, my Commission came into force, and
the notice, in the form of a Proclamation, issued by my authority
on that day, correctly recited the facts, and disclosed the legal
status of the respective parties.””* On December 18th McDougall
quitted the inhospitable village of Pembina and proceeded with
his party to St. Paul. In the Settlement Riel took the final
steps to power. On the 22nd he confiscated the money in
possession of the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Garry,”* and
five days later was elected to succeed John Bruce, who had
resigned, as president.”*

Thus, by the close of the year 1869, Louis Riel and the métis
were, without striking a blow or shedding one drop of blood,
complete masters of the Red River Settlement. The Fort, with
large supplies of ammunition, stores and money, was in their
hands ; the English half-breeds were either indifferent or mildly
sympathetic ; the Canadian appeal to arms had failed ; sixty-five
political prisoners were in close confinement ; the Provisional
Government had been proclaimed; and the disappointed
Lieutenant-Governor with his discomfited “ Conservator of the
Peace ” was returning over the snows to Canada.

CHAPTER V
THE RED RIVER REBELLION, PART TWO

Hap the Imperial Government or the Dominion Government
imitated the rash and reckless conduct of those claiming to
represent the Queen’s authority in Rupert’s Land, civil war and
bloodshed might have followed, and the Settlement would have
become the prey of the warlike Indian tribes of the North-West.
Fortunately calmer counsels prevailed both in London and in
Ottawa. On learning by telegram of the fact of the outbreak,
Lord Granville hastened to send the following reply to the
Governor-General of Canada :
“25 November 1869.

““ Make what use you think best of the following :

** The Queen has heard with surprise and regret that certain
misguided persons have banded together to oppose by force the
entry of the future Lieutenant-Governor into Her Majesty’s
settlements on the Red River.

“Her Majesty does not distrust the loyalty of Her subjects in
these settlements, and can only ascribe to misunderstanding or
misrepresentation their opposition to a change which is plainly for
their advantage.

“She relies on your Government for using every effort to
explain whatever is misunderstood, to ascertain the wants and to
conciliate the good will of the Red River settlers. But meantime
She authorizes you to signify to them the sorrow and dis-
pleasure with which she views their unreasonable and lawless
proceedings, and her expectation that if any parties have desires
to express, or complaints to make respecting their condition and
prospects, they will address themselves to the Governor-General
of the Dominion of Canada.

“The Queen expects from Her Representative that as he will
always be ready to receive well founded grievances so he will
exercise all the power and authority with which She has entrusted
him, in the support of order and for the suppression of unlawful
disturbance,””!

This telegram was the basis of a Proclamation issued by Sir John
Young on December 6th, which concluded with the words, “ I
87

88 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

do lastly inform you, that in case of your immediate and peaceable
obedience and dispersion, I shall order that no legal proceedings
be taken against any parties implicated in these unfortunate
breaches of the law.’’?

As soon as the Canadian Government was informed of the
resistance to the entry of the Honourable William McDougall,
the Cabinet, “as a preliminary, decided upon sending up emissaries
well known to, and personally liked by these French half-brecds,
to confer with them, and, if possible, disabuse their minds of the
efroneous impressions that have been made upon them,”
Accordingly the Very Reverend Grand Vicar Thibault and
Colonel de Salaberry were instructed to proceed to Red River
with the Governor-General’s Proclamation, to explain to the
people the liberal intentions of the Canadian Government, and to
remove the existing apprehensions of danger consequent upon the
transition of the little colony into the Canadian Confederation.
The choice of emissaries was one calculated to bring to a success-
ful conclusion this “ mission of peace and conciliation.” The
Grand Vicar had lived and laboured amongst the people of the
North-West for more than thirty-six years. “ He has much
influence,” wrote Young, “ being greatly beloved, and holding a
high position in the Roman Catholic Church.”* Colonel de
Salaberry was the son of the distinguished French Canadian
officer who had repelled the American invaders at Chateauguay
in 1813. He also had passed several years in the North-West
Territory and was looked up to as a leader and a friend by the
French half-breeds.

Unfortunately, the real nature of the trouble in Red River was
misunderstood by the Canadian authorities. The half-breed
rising was not merely a French ebullition, to be calmed by the
presence and promises of two prominent French Canadians ;
it was the rising of a small, primitive, native community against
economic and racial absorption by an unfamiliar, aggressive
civilization. The mission of peace was thus handicapped from
the beginning. No authority was given the Commissioners to
conclude any definite arrangements with the insurgents, conceding
them the guarantees they demanded ; they were authorized merely
to use their influence to persuade the métis to lay down arms.
Yet Riel and his adherents were determined to accept no settlement
which was not based upon negotiations and guaranteed by Par-

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 89

liament. It was unlikely, therefore, that success would attend
the efforts of Thibault and de Salaberry.

At the same time a third Commissioner was chosen to follow
the two French Canadians who had departed for the North-West.
On November 24th, Donald A. Smith, the chief representative
of the Hudson’s Bay Company in Canada, offered to the Canadian
Government, the loyal co-operation of all the officers of the
service “ to restore and maintain order throughout the territory.’”5
At the request of George Stephen, afterwards Lord Mount
Stephen, Sir John A. Macdonald consulted Smith, who sug-
gested that a “ Protestant, unconnected with office, and known to
be an independent man of business, might be exceedingly useful ”
and intimated that Stephen might prove a suitable appointment
as Commissioner. Stephen, however, refused and Smith
himself finally accepted Macdonald’s offer to undertake the diffi-
cult mission to the North-West. Colonel Wolseley, then Deputy
Quartermastcr-General in Canada, expressed a desire to accom-
pany Smith,’ but Macdonald wisely saw that there was no place
in a mission of peace for a military officer like Wolseley. ‘ Smith
goes to carry the olive branch,” he wrote to his intimate friend
Stephen, “‘and were it known at Red River that he was accom-
panied by an officer high in rank in military service, he would be
looked upon as having the olive branch in one hand and a
revolver in the other.”® On December roth the Secretary of
State for the Provinces officially informed Smith that the
Governor-General had been pleased to appoint him a “ Special
Commissioner, to inquire into and report upon the causes and
extent of the armed obstruction offered at the Red River. . . to
the peaceful ingress of the Hon. Wm. McDougall,” and to
“explain to the inhabitants the principles on which the Govern-
ment of Canada intends to govern the country and to remove
any misapprchensions that may exist on the subject. And also to
take such steps, in concert with Mr. McDougall and Governor
Mactavish, as may seem most proper for effecting the peaceable
transfer of the country and the Government, from the Hudson’s
Bay authorities to the Government of the Dominion.”*® This
commission, like that issued to Thibault and de Salaberry, did
not give Smith authority to negotiate or to come to terms with the
insurgents ; it only authorized him to probe the causes of the
trouble, to explain away misapprehensions and to report upon the

90 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

best mode of effecting the speedy transfer of the North-West to
Canada.

The selection of Donald A. Smith as Commissioner was
opportune. He was a man of personality, ability, and resource.
Entering the service of the Hudson’s Bay Company as a boy
of seventeen he had made rapid strides, until, in 1868, he
attained the position of the Company’s Resident Governor in
Montreal. This, however, was only the beginning of his career.
Knighted in 1886 and elevated to the peerage in 1897, he was,
from 1870, one of the most important figures in the public life of
the Dominion of Canada. One biographer’ has stated—albeit
in prejudice—that so great was Smith’s influence that Parliament,
upon many occasions, without being aware of the fact, simply
registered his decrees | This was the man, with whose personality,
courage, tact, and “invaluable knack of turning everything to
account ”’ Louis Riel, the métis leader, was to contend.

On December 24th, Thibault and de Salaberry arrived at
Pembina, the border village lately quitted by the frustrated
McDougall. Here they found the people full of distrust against
all persons coming irom Canada, “in fact, even against us,”
wrote Thibault, “ notwithstanding that they had been for a long
time aware of our entire devotion to the interests of the country.”
At Fort Garry the hostility was so great that Mactavish doubted
whether Thibault would be able to win any support among the
métis. “I believe Bishop Taché alone has influence sufficient
to detach the men from their present leaders,” he wrote to the
London Office, “and even he might fail.”!? In view of this
fact, and acting upon the advice of Cameron and Provencher, it
was decided that de Salaberry should remain at Pembina with
the official papers while Father Thibault alone proceeded to the
Settlement. Thibault was not, however, permitted to carry out
his political mission in Red River, but was kept a virtual prisoner
in the Bishop’s house. As a result of the intervention of Dr.
Tupper, who had gone to Fort Garry to escort his daughter back
to Canada, Thibault was given his liberty, and he and Colonel de
Salaberry were given an opportunity to represent the views of the
Canadian Government to the disaffected leaders.18 This inter-
view took place on January 6th. A few days later Riel informed
the Commissioners that “he was sorry to see that our papers
gave us no authority to treat with them,” but he appeared to hold

THE RED RIVER REBELLION g1

out hopes of a satisfactory settlement.‘ Nevertheless the two
Commissioners were not allowed to move freely among the people,
nor were their official papers, including the Governor-General’s
Proclamation of December 6th, which had been entrusted to Riel,
ever made public.

On December 27th, Donald A. Smith arrived by sleigh at
Fort Garry. He was immediately taken before Riel and the
insurgent Council who demanded the purport of his visit. Smith
replied that he was connected with the Hudson’s Bay Company,
but mentioned also that he held a commission from the Canadian
Government. He was then requested to take an oath to do
nothing to undermine the “ Government, legally established.”
This Smith peremptorily declined to do, but gave his word to do
nothing to upset the Government “ legal or illegal, as it might
be,” without first announcing his intention of so doing.!5 This
was interpreted by some of the half-breeds as an official recogni-
tion by the Canadian Government, through their Commissioner,
of the Provisional Government; but Smith’s letter, written to
Macdonald immediately after the event,’® and his subsequent
correspondence, leaves no doubt that he scrupulously avoided
doing anything that might constitute a recognition of the legality
of the insurgent government.

Once established in the colony, Smith turned his attention to
the task of “effecting the peaceable transfer of the country.”
On January 6th he again interviewed Riel, but “came to the
conclusion that no good could arise from entering into any
negotiations with his ‘ Council,’ even were we to admit their
authority, which I was not prepared to do.”*” Accordingly he
adopted the suggestion of Governor Mactavish of working quietly
and individually among some of the less enthusiastic of Riel’s
supporters. In spite of the fact that he was kept a virtual prisoner
in the Fort, Smith recorded that he “ had frequent visits in the
Fort from some of the most influential and most reliable men in
the Settlement, who gladly made known to the people generally,
the liberal intentions of the Canadian Government ” ; and in 1874
he informed the Select Committee that he had spent £500 among
the French métis “ whose assistance had been absolutely necessary
in my position as Canadian Commissioner in 1869 and 1870,”"*
De Salaberry likewise made use of his opportunities to present a
favourable picture of Canada’s intentions, even going so far—if

92 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

we may believe the American consul at Winnipeg—of trying to
bribe Riel “ by the offer of a considerable amount of money
which was contemptuously refused.”* The result of this active
campaign of promises and money, combined with a reaction
against the pro-Yankee sentiments of the New Nation, was that
“ one after another of Riel’s Councillors seceded from him ” and
were joined “ by many of their compatriots and co-religionists
who had throughout held aloof from the insurgents.”’2° Finding
his position undermined by these defections, Riel abandoned his
attitude of no compromise, and expressed his desire to see the
credentials which the shrewd Commissioner had left with
Provencher. Refusing to give a written order for the papers,
Smith sent his brother-in-law, Richard Hardisty, who had accom-
panied him on his mission, with one of Riel’s men to bring the
papers from Pembina. It was believed that Riel intended to
intercept the messengers at St. Norbert, but Mactavish, antici-
pating this move, sent several stalwart half-breeds to bring the
papers straight to Smith. At St. Norbert, Father Ritchot was
pushed irreverently aside and told “ not to interfere any further
with matters unconnected with his spiritual duties,”?! while one of
Mactavish’s men, Pierre Léveillé, threatened Riel with his pistol |
The final outcome of this manceuvre was that a mass meeting of
the whole settlement was fixed for January 19th, at Fort Garry,
at which Smith’s commission and other official papers would be
read publicly to the people of Red River.

It was a bold policy which Smith had adopted. Owing to his
and de Salaberry’s intrigues “ feeling is very high on both sides,”’??
and the convening of these conflicting elements might well have
led to trouble. A rash oration, a misunderstood word or allusion,
a heated retort, or an imagined affront, might quickly have
precipitated a conflict. The possibilities of trouble were infinite.

The mass meetings of the 19th and 2oth were, however, a
complete vindication of Smith’s policy. Inside the walls of the
old stone fort, in the small snow-covered square, with the tempera-
ture at twenty below zero, upwards of a thousand people
gathered to hear what Canada had to offer them. French métis,
English half-breeds, and Scotch settlers, each with a common
interest in the welfare of Red River Settlement, but differing
in language, education and political outlook, stood for five hours
in the biting wind and conducted their open air meeting with a

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 93

respect for constitutional procedure surprising in a frontier
community. On the motion of Louis Riel, seconded by Pierre
Léveillé, Thomas Bunn, an English half-breed, was called to the
chair,®° and de Salaberry, although he had promised Smith to act
as interpreter, nominated Riel for that position. Judge Black,
the Recorder of Assiniboia, was appointed secretary. Donald A.
Smith was then introduced and proceeded at once to read to the
assembled multitude the official documents which had been
entrusted to his care. This was not accomplished without some
opposition, but “les mesures de précaution adoptées par le
gouvernement provisoire réussirent 4 réprimer tous les désor-
dres.”?4 Smith carried his audience with him, and, in spite of
an altercation which threatened trouble over the documents
taken from Thibault and de Salaberry, the meeting adjourned
until the next day.

At noon the following day a still larger assembly gathered at
Fort Garry to hear the Commissioner complete the reading of his
papers. Smith appeared to have won the confidence of his
listeners and his assurances that his only object was to “ contribute
to bring about peaceably union and entire accord among all the
classes of people of this land” was greeted with cheers. After
the reading of the documents an adjournment of half an hour was
proposed. Business being resumed, Louis Riel, seconded by
A. G. B. Bannatyne, moved that twenty representatives should be
elected by the English-speaking parishes to meet twenty repre-
sentatives chosen by the French, “‘ with the object of considering
the subject of Mr. Smith’s commission and to decide what would
be best for the welfare of the country.” The meeting was
brought to a close with speeches by Father Ritchot, Bishop
Machray, and Louis Riel. The New Nation reported the last as
follows :

“ Before this Assembly breaks up, I cannot but express my
feelings, however briefly. I came here with fear. We are not
yet enemies (loud cheers) but we came very near being so. As
soon as we understood each other, we joined in demanding what
our English fellow subjects in common with us believe to be our
just rights (loud cheers). I am not aftaid to say our rights, for
we all have rights (renewed cheers). We claim no half rights,
mind you, but all the rights we are entitled to. Those rights will
be set forth by our representatives, and what is more, Gentlemen,
we will get them (loud cheers).”25

H

94 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The utmost good feeling existed among all classes. Caps were
thrown into the air, cheers were given, and French and English
shook hands over what was considered the happy auguries of a
satisfactory settlement. “ Les choses,”’ wrote Thibault to Howe,
“ avaient lair de prendre une bonne tournure . . . nous avons
Pespoir de réussir . .. tout le peuple en général parait donner ses
sympathies au Canada et finira certainment par se donner 4 lui s’il
consent (le Canada) 4 lui faire des concessions.”**

The new Convention met on January 25th pursuant to the
resolution adopted at the mass meeting. The next day the
delegates proceeded to business. Riel, seconded by John
Sutherland, nominated Judge Black as chairman, W. Coldwell and
Louis Schmidt were chosen as secretaries, and Louis Riel and
James Ross as interpreters. The meetings were conducted
behind closed doors at the request of the English, only the
reporter for The New Nation and the clergy being present in
addition to the delegates. The presence of the clergy was
significant, for there is little doubt that they were anxious for “ un
arrangement prompt avec le Canada.”’*’ During the course of
the discussion on Smith’s papers, Riel moved that the Canadian
Commissioner ‘‘ be requested to come before the Convention

. .in order to say what he can do forus. . . and what according
to the best of his judgement ought to be done under present
circumstances to secure us our rights.” Smith was “ received
with much cordiality ” and “ gave assurances that on entering
confederation, they would be secured in the possession of all
rights, privileges, and immunities enjoyed by British subjects in
other parts of the Dominion.”?6 Riel raised the question of the
* Bill of Rights ” drawn up by the first Convention in November,
but it was decided, amidst the customary cheers, to nominate a
committee to draw up a new list of “ rights ” to be presented to
Commissioner Smith. Louis Riel, Louis Schmidt, Charles
Nolin, James Ross, Thomas Bunn and Dr. Bird, all of whom were
natives of the country, were selected for the task.

The committee worked almost continuously for forty-eight
hours and on January zgth presented a draft “ List of Rights,”
based to a certain extent, probably, upon a number of suggestions
which Father Lestanc had forwarded to Riel on the 26th.” — This
list was thoroughly discussed and amended by the Convention.
On February 4th Riel made the startling proposal that the colony

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 95

should enter Confederation, not as a territory, but as a province.
He had discussed the question with Smith on the previous day,
but the latter had held out little hope of the realization of this
demand for several years. This was what Riel feared, for it was
openly avowed that, by that time, the country would be flooded
with Canadians and the native element swamped. ‘“ These
impulsive half-breeds have got spoiled by this éwease,” wrote Sir
John Macdonald, ‘‘and must be kept down bya strong hand until
they are swamped by the influx of settlers.”°° It had been to
forestall this very contingency that Riel first organized the métis
resistance and the same motive lay behind his demand for
provincial status. Asa province the half-breeds would be able to
erect the legislative safeguards necessary to protect their rights
and those of the Church against the time when they would be in
the minority. The Convention debated the question but Riel’s
motion was lost by twenty-four votes to fifteen.

Riel suffered another reverse when he moved “ that all bargains
with the Hudson’s Bay Company, for the transfer of this Territory,
be considered null and void; and that any arrangements, with
reference to the transfer of this country, shall be carried on only
with the people of this country.”” Three of the French repre-
sentatives veted with the English against the motion. Riel,
who could seldom brook opposition, strode the Council Chamber
and shouted with animation, “ The devil take it; we must win.
The vote may go as it likes ; but the measure which has now been
defeated must be carried. It is a shame to have lost it; and it
was a greater shame, because it was lost by those traitors.” Hot
words flew across the floor, but order was finally restored. Riel,
however, went to see Dr. Cowan and Governor Mactavish, and
threatened to have them both shot within three hours if they did
not order the immediate departure from Fort Garry of ten
French half-breeds who belonged to the party opposed to Riel,
the head of which, Pierre Léveillé, Riel asserted, was being kept
there in the Company’s pay.*! At the same time he demanded
that Mactavish and Cowan should take the oath of allegiance
to the Provisional Government, and, upon their refusal, placed
the former under guard and confined the latter in prison with the
Canadians taken in December.

In spite of Riel’s display of violence, the delegates met again
on February 7th. Colonel de Salaberry, Father Thibault and

96 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Donald A. Smith were invited to be present, Smith to express his
opinion upon the “ List of Rights.” Riel tried to force Smith
to admit that his commission did not give him the authority
to guarantee a single article on the list, but the Commissioner
adroitly covered this weakness by pointing out that Parliament,
in any event, must have the final say. In the end his answers
were considered satisfactory by the majority of the delegates, and
entire confidence was expressed in Canada. Smith then brought
his mission to a close by extending, on behalf of the Canadian
Government, an invitation to the Convention to send “a dele-
gation of the residents of Red River, to meet and confer with
them at Ottawa. . . to explain the wants and wishes of the Red
River people, as well as to discuss and arrange for the repre-
sentation of the country in Parliament.” This invitation was
received with cheers, and James Ross, seconded by Louis Riel,
moved that ‘“‘as the Canadian Commissioners have invited a
delegation from this country to Canada, to confer with the
Canadian Government, as to the affairs of this country ; and as a
cordial reception has been promised to said delegates, be it
therefore resolved that the invitation be accepted, and that the
same be signified to the Commissioners.’’

Smith’s mission was thus brought to an end. He had
succeeded where Thibault and de Salaberry had failed. He had
acquainted the people with Canada’s favourable disposition
towards them, and implanted a new fecling of unity and accord
in Assiniboia. But this very success played into Riel’s hand.
From the beginning of the outbreak Riel had aimed at securing a
united front of the different racial elements in the colony and the
co-operation of the French and English-speaking people in a
Provisional Government, which should treat with Canada the
terms upon which they would enter the Canadian Confederation.
Hitherto he had been unable to find a workable basis for united
action, and was, accordingly, not slow to take advantage of that
union which Smith had diplomatically brought about. Riel’s
first success had been the drafting of the “ List of Rights ” by the
Convention ; his second, and more important, was the formation
of the Second Provisional Government with the approval and
support of the English speaking half-breeds and white settlers.

The Provisional Government was Riel’s dée mattresse. He had
established one in December upon his own initiative, but, during

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 97

the sitting of the Convention, its authority appears to have
lapsed, and on February 8th Riel raised the question of forming
another upon the broader basis of popular approval. To the
delegates he declared :

“ We have arrived at the point, or very near it, where we must
consider the nature of the Convention, notwithstanding our
differences of opinion we have been friendly to this point. But
we are yet in a loose, unsatisfactory way. It is now necessary
for us to place ourselves in a more suitable position. We must
have a more fixed existence before proceeding much further.
Unquestionably our position can be improved by drawing closer
together than at present; and it is equally unquestionable that
we ought to be bound together by bonds of friendship and self-
interest. Union is strength. United we command a hearing
from Canada, where our rights are to come from, which we can
command no other way (cheers). It is also to be borne in mind
that a feeling of insecurity reigns in the minds of people which
can be successfully combated in no other way than by a union.
This feeling of insecurity, I need hardly say, is unsatisfactory, and
all the more so, when it is in our power to remove it. Here is a
large Convention of representatives, able, honest and good men,
the choice of their people, men who are needed at a crisis like
this. Here we have the elements from which the people look
for something good. Why not throw them into a shape in
which we can act effectually, and work in a more satisfactory
manner? We must recognize the fact that perhaps in pushing
opinion too far, we may go a long way to repeal the work we
have done. We have worked carefully and wisely, and conse-
quently believe we have done a good work. Let us not spoil it
by pressing our peculiar opinions too far. For myself, I feel
the last four months’ work to be a good one, and to be consistent,
I feel called on to work to the end for the interests of the people.
Still the Convention must not for the moment imagine that there
is any disposition on our part to disown, or not to acknowledge
others, in wishing to maintain what has been accomplished. If
matters had been pushed to the extreme there would in all possi-
bility have been something disastrous before now. But there has
been a spirit of moderation and friendship under all this earnest
working to secure the rights of the people. One of these days,
then, manifestly we have to form a Government in order to secure
the safety of life and property, and establish a feeling of security
in men’s minds, and remove a feeling of apprehension which it
1s not desirable should continue for a moment. How often have

98 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

we not, on our side, expressed a fear as to the security of property
and life. It is our duty to put an end to this, and it will be our
glory as well as our duty. As for the past, it can never be ad-
mitted that a proceeding which has saved the country is a thing
to be despised. The result shows it to be a meritorious and a
good thing. Should this Convention separate without coming
to an understanding, we leave matters worse than ever ; we leave
a gap in which all our people may be engulfed and in the angry
waves of the flood which might sweep over the Settlement we may
find reason for regret, that a wiser course had not been adopted
when it lay in our power.’’34

The question was now fairly before the Convention. Dis-
cussion followed. Riel and O’Donoghue urged that the Pro-
visional Government was an established fact and should be
recognized. The English delegates, however, remained as
reluctant as upon the previous occasion in December, to form a
Government opposed to the Hudson’s Bay Company or the
Council of Assiniboia whom they still regarded as the legal rulers
of the country ; others considered that their powers as delegates
did not extend to the recognition or formation of a Provisional
Government. Finally, Sutherland and Fraser, two of the
English-speaking delegates, accompanied by Lépine and Pagée,
went to consult Governor Mactavish upon the question. When
asked his opinion as to the advisability of forming a Provisional
Government Mactavish replied, “Form a Government for
God’s sake, and restore peace and order in the Settlement.”’%
Thus reassured, the English and Scotch no longer hesitated. On
the following day, Fraser, seconded by Donald Gunn, moved
that “ the Committee previously appointed to draw up the List
of Rights, be reappointed to discuss and decide on the basis and
details of the Provisional Government which we have agreed is
to be formed for Rupert’s Landand the North-West Territory.’””*°
At the evening session, the same day, the Committee handed in a
draft resolution outlining the details of the proposed Provisional
Government. After a considerable discussion, during which
Riel gave several displays of temper, Ross moved the adoption
of the draft resolution or report sent down by the Committee,
which was seconded by Charles Nolin. Xavier Pagée then
moved in amendment that the name of Mr. Riel be added to the
report as President of the Provisional Government. Neither of

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 99

these motions appear to have been put to a vote. Finally,
combining the two, Pagéc, seconded by P. Thibert, another métis,
moved that the report of the committee be adopted and that the
name of Mr. Riel be included as president. The English, now
committed to the principle of a Provisional Government, were
unwilling to oppose Pagée’s motion merely to spite Riel, and the
motion was carried without a dissenting voice. Judge Black,
Mr. Boyd, and Mr. Cummings did not vote.*” The final item
of business was the nomination of the following delegates to
proceed to Canada in accordance with the invitation extended by
Donald A. Smith; Reverend Father Ritchot, Judge Black and
A. H. Scott.

Riel’s star had now reached its zenith. The people were united,
the Provisional Government established and recognized by the
French and English half-breeds and the white settlers, and
Riel’s vanity satisfied by his election as president. The prospects
for an early and a peaceful settlement were bright. Thibault
wrote to Langevin, “ J’ai le plaisir de vous annoncer aujourd’hui
que les affaires prennent une bonne tournure et que sous peu nous
pouvons soumettre 4 examen du Gouvernement du Canada, les
conditions auxquelles les habitants du pays consentiront a entrer
dans la Confédération.”** Unfortunately, however, an event
occurred which brought discord to the Settlement, discredit to
the Provisional Government and disrepute to Louis Riel.

It will be remembered that Riel had imprisoned, in December,
some sixty or more Canadians, as a result of Dennis’ “ call to
arms.”’ Several of these had been released early in January, after
promising either to quit the country or totake the oath of allegi-
ance to the Provisional Government. A few days later several
more escaped, including Charles Mair and Thomas Scott, an
Irish Canadian who was to play so prominent and so sad a part
in later events. Encouraged by this success, Dr. Schultz, the
leader of the prisoners, determined to effect his escape. A knife
and a gimlet concealed in a pudding, by his wife, provided him
with the necessary tools, and on the night of the 23rd he let
himself out of his window and dropped to the ground. Although
injured by the fall, he made his way to the house of Robert
MacBeth at Kildonan, where he was sheltered for several days
from the prying eyes of Riel’s guards.”®

Meanwhile the other prisoners were detained at the Fort. A

100 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

suggestion was made by one of the settlers at the mass meeting
on January 2oth that the prisoners should be released, but Riel
had summarily refused, and the matter was not pressed.*”
However, after the acceptance of the Provisional Government by
the English-speaking inhabitants, all reason for the detention of
the prisoners had passed away, and on February roth Riel gave a
categorical statement to the Convention “ that all the prisoners
are to be released. .. . A few will have to leave the country as men
considered dangerous to the public peace. . . in respect to Dr.
Schultz the position is this, he is exiled for ever and if found in the
country is liable to be shot.”4* On February 12th sixteen of the
prisoners were released in accordance with this promise and the
remainder would have unquestionably been released had not
events taken an unexpected turn.

On February 10th, Riel mentioned in the Convention “ I have
heard a rumour as to armed men gathering in the Lower Settle-
ment. Ido not believe it.’’4? These rumours were, unfortunately,
true. The Canadian Party, with their predilection for trouble,
were at work again, this time in Portage la Prairie. The settle-
ment at the Portage was situated on the banks of the Assiniboine,
about sixty miles from Fort Garry, and was thus beyond the
jurisdiction of the government of Red River. It had been
settled largely by immigrants from Ontario and was, therefore,
English by tongue and Canadian by sympathy. It was natural
that Portage should become the haven of refuge for the Canadian
Party after the outbreak of the insurrection. Here the prisoners
who had made good their escape from Riel received a warm
welcome from their former associates and friends, and here, in
spite of the fiasco of the previous call to arms, the Canadians
began to discuss the possibility of organizing an armed force to
effect the release of the remaining prisoners. Major Boulton,
who had been Dennis’ chief assistant in December, claims that he
endeavoured to dissuade the Canadians from any hostile action
“knowing that commissioners had been appointed by the
Canadian Government on a mission of peace ” ;45 but the enthu-
siasm over Scott’s bold escape and the indignation at his sufferings,
were such that Boulton could no longer restrain them, and, feeling
it his duty “‘ to keep them to the legitimate object for which they
had organized,” he consented to act as the leader of a force of
“ Liberators.”

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 101

On February 12th, the Portage party, numbering about sixty,
and indifferently armed with rifles and clubs, set off from Portage
la Prairie. At Headingly they were met by their delegate to the
Convention, Kenneth Mackenzie, who informed them that the
prisoners were about to be released, and strongly advised them to
turn back.4# Notwithstanding this sound advice the Portage
party decided to continue, and after making certain that Major
Boulton “ meant fight,” emissaries were sent to the English-
speaking settlements below Fort Garry to inform them of the
counter-insurrection. Here Dr. Schultz had been endeavouring
to stir up the people and when the Portage party arrived at Kildo-
nan they were joined by a force of several hundred settlers and
Indians led by the redoubtable Doctor.

The promised gaol-delivery had been slow, owing to the
reluctance of some of the prisoners to take the oath of obedience
to the Provisional Government, but by the 15th the last prisoner
had been released. Several writers have declared that this
release was the result of negotiations between Schultz’s force and
Riel.4* It may have been that the presence of the hostile force
hastened the release of the prisoners, but it was not until the next
day, the 16th, that John Norquay arrived with a list of demands
from the counter-insurrectionaries. Their demands included the
release of the prisoners, a general amnesty for all, including Dr.
Schultz: at the same time they announced the refusal of several
of the English-speaking parishes to recognize the Provisional
Government. Riel replied by the same messenger :

“ Gentlemen,

“The prisoners are out, they have sworn to keep the peace.
We have taken the responsibility of our past acts. Mr. William
Mactavish has asked you, for the sake of God, to form and
complete the Provisional Government. Your representatives
have joined us on that ground. Who will now come and
destroy Red River Settlement ?

“Tam,
“Your humble, poor, fair, and confident public servant,
Louis Rrex,’’46

This message cooled the bellicose ardour of the English, the
majority of whom were only half-hearted in their opposition and had
joined the expedition merely to effect the release of the prisoners.
The Canadians, however, led by Schultz, urged that they

102 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

should attack the fort and overthrow Riel.” Fortunately wiser
counsels prevailed. Bishop Machray and other clergymen in-
formed them, unpalatable though it was, that they were no
match for Riel, who had five hundred men under his command,
and that any operation against the Fort could only result in
disaster.“ One disgusted “loyalist,” not appreciating the
wisdom of this advice, complained bitterly to the G/obe that “ this
settlement is as completely priest-ridden as ever unfortunate
Ireland was,” and had “ the Reverend Quartette quietly studied
their sermons, or in their closets offered a prayer for our success
instead of going through our ranks discouraging our men ” the
counter-insurrection might have been a success.*? Lacking the
inclination to indulge in fratricidal strife the men departed to their
homes and the hostile demonstration collapsed. The Portage
Canadians, in view of the fact that their road led past Fort Garry,
were advised not to proceed home in a body by the usual route ;
nevertheless a large number set off on February 17th.

In the face of danger the French half-brecds immediately
concentrated their forces and every preparation was made to
withstand an attack upon the Fort. The New Nation facetiously
describes their activity :

“the women and children were translated to a more peaceful
region, and the men prepared for the coming engagement.
Shops were shut. Six-shooters looked up, and preparations
made for a general barricade. Mr. O’Donoghue and his men
busied themselves taking the arms in town and exploring for
powder. Mr. Bannatyne’s magazine was unroofed, as he refused
to give up the keys, and such a clean sweep made of its contents,
that not a solitary keg was left to the disgusted proprietor. .
Men were gathering in hot haste. Cannons mounted, grape and
cannister laid in order. Five hundred men and more, we are
informed, were told off to man the bastions, ramparts, etc. Shot
and shell were piled around promiscuously. Everything that
could be done was done to make a bold stand and strike terror
into the hearts of les Anglais,’’5°

The war fever mounted and when the little Portage party were
seen pushing their way through the heavy snowdrifts outside the
Fort, a band of horsemen led by O’Donoghue and Lépine,
followed by about fifty men on foot, plunged through the snow to
intercept them. Everyone expected a fight. Major Boulton,

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 103

however, ordered his men not to provoke hostilities, and they
were, accordingly, taken to the Fort and thrust into the prison
rooms so lately vacated by the first group of prisoners. Boulton
was placed in irons and later informed that he was to be executed
at twelve o’clock on the morrow.*!

This counter movement was both futile and ill-advised. For
morc than three weeks the English and French of Red River had
striven to promote unity and friendship in the Settlement ; but
scarcely was this achieved when the whole edifice of peace was
imperilled by the actions of a few political firebrands. The
movement did not originate with the English half-breeds or with
the Selkirk settlers ; it was arranged and carried through largely
by the Canadian Party and the members of Colonel Dennis’
surveying party who had remained behind at the Portage when
the “ Conservator of the Peace ” accompanied McDougall back
to Canada. Smith wrote in his Report that the movement was
“ discountenanced ” by the majority of the settlers, who “ bitterly
complained of those who had set it on foot,” and Sir John A.
Macdonald did not hesitate to stamp the expedition as both
“foolish”? and ‘“ criminal.’’5? The immediate results were
deplorable. Two men were killed at Kildonan as the result of a
misunderstanding, forty-eight were imprisoned, and their leader
was placed under sentence of death: all the arrangements for
negotiation with Canada were jeopardized, and the mission of the
delegates indefinitely postponed. ‘To make matters worse, Louis
Riel, who had now the opportunity to show his statesmanship in
reuniting the colony, committed the greatest blunder of his
career.

Two alternatives presented themselves to Riel, conciliation or
coercion. He chose the latter. Exasperated at the ever-recurring
hostility and lack of good faith towards the government which
he regarded as legitimate—and which, as we have seen, had been
recognized by the representatives of both English and French-
speaking parishes—Riel felt there could be no peace until the
malcontents were convinced of the determination and power of
the Provisional Government to defend itself from seditious
attacks. This was Riel’s motive in imprisoning the Portage
party and condemning Boulton. Riel informed Smith that he
“ bitterly . . . deplored the necessity ” of the action, but that the
Canadians “ had laughed at and despised the French half-breeds,

104 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

believing that they would not dare to take the life of anyone, and
that, under these circumstances, it would be impossible to have
peace and establish order in the country; an example must
therefore be made, and he had firmly resolved that Boulton’s
execution should be carried out.’ At the earnest entreaty of
Bishop Machray, Archdeacon McLean, Pére Lestanc and other
people of influence, the execution was delayed fora day. In the
meantime Smith reasoned “ long and earnestly ” with Riel until
the latter finally yielded, and “ apparently with much feeling ”
asked Smith to use his influence to reunite the Settlement and to
persuade the English to rejoin the French in demanding their
rights. Smith agreed to visit the English parishes to persuade
them to elect their representatives to the Assembly of the
Provisional Government. Riel then, not only spared Boulton’s
life, but even invited him to join the Provisional Government
as the leader of the Canadian party!™

Among the Portage prisoners was a young Irish Canadian to
whom we have referred previously, Thomas Scott. Physically,
Scott was strong and sinewy, and by temperament, self-willed
and “‘ indisposed . . . to be trodden upon.’®> Coming to Red
River as a road worker he soon quarrelled with his employer,
Snow, over a matter of wages, and when Snow refused to pay
him for time lost during a strike, Scott and several others “ dragged
me,” wrote Snow, “ violently from the house towards the River
Seine, in which they declared they would drown me unless I
payed their unjust demand.’** The sum was paid under protest,
and Snow laid a charge of robbery against the men—a charge
which was subsequently changed to one of violent assault.” A
Canadian and an Orangeman, Scott incurred the enmity of the
métis “ by associating with the agitators Schultz and Company,’
and was made prisoner on December 6th, “ comme !’un des plus
dangereux partisans du Dr. Schultz, de McDougall, et de
Dennis.”*® He escaped with the others on the night of January
gth, and made his way to Portage la Prairie, where he helped stir
up the people to the disastrous expedition of February. Passing
Winnipeg with the Portage expedition of the night of the 13th-
14th, Scott entered the house of one Coutu, a cousin of Riel,
where the latter was accustomed to stay, and demanded to know
if the President were there, “‘ with the intention, according to
some, of killing him, or according to others of seizing him as a

THE RED RIVER REBELLION 10§

hostage.”*° ‘Taken prisoner a second time, it is said that he
violently attacked his guards, incited his companions to do like-
wise and threatened the life of Riel if he ever escaped.** Indeed
his alleged insolence and aggressiveness were such that it was
difficult to restrain the guards. Ricl visited Scott and entreated
him to be peaceful under pain of punishment; but Scott, no
more willing to temporize than his captor, and never believing
that the métis would dare to go to extremities, took little heed.

Finally, on March 3rd, Scott was brought before a Council of
War composed of seven French half-breeds, presided over by
* Adjutant-General”? Ambroise Lépine, and charged with
* d@avoir pris les armes contre le Gouvernement Provisoire et
frappé l'un des capitaines des gardes.”** Three witnesses, Riel,
Joseph Delorme and Edward Turner, were examined; but
Scott, although given an opportunity to answer “ quelque chose
... pour se justifier”’ was not, apparently, allowed to call
witnesses in rebuttal. The question of his guilt, when put before
the Council, was carried by a majority vote.

“ Janvier Ritchot proposa, secondé par André Nault la con-
damnation 4 la peine de mort, et Elzéar Goulet et Joseph Delorme
votérent avec le moteur et le secondeur de cette motion. Mais
Lagemoniére déclara que le Gouvernement Provisoire avait bien
existé jusque ]a sans effusion de sang, et qu’il valait mieux ne pas
recourir a de pareilles mesures. En s’inscrivant contre cette
condamnation 1] suggéra V’exil. J. Bte Lépine vota également
contre la motion. ... Ambroise Lépine présidait le Conseil et ne
parla ni dans un sens ni dans l’autre. Seulement, lorsque le
vote eut été pris, il dit: Puisque la majorité se rallie a la proposi-
tion, Scott sera executé.”

When it became known that Scott was to be shot, the Reverend
George Young, D. A. Smith, Pére Lestanc and others pleaded
with Riel for Scott’s life ; but to no avail. At twelve o’clock on
March 4th, Scott, after bidding farewell to his companions, was
conducted outside the Fort, and in the presence of some one
hundred and fifty to two hundred people, knelt before the firing
squad. The first discharge did not kill the unfortunate man, and
one of the firing squad discharged his revolver at the sufferer as
he lay upon the ground.

What was the motive for this cruel act of bloodshed? The
charges brought against Scott, namely, that he was guilty of

106 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

disorderly conduct in the autumn, had twice been involved in
hostilities against the Provisional Government, had been abusive
to his guards and incited the prisoners to insubordination, were
hardly offences that demanded the death penalty. That two of
the French half-breed members of the Council of War voted
against the death penalty emphasized this fact. The charges
supply only the excuse, not the reason. Scott’s death was a
deliberate act of policy. To Donald A. Smith, Riel said “ we must
make Canada respect us.”°* Riel was convinced that unless the
Provisional Government struck fear into the hearts of those
likely to attack this government, peace would be impossible. To
Riel the question was not one of legality but one of political
expediency ; ‘“‘ Les complications des affaires politiques de la
Riviére Rouge rendirent sa mort inévitable.”®* It is, moreover,
undeniable that the immediate object of his policy was attained,
and that the settlement from a state of extreme excitement,
suddenly seemed to have dropped into one of thorough tran-
quillity. The English and Scotch half-breeds, and even the white
settlers, continued to co-operate with Riel and the Provisional
Government. Indeed, only five days after the execution, W.
Garrioch, the representative of Portage la Prairie, whence the
rising that had indirectly led to the death of Scott had emanated,
stated in the Assembly of the Provisional Government “‘ Except
in one instance, we have done our utmost to keep the peace. We
feel that we ate in duty bound to come under the Provisional
Government, and are now on perfectly good terms with all the
people of Red River.”’**

Nevertheless the execution of Scott cannot be condoned.
Speaking of the assassination of the Duc d’Enghien by Napoleon
in 1804, Talleyrand is reputed to have said, “ C’est plus qu’une
crime, c’est une sottise.” The execution of Scott was both.
There can be no doubt that Riel and the French métis had higher
motives than mere vindictiveness, but it was a grave error to have
recourse to a form of punishment used only as a last resort in
civilized communities. The rebellion had been almost bloodless,
but this regrettable event aroused those latent racial and religious
passions which have been so deplorable a feature of Canadian
history, and left bitter memories that were not soon forgotten.

CHAPTER VI
THE MANITOBA ACT

WHILE these events were taking place, Bishop Taché was hurrying
home from Rome whither he had gone in October, 1869, to
attend the Oecumenical Council. Alexandre Antonin Taché, the
first Archbishop of St. Boniface, was one of the outstanding men
of the North-West, as a missionary, author and scholar. Born in
Quebec in 1823, he felt himself called, like many of his com-
patriots, to the service of the Roman Catholic Church, and in 1844
he began his noviciate in the Order of the Oblates of Mary
Immaculate. One year later he began his mission work in the
West under Bishop Provencher, whom he succeeded as Bishop on
the latter’s death in 1853. By his long residence in the North-
West and by his devotion to the welfare of the people, Taché
acquired an almost unbounded influence over the meétis: it
was to be regretted that the Canadian Government did not take
advantage of this to facilitate the peaceful transfer of the Hudson’s
Bay Company Territories to Canada. Unfortunately, not only
were Taché’s warnings disregarded, but the prelate himself was
in Rome when the troubles broke out.

Before leaving Canada, Taché had promised, in spite of the
snub received from Sir George Cartier,! that he would return
should the Government consider his services necessary.2 At
Paris he heard the first news of the troubles in his diocese, and at
Rome the critical proportions which they had attained. On
Christmas day Taché was informed that his presence would
probably be required at Ottawa, and a few days later a positive
request to this effect was made through Bishop Langevin.
Taché was reluctant to return, in view of his earlier treatment
at the hands of the Canadian Government and “ l’immense con-
solation que je gofite au Concile,”? but, putting personal considera-
tions to one side, he replied by telegram to Sir Hector Langevin
that, at the request of the Government, he would leave for
Canada as soon as possible.4 Having secured Papal permission
to absent himself from the Council, Taché left Rome on January

107

108 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

13th. En route he stopped in England where he had an inter-
view with Sir Stafford Northcote, to whom he stated that he
“ went down to Canada last autumn especially to confer with the
Canadian Government on the approaching change, but that his
remarks and advice met with little response on their part—in
fact they ridiculed him, and said that he had been bought by the
Hudson’s Bay Company,” but declared that while “ he had heard
that the Rev. Mr. Ritchot was reported to be supporting the half-
breeds . . . as regards himself no efforts would be wanting on
his part to support order and use his influence with others to
that effect.’

At Portland, where he arrived on February 2nd, he received a
letter from Cartier conveying the thanks of the Canadian Govern-
ment and requesting him to come at once to the capital. On
Taché’s arrival Cartier frankly admitted the Government’s
previous errors and introduced Taché to the leading members of
the administration with whom interviews and conversations were
held. The question of an Imperial Commission to the North-
West was discussed but discarded,® and Taché himself, having
been taken fully and unreservedly into the Government’s con-
fidence, undertook the mission. Armed with the Proclamation
of December 6th, with letters from Sir John Young, Sir John A.
Macdonald and Joseph Howe,” and with the promise of a general
amnesty, Bishop Taché set out for the North-West.

The prelate’s arrival was eagerly awaited in the Settlement.
Critical days were at hand. On February 26th Smith reported
that he was expected at any moment,® but, unfortunately, it was
not until March oth, five days after the regrettable shooting of
Scott, that Taché reached the scene of the insurrection. Riel
was suspicious of the Bishop’s intentions: ‘Ce n’est pas Mgr.
Taché qui passe, ce n’est pas l’Evéque de Saint Boniface, c’est
le Canada qui passe.”® Thus, while Taché was free to come and
go as he pleased, a guard was placed at his door.*® On the 11th
the Bishop made his first report to the Canadian Government. In
a long letter to Howe he analysed the whole situation and
explained the antagonism of the métis to Canada. Taché was
fully aware of the fear of racial and economic absorption under-
lying the rising and he suggested that it might be wise to delay
immigration for the time being. He also announced the pros-
pective departure of the North-West delegates and begged

THE MANITOBA ACT 109

the Canadian Government “ to do justice to their demands.”

The temper of the people at Red River seems to have been
comparatively quiet when Taché arrived in the Settlement. It is
truce that Taché later declared that he had found matters much
worse than either he or the Canadian Government had anticipated,
but he appears to have been unduly alarmed. Contemporary
evidence shows that the execution of Scott was followed, not by a
storm, but by a calm. The American Consul in his despatches
to the State Department made no reference to the Scott affair,
and was apparently sufficiently impressed by the Government’s
determination to assert its authority to inquire “‘ whether in my
official intercourse with the officers of the so-called Provisional
Government I shall recognize them as de facfo officers or not.”?!?
Riel’s speech on March 9th to the partially gathered Assembly
was marked by conciliation and moderation. He made an
earnest plea for mutual concession and unity: “If we were so
united—as was said long ago—the people of the Red River could
make their own terms with Canada.’”}8_ The half-breed secretary,
Louis Schmidt, declared that Taché was merely preaching to
converts.14 There was a complete absence of political tension in
the columns of the New Nation which, on the 11th, stated that
“the departure of the delegates for Ottawa, which was to have
taken place last week, was deferred until the arrival of His Lord-
ship, Bishop Taché, in the expectation of some additional powers
for the adjustment of political matters having been delegated to
him. Thus far, nothing has occurred which justified the belief
that further delay is necessary and so the delegates will take their
departure early in the ensuing week.”!5

Although the situation was not so critical as has been supposed,
Taché’s beneficent influence was bound to make itself felt. The
excitement in the colony gradually disappeared, and gave place to
calmer judgment in dealing with the troubles of the country.
On March 11th the Bishop interviewed Riel, Lépine, O’Donoghue
and others, and explained that the Canadian Government was
favourably disposed towards the people of Red River, and that he
was the bearer of a Proclamation from the Governor-General.
This appeared to produce a favourable impression, and the
leaders of the Provisional Government protested “ that they had
never intended to rise against the Crown, that their sole intention
was to come to an understanding with the Canadian authorities

I

110 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

previous to joining Confederation.”’® On the following day

Taché preached “ an eloquent sermon ” on “ the state of affairs
in the country,” urging ‘‘ moderation and union amongst the
people ” and promising that “Canada was prepared to grant
them everything that was right.”?” Two days later a special
meeting of the newly-elected ‘ Legislative Assembly ” was
summoned to hear what the Bishop, in his capacity as Com-
missioner, had to say. He pointed out that Canada was expecting
a delegation from the North-West, and quoted Macdonald’s
words that “in case a delegation is appointed to proceed to
Ottawa, you can assure them that they will be kindly received,
and their suggestions fully considered. Their expenses, coming
here and returning, and whilst staying in Ottawa, will be defrayed
by us.”"® Taché also read a telegram, which he had received
from Joseph Howe, in which the latter described the ‘‘ List of
Rights ” promulgated by the Convention as ‘“‘ Propositions in the
main satisfactory ; but let the delegation come here to settle the
details.””° The happy conclusion was the unanimous decision to
send the delegates who had been nominated for the mission, and
the release, upon Bishop Tache’s request, of the Portage prisoners.”°

The delegates, however, did not depart immediately. Judge
Black had informed Riel, as early as February 16th that “ the
obstacles being considered insurmountable, he is under the
necessity of declining to accept the office of Delegate to Canada.””*
Ritchot, likewise, was reluctant to serve, and it was only after
Tachée’s “‘ repeated entreaties in private conversations with those
gentlemen ” that they finally agreed “‘ to accept the delicate mission
that had been offered them more than a month before.”??_ The
question of credentials and instructions now arose. The “ List
of Rights” approved by the Convention in February was
considered unsatisfactory as a final basis of negotiation with
Canada. Riel had never given up the idea of provincial status
and Taché himself was said ‘‘ to incline to the erection by the
people of a provincial government.” Accordingly the Executive
of the Provisional Government, assisted, no doubt, by the Bishop,
drew up the following “ List of Rights” which was printed,
both in English and in French, and given to the delegates on
March 22nd.

“1, That the Territories, heretofore known as Rupert’s Land
and North-West, shall not enter into the Confederation of the

THE MANITOBA ACT 111

Dominion of Canada, except as a Province, to be styled and
known as the Province of Assiniboia, and with all the rights and
privileges common to the different Provinces of the Dominion.

“*2, That we have two Representatives in the Senate, and four
in the House of Commons of Canada, until such time as an
increase of population entitle the Province to a greater representa-
tion.

“3, That the Province of Assiniboia shall not be held liable,
at any time, for any portion of the public debt of the Dominion
contracted before the date the said Province shall have entered
the Confederation, unless the said Province shall have first
received from the Dominion the full amount for which the said
Province is to be held liable.

“4. That the sum of eighty thousand dollars ($80,000) be
paid annually by the Dominion Government to the Local
Legislature of this Province.

“5, That all properties, rights and privileges enjoyed by the
people of this Province, up to the date of our entering into the
Confederation, be respected, and that the arrangement and
confirmation of all customs, usages, and privileges be left ex-
clusively to the Local Legislature,

“6. That during the term of five years, the Province of
Assiniboia shall not be subjected to any direct taxation except
such as may be imposed by the Local Legislature for municipal
or local purposes.

“‘5, That a sum of money equal to eighty cents per head of
the population of this Province be paid annually by the Canadian
Government to the Local Legislature of the said Province, until
such time as the said population shall have increased to six
hundred thousand (600,000),

“8, That the Local Legislature shall have the right to deter-
mine the qualifications of members to represent this Province in
the Parliament of Canada, and the Local Legislature.

“9, That, in this Province, with the exception of uncivilized
and unsettled Indians, every male native citizen who has attained
the age of twenty-one years, and every foreigner, being a British
subject, who has attained the same age, and has resided three
years in the Province, and is a householder ; and every foreigner
other than a British subject who has resided here during the
same period, being a householder, and having taken the oath of
allegiance, shall be entitled to vote at the election of members
for the Local Legislature and for the Canadian Parliament. It
being understood that this Article be subject to amendment
exclusively by the Local Legislature.

112 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“10. That the bargain of the Hudson’s Bay Company with
respect to the transfer of the Government of this country to the
Dominion of Canada be annulled, so far as it interferes with the
rights of the people of Assiniboia, and so far as it would affect
our future relations with Canada.

“rr. That the Local Legislature of the Province of Assiniboia
shall have full control over all the public lands of the Province,
and the right to amend all acts or arrangements made or entered
into with reference to the public lands of Rupert’s Land and the
North-West, now called the Province of Assiniboia.

“tz, That the Government of Canada appoint a Commission
of Engineers to explore the various districts of the Province of
Assiniboia, and to lay before the Local Legislature a report of the
mineral wealth of the Province within five years from the date
of our entering into Confederation.

“13, That treaties be concluded between Canada and the
different Indian tribes of the Province of Assiniboia, by and with
the advice and co-operation of the Local Legislature of this
Province.

‘74. That an uninterrupted steam communication from Lake
Superior to Fort Garry be guaranteed to be completed within the
space of five years.

“15. That all public buildings, bridges, roads, and other
public works be at the cost of the Dominion Treasury.

“16, That the English and French languages be common in
the Legislature and in the Courts and that all public documents,
as well as Acts of the Legislature, be published in both languages.

“17. That whereas the French and English-speaking people
of Assiniboia are so equally divided as to number, yet so united
in their interests and so connected by commerce, family con-
nections, and other political and social relations, that it has
happily becn found impossible to bring them into hostile collision,
although repeated attempts have been made by designing
strangers, for reasons known to themselves, to bring about so
ruinous and disastrous an event.

** And whereas after all the troubles and apparent dissensions
of the past, the result of misunderstanding among themselves,
they have, as soon as the evil agencies referred to above were
removed, become as united and friendly as ever.

‘“‘ Therefore as a means to strengthen this union and friendly
feeling among all classes we deem it expedient and advisable—

“That the Lieutenant-Governor who may be appointed for
the Province of Assiniboia should be familiar with both the
French and English languages.

THE MANITOBA ACT 113

“78. That the Judge of the Supreme Court speak the
English and French languages.

“19. That all debts contracted by the Provisional Govern-
ment of the Territory of the North-West, now called Assiniboia,
in consequence of the illegal and inconsiderate measures adopted
by Canadian officials to bring about a civil war in our midst, be
paid out of the Dominion Treasury; and that none of the
members of the Provisional Government, or any of those acting
under them, be in any way held liable or responsible with regard
to the movement or any of the actions which led to the present
negotiations.

“20. That in view of the present exceptional position of
Assiniboia, duties upon goods imported into the Province shall,
except in the case of spiritous liquors, continue as at present for
at least thrce years from the date of our entering the Confedera-
tion, and for such further time as may elapse until there be un-
interrupted railroad communication between Winnipeg and St.
Paul; and also steam communication between Winnipeg and
Lake Superior.”’?4

This list was, unfortunately, not submitted to the “ Legislative
Assembly,” which had been in session since March 9th, until
some wecks after the departure of the delegates. Time was
pressing and it may possibly have been that Riel feared the
rejection by the Assembly of those terms which had not appeared
in the previous list.

The essential differences between this list and that adopted
by the Convention are to be found in Clauses 1 and 19, namely,
the demand for provincial status, the payment of the debts of the
Provisional Government by the Dominion, and an amnesty for
all acts committed during the insurrection. The Convention
had rejected the demand for provincial status in February, but
Riel had clung to the idea and Taché wrote to Cartier, “‘ Je crois
qwil vaut mieux que nous entrions de suite dans la Confédération
comme province.”?> The demand for an amnesty was inserted
to protect the half-breeds from the legal consequences of their
levies upon the Hudson’s Bay Company and private individuals,
and from criminal proceedings arising out of the death of Thomas
Scott. The other clauses, although for the most part similar to
those drawn up for Smith, were more exacting. The financial
demands were increased from £25,000 to £80,000 and eighty
cents per head of the population; four representatives in the

114 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

House of Commons and two in the Senate instead of two and one
respectively were asked for ; and the annulment of the “ bargain ”
with the Hudson’s Bay Company, in place of exemption from
liability “‘ for any portion of the £300,000 paid to the Hudson’s
Bay Company.” The remaining clauses were virtual repetitions
of those of the previous list: while the demands relative to the
inviolability of local customs, usages and privileges, the equality
of the French and English languages, and the necessity for steam
and rail communication with Eastern Canada and the United
States, had appeared, not only in the February List, but also in the
December “ Bill of Rights.” On the whole the third list of
rights was not an impracticable document. Some of the
demands were, in view of the small population of the Red
River Settlement, unreasonable ; nevertheless the terms of the
list were astonishing evidence of the political understanding of
Louis Riel and his half-breed associates.

It is important, however, to note that this third list of Rights
was not the only list used during the negotiations at Ottawa.
Ritchot, at least, carried with him another list identical in every
respect with that quoted above, with the exception of clause 7
which ran as follows :

* Que les écoles soient separées, et que les argents pour écoles
soient divisés entre les différentes dénominations religeuses, au
pro rata de leurs populations respectives.’’6
Whether this change was made on the authority of the Executive
of the Provisional Government, or by Riel and his clerical
advisers, is not known. It is not improbable that either Ritchot
or Taché, realizing the inevitability of Protestant predominance
in Assiniboia, and feeling that Section 5 of the list was not
sufficiently definite, requested the insertion, at the last moment, of
the clause cited above. One thing, at least, is certain, namely,
that the demand for separate schools was made and was conceded
during the North-West negotiations at Ottawa, although, for
reasons which are not apparent, this fact was not made known
generally until 1874.7”

The question of the credentials of the delegates was also a
controversial one. The Canadian Government took the stand
that Ritchot, Black, and Scott, were the accredited delegates of
the Convention rather than of the Provisional Government.
Lord Dufferin stated in 1875 that ‘“ they were selected, and the

THE MANITOBA ACT 1I§

terms they were instructed to demand were settled, before the
election of Riel to the so-called Presidency.”2& This was not,
strictly speaking, what actually occurred. As related above, the
delegates had declined to accept their appointment from the
Convention and were not persuaded to undertake the task of
negotiation until after Taché’s return. In view of the fact that
the Provisional Government had been established by and with the
approval of the majority of the different racial elements in the
colony, it would appear that the delegates were justified in accept-
ing their commission directly from the Secretary of that Govern-
ment. The following is a copy of the commission forwarded to
Ritchot on March 2and.¥

* To Revd. N. J. Ritchot Ptre.

“Sir—The President of the Provisional Government of
Assiniboia in Council, by these presents grants authority and
commission to you, the Reverend N. J. Ritchot, jointly with John
Black, Esquire, and the Honorable A. Scott, to the end that you
betake yourselves to Ottawa, in Canada ; and that when there you
should lay before the Canadian Parliament the list entrusted to
your keeping with these presents, which list contains the con-
ditions and propositions under which the people of Assiniboia
would consent to enter into Confederation with the other
Provinces of Canada.

“Signed, this twenty-second day of March, in the year of Our
Lord, one thousand cight hundred and seventy.

“ By Order,
“ (Sgd.) THomas Bunn,
“Secretary of State.
“ Seat of Government,
** Winnipeg,
** Assiniboia.”
Armed with this commission, a letter of instructions, and a copy
of the List of Rights, the delegates set out for Canada. On the
23rd the Reverend Father Ritchot and Alfred H. Scott departed in
company with Colonel de Salaberry, followed the next day by
Judge Black and Major Boulton.

In the meantime a storm of indignation was sweeping over
Ontario as a result of the execution of Thomas Scott. Early
events at Red River had aroused the spirit of the expansionists
and the “Canada First”? party—a group of vigorous young
nationalists of whom Dr. Schultz was one—but among the majority

116 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

of the people of the province the actions of the half-breeds created
only a passing interest or a mild amusement. The execution of
Scott, an Ontarian, was, however, a different matter from the
mishaps of McDougall, and the “‘ Canada First ” party were not
slow to seize the opportunity to whip up public opinion. A great
demonstration was planned for the “ refugees ” of Red River in
order to draw attention to the event, and the widespread denuncia-
tion of the execution as a murder was expected to “ foment a
public opinion that would force the Government to send up an
armed expedition to restore order.”*° The passionate editorials
of W. A. Foster in the Toronto Telegraph, andthe fiery denuncia-
tions of the G/obe set Ontario aflame. When Schultz, Mair,
Lynch, Monkman and Dreever, arrived in Toronto on April 7th,
they were greeted by a large crowd of demonstrators and con-
ducted to the Market Square where a huge open-air meeting was
held. Six thousand or more people were present. This vast
multitude was addressed by Schultz and the other “ refugees,”
and a series of resolutions passed endorsing the actions of the
“ loyalists,” advocating decisive measures to quell the “ revolt,”
and declaring that “it would be a gross injustice to the loyal
inhabitants of Red River, humiliating to our national honour,
and contrary to ali British traditions for our Government to
receive, negotiate, or treat with the emissaries of those who have
robbed, imprisoned and murdered loyal Canadians, whose only
fault was zeal for British institutions, whose only crime was
devotion to the old flag.’

The agitation was carried on with vigour. Conferences were
held with Schultz, Mair, and Lynch, and it was decided that local
demonstrations should be held all over the country and pressure
brought to bear upon the Prime Minister. Numerous “ indigna-
tion meetings ” were held in Ontario and evenin Montreal; a
petition was forwarded by Lynch to the Governor-General ;
and the Te/egraph, in an article, entitled, “‘ The Messengers of the
Murderer, Are they to be received ? ” urged that no truck should
be had with “ rebels,” no treaty with “ traitors,” and no inter-
course with ‘“‘ murderers.” The matter was taken up in
Parliament. The Prime Minister was asked if he was prepared
‘to treat with men who come here with their hands red with
blood . . . knowing . . . that the feelings of the people of the
country is (sic) excited to a red hot heat.’? Alexander Mac-

THE MANITOBA ACT 117

kenzie, the leader of the Opposition, maintained that the delega-
tion should not be received,?3 and in the Senate the Honourable
David Reesor was with difficulty persuaded to withdraw his
motion that “ If the Government met or recognized any delega-
tion of persons, sharing the reponsibility of this murder, they
would compromise themselves and shock the moral sense of the
people of Canada.”54

The next move of the “‘ Canada First ” group was to effect the
detention of the Red River delegates. Hugh Scott, a brother of
the “‘ murdered ” man, swore out a warrant for the arrest of
Ritchot and A. H. Scott on a charge of aiding and abetting the
“murder.” The warrant was despatched to Ottawa with the
request that the prisoners should be sent to Toronto for trial.
On April 14th the two delegates, who had travelled from Prescott
to Ottawa under police protection, were arrested on the above
warrant. They were almost immediately released as the warrant
was held to have no power in Ottawa, but were soon re-arrested
upon another warrant issued in that city. Ritchot protested
vigorously to the Governor-General against this breach of
diplomatic inviolability.** The Canadian Government, however,
could take no action in the matter, the information having been
sworn by private parties, but they retained the Honourable J. H.
Cameron as counsel for the defence and assured the anxious
Colonial Office that the arrest had been in no way authorized
by them.*’ When the case came before the court it was found
that there was no evidence to support the charge, and the two
delegates were honourably discharged. Shortly afterwards, the
negotiations which had begun in such an inauspicious manner,
were resumed in spite of the fulminations of the disappointed
* loyalists.’’38

The Colonial Office attached considerable importance to these
pourparlers, although it was at first doubted if any good would
come of them,” and Sir Clinton Murdoch, who was being sent on
a mission to New York and Ottawa regarding emigration, was
directed to proceed first to the Canadian capital in order that the
Canadian Government might be in close touch with the views
of Her Majesty’s Government on the Red River difficulty.“
Sir Stafford Northcote, the Governor of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, also offered his services, but acceptance was not
deemed advisable by the Canadian Government."

118 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The negotiations opened with preliminary conversations with
Judge Black, but on the release of Ritchot and Scott, the three
delegates officially notified the Canadian Government of their
mission. Macdonald, in the face of Ontario’s manifest hostility,
did not wish either to recognize the delegates in any official
capacity, or to make any concession which might further inflame
Canadian opinion. He at first made a set upon Judge Black, “ as
the party to be flattered and influenced,” inducing him to stand
firmly on the original Bill of Rights in opposition to any new
demands made by Ritchot and Scott.42 Ritchot, however, was
adamant, and threatened to return to Red River if the delegates
were not given official recognition. Howe accordingly addressed
the following letter #3 to the delegates.

“ Ottawa, April 26th, 1870.

“ Gentlemen—TI have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of the 22nd instant, stating that as delegates from the North-
West to the Government of the Dominion of Canada, you are
desirous of having an early audience with the Government, and
am to inform you in reply that the Hon. Sir John A. Macdonald
and Sir Geo. Et. Cartier have been authorized by the Government
to confer with you on the subject of your mission and will be
ready to receive you at eleven o’clock. I have the honour to
be

“Gentlemen,
“Your most obdt. servant,
“(Signed) JosepH Howe.”
“To the Revd. N. J. Ritchot, Ptr.,
“J. Black, Esq.,
“ Alfred Scott, Esq.”

Thenceforth the negotiations proceeded upon the basis of the
instructions given to the delegates by the Provisional Govern-
ment.

The path of the negotiations was by no means a smooth one.
Many of the half-breed demands were considered “ extravagant
and inadmissable,”#4 and Ritchot was little inclined to com-
promise. Moreover, Macdonald and Cartier were faced with the
difficult task of preserving the balance between Ontario and
Quebec. In the English province the agitation was vociferous
and the cry for vengeance was heard everywhere. In the French
province sentiment was inclined to find apologies for Riel’s
violence. The situation was such that the American Secret

THE MANITOBA ACT 119

Agent, who was watching the progress of the discussions at
Ottawa, wrote to Washington “ there seems a gloomy prospect
for the Ministry unless Hon. Joseph Howe and the members of
the Eastern Provinces can interpose for the adoption of a moder-
ate measure.”45 In the end, a satisfactory compromise was
arrived at. To appease Ontario an armed force was to be sent
to the North-West, not as a punitive expedition, but as a con-
stabulary and a defence against the Indians. To satisfy the half-
breeds—and incidentally, Quebec—a Bill was drawn up incor-
porating the general features of the “ List of Rights,” and intro-
duced into the House of Commons by Sir John A. Macdonald
on May 2nd.

The Manitoba Bill provided for a province of some eleven
thousand square miles, governed by a Lieutenant-Governor
appointed by the Dominion, a nominated Upper House of seven
members, and an elected Assembly of twenty-four. The little
province was to be granted two senators and four representatives
in the House of Commons, this number to increase in proportion
to the growth of the population. Separate schools and the
official equality of the French and English languages were
guaranteed. The province was to be granted, in lieu of debt,
$27.27 per head, plus an annual subsidy at the rate of eighty
cents per head, until the population, then estimated at 17,000,
numbered 400,000. An additional $30,000 was allowed for the
expenses of government. The lands were to be under the control
of the Dominion, but 1,400,000 acres were reserved for the half-
breeds and their children and all existing titles and occupancies
were to be respected.

The Bill met with considerable criticism from the Liberal
Opposition benches. McDougall condemned the granting of a
responsible representative government, and drew attention to the
omission of the “ Canadian” settlement of Portage la Prairie
from the new province, allegedly at the instance of the French
Roman Catholics.** The Honourable Alexander Mackenzie,
forgetting for the moment Simcoe’s Lilliputian Legislature in
Upper Canada, characterized the Bill as so “ludicrous...
that it only put one in mind of some of the incidents in Gulliver’s
Travels.”*” After an amendment in accordance with Mc-
Dougall’s suggestion, incorporating the Portage settlement in the
Province of Manitoba, the Bill was introduced for the second

120 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

reading by Sir George Cartier—-Macdonald having been seized
by an illness which for some time threatened his life. The debate
was long and heated, and was marked by bitter clashes between
McDougall and Howe. ‘The size of the province, the expensive
system of government, and the large reserve of land for the half-
breeds, all came under the fire of the Liberal benches ; but the
Government would accept no further amendments, Finally, on
May 9th, McDougall moved the rejection of the Bill. The result
was an anti-climax to the debate. McDougall’s motion was
defeated by the decisive vote of 120 to 11,** and on May 12th the
Manitoba Bill was given the Royal Assent.

In view of the fact that the Manitoba Act departed very
radically in some respects from the British North America Act of
1867, it was considered necessary to place it upon the footing of
an Imperial statute. The provisions in regard to the representa-
tion of the province in the Federal Parliament were, technically at
least, a/éra vires of the Federal Government ; while the retention
of the control of crown lands in the province by the Dominion,
was a distinct violation of section 92 of the British North
America Act which reserved to the province the management and
sale of public lands. Hence, in December 1870, Sir John A.
Macdonald drew up a memorandum on the question, in which
he pointed out that it was advisable that there should be an
Imperial Act confirming the Manitoba Act, empowering the
Dominion to establish new provinces in the North-West, and
giving the Federal Government power to increase or diminish
the size of the provinces with their consent. In accordance with
this request the British Parliament passed the British North
America Act of 1871, confirming the Manitoba Act “ for all
purposes whatsoever.”

The selection of a new Lieutenant-Governor was a matter of
considerable importance. An error of judgment in this respect
had previously resulted in unpleasant complications ; another
might prove fatal. The Honourable William McDougall, on
his return, had promptly resigned the office of Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor and devoted his energies to the defence and justification of
his conduct. He was attacked in the press and in Parliament, but
he struck back with vigour and passion, and addressed to Howe
a series of open letters “‘ which for heat, pungency, and invective,
are not excelled in the political literature of Canada.’’*! As

THE MANITOBA ACT t2t

McDougall’s successor several possibilities presented themselves.
Judge Black was suggested by Father Thibault as agreeable to
the settlers? Mactavish and Donald A. Smith were also
considered by Macdonald, and even Colonel Garnet Wolseley
intimated his desire for the position.*3 But the appointment of a
military man was not deemed advisable, and the Prime Minister’s
choice fell upon the Honourable A. G. Archibald of Nova
Scotia, who fully justified the confidence thus placed in him, and
who, by his tact and conciliation, tided over a difficult period in
Manitoban history.

The Red River insurrection virtually at an end, the Canadian
Government concluded arrangements for the acceptance of the
transfer of Rupert’s Land, which had, in December, been
indefinitely postponed. Immediately upon the conclusion of the
negotiations with the Red River delegates, Sir John Rose was
authorised to pay the agreed indemnity to the Company,*4 and
upon the delivery of the Deed of Surrender to Lord Granville,
the Canadian financial agents in London paid over the £300,000.
The process of surrender completed, the Imperial Government,
on June 23rd, 1870, passed an Order in Council that ‘‘ from and
after the fifteenth day of July, 1870, the . . . North-Western
Territory shall be admitted into and become part of the Dominion
of Canada. . . and that the Parliament of Canada shall from the
day aforesaid have full power and authority to legislate for the
future welfare and good government of the said Territory.’
July 15th, 1870, thus became the natal day of the Province of
Manitoba.

In the meantime the Provisional Government had continued to
administer the political affairs of the Red River Settlement. On
March 18th, the following resolutions were adopted :°°

“1, That we, the people of Assiniboia, without disregard to
the Crown of England, under whose authority we live, have
deemed it necessary for the protection of life and property and
the securing of those rights and privileges we have seen in danger,
to form a Provisional Government, which is the only acting
authority in this country ; and we do hereby ordain and establish
the following Constitution :

“2. That the country hitherto known as Rupert’s Land and
the North-West be henceforth known and styled ‘ Assiniboia.’

“3, That our Assembly of Representatives be henceforth
styled the ‘ Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia.’

122 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

4. That all legislative authority be vested in a President and
Legislative Assembly composed of members elected by the
people; and that at any future time another house, called a
Senate, shall be established when deemed necessary by the
President and Legislature.

“5, That the only qualification necessary for a member to
serve in the Legislature be, that he shall have attained the age of
twenty-three years; and he be a citizen of Assiniboia and a
resident of the country for a term of at least five years ; and he
shall be a householder and have rateable property to the amount of
£200 sterling ; and that if an alien, he shall have first taken the
oath of allegiance.”

On March 23rd, Louis Riel took the oath as President of the
Provisional Government and the elected deputies were sworn in
as members of the “ Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia.”

A few days later Riel entered into negotiations with Governor
Mactavish of the Hudson’s Bay Company for the resumption of
business by the Company. The terms were severe. Ricl
demanded :*”

“1. Que toute la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson dans le
Nord-Ouest reconnaisse le Gouvernement Provisoire.

“2, Que vous souscrivez, au nom de la Compagnie de la Baie
d’Hudson, 4 un emprunt au Gouvernement Provisoire pour la
somme de £3,000 sterling.

“3. Que sur la demande du Gouvernement Provisoire, dans
le cas ot les arrangements avec le Canada seraient entravés, vous
garantissiez un supplément de £2,000 sterling 4 la somme sus-
mentionée.

“4, Qu’il soit octroyé par la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson
a administration militaire du Gouvernement Provisoire, pour la
valeur de £4,000 en provisions de bouche et en marchandises au
prix courant.

“5. Que la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson remettra immeédi-
atement ses bills en circulation.

“6. Que la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson se désiste d’une
quantité spécifiée de marchandises que le Gouvernement Pro-
visoire se réserverait, en cas d’arrangements.”

In return he promised to open Fort Garry and the other Company
stores, and to grant them the protection of the Provisional
Government. Mactavish had no alternative but to accept. On
April 2nd, he signified his acquiescence, and a week later began
to grant bills of exchange on London.

THE MANITOBA ACT 123

The whole aspect of the Settlement was now in a process of
change. The New Nation dropped its pro-Yankee tone, and,
under the editorship of an erstwhile supporter of the Canadian
Party, Thomas Spence, became very loyal. On April 23rd the
Union Jack was raised over Fort Garry by the order of Louis
Riel. W. B. O’Donoghue, who represented the American and
Fenian interest during the insurrection, resented these pro-British
manifestations ; he tore down the Union Jack which Riel had
raised and replaced it with the flag of the Provisional Govern-
ment. The American vice-consul reported the incident in the
following manner: ‘“ Quite a war of words ensued between the
two leaders, and the two flags alternated with great rapidity for
some days, the matter being finally compromised by the hoisting
of both flags. The dispute between them, however, has not yet
healed and their friendship is very Platonic.”°* Riel stationed
André Nault at the foot of the British flag with strict orders to
shoot anyone who should endeavour to remove it.°® As a
result of this action “‘ Riel rose greatly in the public opinion.”®
In all of these things we can see the moderating influence of
Bishop Taché, who was, according to report, “ virtually, although
not in name, the Government of the country.”

Bright as the prospects for a peaceful settlement appeared,
there were, still, threatening clouds upon the political horizon.
The arrest of the delegates, the fulminations of the Ontario press,
and the uncertainty as regards a gencral amnesty, all contributed
to produce a feeling of unrest, which was further aggravated by
the fear of the Indians, the Fenians, and the offers of men and
money from interested American sources to oppose the troops
which Canada was sending to the Settlement. It was even
reported that “there is a strong disposition evinced by many
members of the Provisional Government to commence hostilities
upon any pretext whatever.”*? It is probable that this was an
overstatement, but, nevertheless, the situation was such that only
the definite assurance by Bishop Taché of a general amnesty,"* the
corroborative promises of Father Ritchot, and the favourable
terms of the Manitoba Act relieved the tension.

In June, Ritchot returned to Red River with the result of his
efforts at Ottawa. The Canadian Government had studiously
avoided any recognition of the right of the Provisional Govern-
ment to ratify the terms of the settlement, as this would have

124 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

involved a recognition of Riel and his associates for which the
British and the Canadian Governments were not prepared ;
nevertheless the Provisional Government proceeded to a formal
ratification. A special session of the “ Legislative Assembly ” was
summoned, to which Ritchot, as an official accredited delegate of
the Provisional Government, made his report. This report was
received with much satisfaction, and on the motion of Thomas
Bunn and A. G. B. Bannatyne, a cordial vote “ for the straight-
forward, courageous, and successful way” in which Father
Ritchot had discharged his duty was adopted. It was then moved
by Louis Schmidt and Pierre Poitras, and carried with enthusiastic
applause, “ that the Legislative Assembly of this country do now,
in the name of the people, accept the Manitoba Act.”°* Thomas
Bunn accordingly despatched the following letter to Joseph
Howe notifying him of the ratification of the terms agreed upon
at Ottawa :°°

“J have the honour to inform you that one of our delegates to
your Government has returned and has reported on the result of
his mission.

“Tn considering that report, the first point which presented
itself, was the insulting and undignified reception which our
invited delegates met with on their arrival in Canada, a citcum-
stance which, I need hardly say, is very much to be deplored.

“In view, however, of the liberal policy adopted in the interest
of the people of the North-West by the Canadian Ministry, and
recommended by the Imperial Government, a policy necessarily
based on the principles for which they have fought, the Provi-
sional Government and the Legislative Assembly, in the name of
the people of the North-West, do accept the ‘ Manitoba Act,’
and consent to enter into Confederation on the terms entered into
with our delegates.

“T have further the honour to inform you that the Provisional
Government and the Legislative Assembly have consented to
enter into Confederation in the belief, and on the understanding,
that in the above-mentioned terms a general amnesty is con-
templated to all the parties who had to meet the difficulties with
which the Provisional Government had to deal, without which
amnesty the people of the North-West could not consider them-
selves treated as a peaceable and a loyal people ought to be, but
would feel themselves unjustly forced into Confederation.

**T have, etc.,
“(Sed.) THomas Bunn.”

THE MANITOBA ACT 125

Riel concluded the proceedings with a characteristic speech :°*

“JT congratulate the people of the North-West on the happy
issue of their undertakings (cheers). I congratulate them on
having trust enough in the Crown of England to believe that
ultimately they would obtain their rights (cheers). I must, too,
congratulate the country on passing from under this Provisional
tule to one of a more permanent and satisfactory character.
From all that can be learned, also, there is great room for con-
gtatulation in the selection of Lieutenant-Governor which has
been made. For myself, it will be my duty and pleasure, more
than any other, to bid the new Governor welcome on his arrival
(loud cheers). I would like to be the first to pay him the respect
due to his position as Representative of the Crown (cheers).
Something yet remains to be done. Many people are yet anxious
and doubtful. Let us still pursue the work in which we have
been lately engaged . . . the cultivation of peace and friendship,
and doing what can be done to convince these people that we
never designed to wrong them (cheers), but that what has been
done was as much in their interest as our own (cheers).”’

Assured by Ritchot that Cartier had instructed him to carry on
the government until the arrival of Lieutenant-Governor
Archibald,® Riel remained, until August 24th, at the helm of the
government which he had launched. Everything appeared to
have reached a peaccful and satisfactory conclusion, The Pro-
visional Government proceeded to disband their troops, all
necessity for their existence having passedaway. The half-breeds
had been protected, by Act of Parliament, from the worst dangers
of an alien immigration ; the Roman Catholic Church had been
guaranteed the privileges i: had sought; the Red River Settle-
ment appeared about to enter upon a new era of unity and self-
government; and Riel was only waiting to surrender the
government into the hands of the Canadian Lieutenant-Governor,
when the arrival of the military force threw the colony once more
into a state of turmoil.

CHAPTER VII
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870

THE despatch of a military force to the North-West was an
undertaking confronted with many formidable obstacles. The
objective, Fort Garry, was cut off from Canada by a land of rocky
rivers, swampy valleys, tangled forests, and treacherous muskegs,
which provided neither supplies nor provisions, but afforded
excellent cover for guerrillas. There were only three possible
routes, the first, via Hudson Bay ; the second, through the United
States; and the third, over the old North-West canoe route
from Lake Superior to Lake Winnipeg.

The first route had been used in 1846 and 1848 when a few
troops and pensioners were sent to Red River during the Oregon
alarm. But upon each occasion the force had been a peaceful
one. For a force whose intent against the colony might be
considered hostile, the Hudson Bay route was of small value.
From the Bay, which was closed by ice for the greater part of the
year, the only channel of access to the Settlement was a canoc or
bateau route seven hundred miles long, through a series of lakes
and rivers broken by innumerable portages, which a few hundred
sharpshooters might defend against an army of several thousand.
The second alternative was out of the question. No troops
could be sent over American soil in view of the prevailing anti-
British feeling current in the United States. The Washington
National Republican probably voiced the opinion of the majority of
the American people when it declared “if... any attempt
should be made to bring the North-West colony into subjection
by a resort to arms there can be but one opinion throughout the
American Union, as to the duty of the United States Government
in the matter, and that is to adopt the most decisive method to
prevent an Indian war of extermination and protect the colony
in the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine and under the claims of our
common humanity against the oppression of a foreign power.’”!
Senator Chandler, of Michigan, moving an insolent resolution
for the annexation of Red River by the United States, declared

126

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 127

that for Canada to send five or ten thousand men was “ simply
to sacrifice them.” Only one hundred thousand men, he
maintained, could hope to make a stand, and then only with the
permission of the United States, for, should the great Republic
protest, “one hundred thousand would be no better than one
hundred.”? The third route, through the chain of lakes and
rivers which lie partly along the international boundary between
Lake Superior and Lake Winnipeg, was the shortest. It was a
water route, practicable only for boats and canoes. In winter,
however, it was useless, and in summer its innumerable portages,
deep morasses, and thick forests, afforded excellent cover for
irregular troops, a few of whom might render the passage of an
expeditionary force practically impossible.

While nature and politics thus provided serious obstacles to
the advance of an invading army, the vast prairies to the west,
like the plains of Russia and the veldts of South Africa, provided
an unlimited retreat for the inhabitants of the colony. The
adventures of General Christian de Wet in the South African War
are sufficient proof of the extreme difficulty, even with modern
facilities, roads, railways and telegraphs, of making a clean
sweep of mobile columns operating in wide spaces. Of the half-
breeds as soldiers Colonel Crofton wrote :

“The half-breed hunters with their splendid organization
when on the prairies, their matchless power of providing them-
selves with all necessary wants for many months together, and now
since a trade with the Americans has sprung up, if they should
choose, for years, their perfect knowledge of the country and
their full appreciation and enjoyment of a home in the prairie
wilds, winter or summer, would render them a very formidable
enemy in case of disturbance or open rebellion against constituted
authorities. The half-breed hunters of Red River could pass into
the open prairies at a day’s notice, and find themselves perfectly
at home and secure, where white men, not accustomed to such a
life would soon become powerless against them and exposed to
continued peril.

“The physical appearance of the half-breeds is much in their
favour. They are a tall, strong, and active race of men. They
are the best horsemen and marksmen in the country. If it should
ever be considered expedient by Her Majesty to raise a body of
irregular cavalry in this country, there exists in the half-breed
the most eligible material I have ever seen in any country and I
have seen the Risalus of India and the Arabs.”’8

128 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Under these circumstances it is not surprising that Riel felt
himself secure from any attempts at military coercion. During
the first Convention he replied to the suggestion that Canada
would probably send troops :

“Vhiver nous protége avec ses neiges et ses tempétes . . . la
Baie d’Hudson, la Baie de Tonnerre, et le térritoire Americain ne
sont pas aisés 4 franchir pour nous atteindre d’ici au printemps
. .. pendant ce temps nous aurons des arrangements avec le
Canada.”

To add to the difficulties of sending a military expedition to
the North-West, the British Government, in 1870, announced
that all British troops in Canada, with the exception of small
garrisons at Quebec and Halifax, were to be withdrawn. The
whole question of Imperial defence had been carefully considered
in 1861 with the almost unanimous conclusion that the main
object of British policy should be to encourage local efforts and
local organization, instead of dependence upon the mother
country ; and that the responsibility and cost of military defence
should, in future, be assumed by the self-governing colonies
themselves. Although this policy did not meet with unqualified
approval in the colonies, nevertheless the trend of colonial
development was national rather than Imperial, and the presence
of Imperial troops in Canada was inconsistent with the growth of
Dominion autonomy. To attain the status of nationhood the
colonies had to assume the responsibilities of nationhood, the
greatest of which was self defence. Accordingly, in 1862, the
British House of Commons resolved that ‘‘ Colonies exercising
the rights of self-government ought to undertake the main
responsibility of providing for their own internal order and
security, and ought to assist in their own external defence.’
Thenceforward this principle was adopted by every successive
ministry until, in 1873, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies was
able to announce “ that the military expenditure for the colonies
is now almost entirely for Imperial purposes.””®

From the beginning of the outbreak in Red River, it was appar-
ent that the Canadian Government considered the possibility of
sending troops to the colony, urging as a reason for the delay of
the transfer that “ troops cannot be sent through British territory
until May. United States will not allow troops through their
country.”” The British Government were not, however, anxious

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 129

to become involved in the North-West imbroglio, and Granville
noted in an office minute “ the more I think of it the more I doubt
the expediency of sending Imperial troops to Red River.’*
Canadian public opinion, more or less indifferent to the events in
the far west, did not demand the despatch of a military force
during the early months of the rising. Until the death of Scott
aroused the public wrath the G/obe made only a passing suggestion
that a military man with wide discretionary powers and an
adequate force should be sent to Red River “‘ as soon as ever it is
seen that there is no other way.’’? Sir John Macdonald, however,
while pursuing a policy of conciliation and concession, was
quietly making preparations for the sending of an expedition over
the old North-West canoe route in the spring. S. J. Dawson,
who had virtually rediscovered the route in his explorations in
1868, was placed in charge of the construction of a road from Lake
Superior to the navigable waters of the interior. This road was
part of the scheme of communication with Red River of which
Snow’s road was to form the western link. Early in January
Dawson was instructed to have the road from Lake Supcrior to
Lake Shebandowan ready by May 1st so as to admit of the passage
of horses and waggons."° The portages were ordered to be
cleared and contracts were let for the building of one hundred
boats. The Algoma and the Chicora were chartered to convey
men and boats through the Sault Ste. Maric canal as soon as it
was open, about the middle of April, and agents were sent to
prepare the way for the expedition among the Indians who lived
along the route to be traversed.

Although British policy was to leave questions of internal
order and security to the Dominion alone, Sir John Macdonald
made these preparations with every hope of Imperial assistance.
Writing to Granville on January 26th, he expressed the hope
“that Her Majesty’s Government will co-operate liberally with
us in the way of a Regular Force. I think the best plan will be to
send a mixed expeditionary force of a small body of Regulars
with some light artillery so as to shell the Forts in case they are
held. It is of great importance that a part of the force should be
Regular troops as it will convince the United States Government
and people that Her Majesty’s Government have no intention of
abandoning this continent.”’!_ This letter was followed early in
February by a confidential Cabinet minute urging the expediency

130 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

of immediate preparations for an expeditionary force and the
necessity of Imperial co-operation :

“First, a belief exists not only in Rupert’s Land but in the
United States, extending even to their leading statesmen, that
England does not care for the retention of her North American
Colonies as a portion of the Empire, and that she will not make
any effort to retain them.

“ Secondly, because the prestige of an Expedition composed
partly of Regular troops will be much greater than if it consisted
of untried volunteers only ; and

“Thirdly, because a feeling of hostility to Canada having
unfortunately arisen which does not exist with regard to England,
the insurgents would more readily lay down their arms to a
British force than one entirely Canadian—and even in the case of
actual resistance, the conflict would not be attended with the
same animosity, and after the rising was put down would not
leave behind it such feelings of bitterness and humiliation.

“Tt is hoped, then, that H.M. Government will readily assent
to send a small body of Regular troops, with an officer of reputaa
tion in command. Canada will supplement that Force to any
extent that may be necessary to quell the insurrection and restore
peace and order.”’!?

The British Government was not prepared to authorize the
use of Imperial troops to suppress a rather nebulous political
disturbance in the far off North-West, and Granville replied to the
above memorandum that the Imperial Government would give
the required assistance only on condition that reasonable terms
were granted to the Red River settlers, and the transfer of the
territory proclaimed simultaneously with the movement of the
force.13 The Canadian authorities accepted these conditions,
and on March 24th the Honourable James Lindsay left for Canada
to replace Sir John Michel as Lieutenant-General, and to take
charge of the arrangements for the Red River Expedition.

The proposed expedition was not regarded with complete
approval in military circles. The retiring commander, Sir
John Michel, in a memorandum on the military and political
aspects of an expedition of British troops to the Red River
Settlement asked “‘ is it too much to say that England is risking a
disgrace for an apparently small cause ? If it be a pecuniary matter
England can better afford to pay her millions than suffer a partial
failure, much more a disgrace.”** Again in a private letter!®

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 131

Michel voiced his opinion that “ our War Office should be as
clear of this reckless expedition as circumstances will now admit,”
emphasizing the danger of Fenian and American complications :

* It must always be borne in mind that at Fort Garry you are
in a trap, from whence in case of any difficulty on the part of the
United States you can only escape by Hudson Bay, of which the
waters are only open six weeks in the year and then only with a
perfectly friendly free state in your rear. . . Will not the American
Government succumb to the love, as well as the electioneering
necessity of popularity, by holding their hands in reference to
Fenian or Minnesota sympathy, and by tacitly permitting aid to
be sent to what is termed a free expression of the will of the
people >”

With the arrival of General Lindsay, on April sth, the organi-
zation of the proposed expedition was undertaken with a military
efficiency to which the Canadian Government was unaccustomed.
Feeling that the force, though mixed, was essentially an Imperial
one, Lindsay endeavoured to centralize control in his own hands.
All details of equipment, commissariat, transport, and supplies,
were taken out of the hands of the officers employed by the
Ministry of Militia, and placed under a Control Department. It
was impossible, however, to dispense with some form of dual
control, a fact which led to delay, indecision, mistrust, and ill-
feeling. Despite the early purchases by the Canadian Govern-
ment, preparations were far from complete, and Lindsay com-
plained to the War Office of the vexing necessity of making
frequent trips to Ottawa to spur on the Canadian authorities,’
who, even as late as April 11th, were apparently undecided as to
whether troops would definitely be sent to Red River or not.”
Under Lindsay’s pressure preparations moved more quickly.
On the 15th a plan for the enlistment of two militia regiments
was drawn up by the Canadian Adjutant-General, and on May
6th Granville informed Young that the troops might proceed.”*

The force was composed of small detachments from the
Royal Artillery, Royal Engineers, Army Service Corps and Army
Hospital Corps, 373 men and officers of the Goth Rifles (Regulars),
and two battalions of Militia from Ontario (382 men) and Quebec
(389 men). There were, in addition, a large number of teamsters,
guides, Indians and voyageurs under S. J. Dawson, attached to the
force to assist its transportation to Red River. The Imperial

132 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Regulars were under strict orders to return after the successful
completion of the expedition, in order to be withdrawn from
North American soil before the New Year. The Militia were
enlisted for one year’s service. Only men of the strongest and
hardiest constitutions were selected, as, on an expedition of this
nature, every sick man would be more than an ordinary encum-
brance. Moreover, General Lindsay decided that none of those
who had had any connexion with the Honourable William
McDougall or with the recent disturbances in Red River were
to accompany the expedition. In spite of this wise precaution
many of those who enlisted in the Ontario battalion did so with
the object of revenging the death of Thomas Scott—a fact
which was pregnant with future discord in the newly-formed
province. On the other hand the Quebec battalion was slow
to fill its ranks, and, in the end, had to be completed with English-
speaking volunteers. Almost the entire Quebec press was
opposed to the expedition and to French Canadian enlistment
in a force, which, they claimed, was directed against their
kindred in the North-West; with the unfortunate result that of
the 362 volunteers of the Quebec battalion (exclusive of officers),
only seventy-seven were of French Canadian parentage.’®

The officer selected to lead the expeditionary force was
Colonel—later Field Marshaland Viscount—G. J. Wolseley, who
was, at that time, Deputy Quartermaster-General in Canada.
Although it is said that the Militia Department would have
preferred the selection of Colonel Robertson Ross,” then
Adjutant-General of the Canadian Militia, Wolseley’s appoint-
ment received wide approval. “I consider it very fortunate,”
wrote Lindsay, ‘“‘ that an officer who knows Canada and its
Volunteers so well, and who has so much ability and experience,
should have been available for this service.’’!

While the military force was in the process of organization,
the Canadian Government, it will be remembered, had been
negotiating with the delegates of the Provisional Government.
Political expediency and the British Government had insisted
upon this course and the successful conclusion of the negotiations
removed whatever necessity there may have been for punitive
measures. But to abandon the expedition was impossible. The
refugee Canadians loudly demanded “a conquest and a military
rule, until a Canadian immigration can outvote the present

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 133

inhabitants,”’?? and public opinion in Ontario, now at a white
heat over the Scott affair, would never have tolerated such a
concession to the French of Quebec and the half-breeds of
Manitoba. On the other hand, Quebec opinion regarded the
expedition as an instrument of English Protestant coercion and a
menace to the peaceful settlement of the Red River troubles ; and
a resolution was moved in Parliament, by a French Canadian
Conservative, that the duty of restoring order rested only with
the Imperial Government.?3 The position of the colony, how-
ever, demanded the presence of some form of police or military
force, if only to protect the people from possible inroads by
filibustering Fenians or irresponsible Indians. Sir John Young
wrote to Granville to this effect early in May :*4

“Preparations are being pushed on with vigour to start the
expedition at an early date. The Government are very confident
that no attempt at opposition will be made, but the events of the
last six months make it indispensable to send a force to support
the civil authority established by law, and guarantee the preserva-
tion of order to the industrious and peaceable portion of the
settlers against any riot or violence on the part of others, and
against any troubles which might arise from the ignorance or
possible discontent of the Indian tribes whose minds have been
shaken and disturbed by recent events at Fort Garry.”

Thus, to satisfy the demands of necessity in the North-West and
expediency in Ontario the military expedition was proceeded
with ; but to reassurc the half-brecds and Quebec all appearance
of a punitive force was avoided. The Governor-General
explained the nature of the compromise in his speech closing the
session of Parliament on May 12th :?

“ Her Majesty’s troops go forth on an errand of peace, and will
serve as an assurance to the inhabitants of the Red River Settle-
ment and the numerous Indian tribes that occupy the North-West,
that they have a place in the regard and counsels of England, and
may rely upon the impartial protection of the British sceptre.”

The expedition was from the first confronted with vexatious
delays. At Collingwood two steamers had been provided, and
by means of these, troops, stores, waggons, horses, etc., were
carried to Sault Ste. Marie. To pass into Lake Superior it was
necessary to make use of the canal built on the American side.
Acting in a manner which was both discourteous and unfriendly,

134 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

in view of the fact that Canada had permitted the United States
to send armed revenue cutters through Canadian canals, Secretary
Fish, without making any inquiry, gave orders that “ no military
expedition of any foreign power, whether of troops or boats
intended for the purpose of taking part in any military or warlike
expedition, or of warlike matcrial be allowed to pass through
Sault Ste. Marie canal without express instructions .. . from the
Government at Washington.”** The result was, that although
the Algoma slipped through the canal unsuspected, the Super-
intendent of the canal refused to allow any other boats to pass
through, even when empty. Immediate representations were
made by the Governor-General to the British Minister at
Washington.”

“* My Government has learned with great surprise that Canadian
steamer Chicora has been stopped from passing through Sault
Ste. Marie canal. She had on board ordinary commercial freight
and no warlike stores. The Canadians at all times have allowed
free use of Welland and other canals to American vessels, even
to armed revenue cutters when the Government of the United
States desired during war to transfer some of those cutters to the
Atlantic. Persecution considered very unfriendly. My minis-
ters trust United States Government will interfere and let Ste.
Marie canal remain on same footing as regards Canadian vessels
as Welland is as regards United States vessels. No munitions of
war will be sent through canal in any event, not even tents.”

The British Minister, Sic Edward Thornton, communicated
the views of the Governor-General to the American Government,
and although the G/obe considered his protest as unnecessarily
weak and humiliating,”* he was able to reply on May 17th that
official instructions had been sent to permit the passage of the
Chicora and other vessels through the Sault canal.7” This un-
necessary act of discourtesy brought forth a strong minute from
the Canadian Government, but it must be admitted that the whole
affair might have been obviated had the Canadian Government
taken Lindsay’s advice and requested the necessary permission
before the expedition had embarked.

The second delay was encountered in the early stages of the land
journey. It had been expected that by the time the expedition
landed at Prince Arthur’s Landing, near Fort William, a
practicable road would be completed from that place to Lake

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 135

Shebandowan where the troops were to embark in canoes and
boats for Fort Garry. Superintendent Dawson had positively
assured the Canadian Government that the road would be ready
by the opening of navigation,*° and upon that assurance Colonel
Wolseley had based his calculations. Unfortunately the forest
fires and the heavy rains had so delayed the construction of the
road that by the time of Wolseley’s arrival on May 25th, only
thirty miles had been finished and many miles were still uncut
through primeval forests. To expedite matters the troops and
voyageurs were put to work, and throughout the month of June
and half of July, Wolseley’s army struggled with the tools of the
road builder instead of the weapons of the soldier.

To relieve the deficiency of the land transports Wolseley
directed his attention to the possibility of sending boats by way of
the Kaministiquia, a neighbouring river full of rocks and rapids.
Such a course was deemed impossible by S. J. Dawson, but the
Hudson’s Bay Company officer at Fort William pronounced it
possible, although very difficult. Wolseley was willing to take
the risks involved and Captain Young was directed to proceed
with the boats to Lake Shebandowan. The experiment, although
successful, was too costly. The work was of such a difficult
nature that many of the Indians hired as boatmen deserted, and
considerable discontent manifested itself among the voyageurs,
who considered that the boats could more easily have been taken
overland by waggon. Moreover, the boats were badly damaged,
and rowlocks and oars lost or broken.

A month and a half of this heavy and uncongenial labour of
constructing a road through an inhospitable country, and the
reiterated hints in both the French and the English Canadian press
that the expedition would eventually be abandoned, dampened
the spirits of the troops. Wolseley himself became discouraged,
and went so far as to accuse Cartier and Langevin—the latter,
Minister of Public Works—of attempting to sabotage the
expedition.*2 The timely visit of General Lindsay inspired the
waning enthusiasm, and by July 16th the first boatload of troops
was despatched from the shores of Lake Shebandowan.

Further delays might have ensued had the Indians of the region
made any effort to oppose the passage of the troops through their
country. The Government had foreseen this possibility and
W. M. Simpson and R. Pither were despatched in advance to

136 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

prepare the way for the expedition. This was a wise precaution,
for, as Captain Huyshe admitted, ‘‘ there is no doubt that a hun-
dred determined men might have inflicted termendous loss on the
troops with comparative impunity ; for, thoroughly acquainted
with the vast network of lakes, they could have fired on the boats
as they passed through narrow channels, or blocked up the
portages, and done much mischief in a variety of ways, while to
have attempted to pursue them through the woods and lakes
would have been madness.’** At Fort Frances several pow-
wows were held with the Indians. These occupied several days.
Old Crooked Neck, the principal chief, made exorbitant demands
in stating the terms on which they would allow the troops free
passage through their territory, but finally compromised on a few
presents of flour and pork.*4

In order to instruct Colonel Wolseley as to the progress of
events in the North-West, and more particularly regarding the
rumoured Fenian activity south of the frontier, Captain Butler—
later Sir William Butler—was sent to Red River via the United
States. After proceeding through Minnesota to Fort Garry,
where he had an interview with Louis Riel, Butler returned up
the Winnipeg river by canoe to meet the expedition. Arriving at
Fort Frances on August 4th, he learned that Wolseley was
close at hand. Paddling to meet him, Butler met the large
North-West canoes, sweeping along with their Iroquois paddlers
timing their strokes to an old French boat song. In the fore-
most canoe sat Colonel Wolseley, who, on recognizing Butler,
called out “‘ Where on earth have you dropped from?” “ Fort
Garry, twelve days out, sir,” was the reply.

Colonel Wolseley had also despatched a Proclamation to the
Red River Settlement explaining the peaceful nature and objects
of his force. At the same time he sent letters to J. H. McTavish,
the Hudson’s Bay Company agent at Fort Garry, and to the
Roman Catholic and Anglican Bishops, requesting them to take
measures for pushing forward the partially completed Snow road
to the Lake of the Woods. In accordance with this request the
following notice appeared in the colony :**

“ Department of Public Works.

“Laborers Wanted :

“* Notice is hereby given, that from two hundred to two hun-
dred and fifty men are immediately required to make a cart road

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 137

from the east end of Mr. Snow’s road to the north-west angle of
the Lake of the Woods.

“Engagements made at the Office of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, Upper Fort Garry.

“ Five shillings sterling per day, and board, will be given to
axe men and laborers.

** By order of

“G, J. WoLsELEy,
“Colonel, commanding Red River
Expeditionary Force.
“ J. H. McTavisn,
“Hudson’s Bay Company.”

By the time Wolseley reached the Lake of the Woods this road
was reported as feasible, but the Colonel had determined to have
no more to do with partially completed roads. Instead he
continued down the Winnipeg river, a route considered by many
as the most dangerous part of the journey.

The navigation of the Winnipeg river by boat or canoe was an
extremely difficult task, except for very experienced men. In its
course to the lake, the river falls many hundreds of feet over a
succession of rocky cataracts. It was possible to run many
rapids, but the greater number had to be passed over by long and
arduous portages. Fortunately the expedition managed to over-
come all the perils of the route without serious misadventure,
and although several boats were wrecked, no lives were lost.

Colonel Wolseley gives a vivid description of running a
rapid :°”

“ The pleasurable excitement of danger is always an agreeable
experience, but the enthralling delight of feeling your frail canoe
or boat bound under you, as it were, down a steep incline of
wildly rushing waters into what looks like a boiling, steaming
cauldron of bubbling and confused waters, exceeds most of the
other maddening delights that man can dream of. Each man
strains for his life at oar or paddle, for no steerage-way can be
kept upon your boat unless it be made to run quicker than the
water. All depends upon the nerve and skill of the bowsman
and steersman, who take you skilfully through the outcropping
tocks around you. But the acme of excitement is of short
duration, and the pace is too quick to admit of self-examination.
No words can describe the rapid change of sensation when the
boat jumps through the last narrow and perhaps twisted passage

138 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

between rocks, into an eddy of slack water below! You had—
perhaps unknowingly—held your breath, whilst every nerve was
nigh to breaking point, during the moments of supreme danger ;
but in a few seconds of time afterwards, a long breath of relief
comes that enables you to say ‘ Thank God!’ with all heartfelt
sincerity.”

The whole story of the expedition was by no means such a
narrative of sport and adventure. The portages involved
considerable labour. As the troops were obliged to cross some
forty-seven portages, it may be useful to describe the method of
portaging employed. The bulkiest articles were the boats,
which were about thirty feet long and built in proportion.
Each carried eight or nine soldiers and two or three voyageurs or
Indians, together with sixty days’ provisions for all. There was,
in addition, artillery, ammunition, and camp equipment. The
boats were distributed into brigades of six, cach brigade carrying
all its own extra supplies and replacements. As each brigade
reached the rapid or waterfall over which it was necessary to
portage, the boats were unloaded and a road was cut over the
portage, which might vary in length from several hundred yards
to more than a mile. Rollers of six or eight inch poplar trees
were then cut and laid on the road, over which the boats were
hauled by the soldiers. The stores were carried by men and
officers alike. The system adopted was that used by the Indians
and the voyageurs ; a long strap, of several inches in width, was
passed around the forehead and attached to the barrel or load on
the back, the head and neck thus bearing the greater part of the
strain. Men accustomed to this work were able to carry weights
from three to four hundred pounds. Steele, in his Reminiscences,*®
related that one of the guides carried two barrels of pork and one
thousand rounds of ammunition, a load of five hundred and
twenty-eight pounds of awkward bulk; while Captain Redvers
Buller always took at least two hundred pounds and sometimes
three hundred pounds at a trip. Some of the portages were
very rocky, others excessively steep, and others of considerable
height and very long, still others were barred by streams or marsh-
land and had to be corduroyed or bridged. Some idea of the
amount of work involved in a portage is shown by the fact that,
on a portage one mile long, each man, heavily burdened, might
be required to make ten trips across it, thus walking at least

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 139

nineteen miles.** It is not surprising, therefore, that when the
men returned to Canada, they were in splendid condition, expert
axe men, and all more or less skilled in the craft of the voyageur
and woodsman.

At Rat Portage Wolseley was met by letters from Fort Garry,
and, what was more important, by several guides and skilled
rivermen brought from the Red River Settlement by the Reverend
Mr. Gardiner. Without the assistance of these men the passage
of the Winnipeg river would probably have been much slower
and more perilous. As it was, the advance guard of the force
arrived safely, on August 2oth, at Fort Alexander at the mouth
of the Winnipeg river, where they were welcomed by Donald A.
Smith.

From this place Wolseley pushed south towards Fort Garry.
He had received no information from the neighbouring parishes
as to the state of affairs in the capital of the colony, and was
apparently uncertain as to whether the half-breeds would make a
show of resistance. On August 23rd, the army encamped a
few miles from the Fort. Forgetful that they were bound “ on
an errand of peace ”’ the soldiers were eager for battle, hoping
that the morrow would see “a pretty little field day when our
line of skirmishers should enclose Fort Garry and its rebel
garrison, as in a net.”*° The next morning, their enthusiasm
undampened by the drenching downpour during the night, they
marched towards their objective. An eye-witness account of the
taking of the fort is given by Captain Huyshe :4!

“Passing round the flank of the village, the fort appeared in
sight about seven hundred yards off, across the open prairie. A
few stray inhabitants in the village declared that Riel and his
party still held possession of the fort and meant to fight. The
gates were shut, no flag was flying from the flag-staff, and guns
were visible, mounted in the bastions and over the gateway that
commanded the approach from the village and the prairie over
which the troops were advancing. It certainly looked as if our
labours were not to be altogether in vain. ‘Riel is going to
fight!’ ran along the line, and the men quickened their pace and
strode cheerily forward, regardless of mud and rain. M. Riel
rose in their estimation immensely. The gun over the gateway
was expected every moment to open fire, but we got nearer and
nearer and still no sign; at last we could see that there were no
men standing to the guns, and, unless it were a trap to get us

140 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

close up before they opened fire, it was evident that there would
be no fight at all. ‘ By God | he’s bolted |’ was the cry. Colonel
Wolseley sent forward some of his staff to see if the south gate
were also shut; they galloped all round the fort, and brought
back word that the gate opening on to the bridge over the
Assiniboine River was wide open, and men bolting away over
the bridge. The troops then marched in by this gateway, and
took possession of Fort Garry after a bloodless victory.”

The half-breeds had long since abandoned any idea of resist-
ance. The first news of the approach of the military expedition
had, indeed, caused considerable uneasiness, but the successful
conclusion of the negotiations at Ottawa, the repeated declara-
tions of the Canadian Government that the expedition was not
a warlike one—“ the expedition is an expedition of peace, and the
Quebec battalion comprises a large number of your friends ”’4?
—and the assurances of Bishop Taché that a general amnesty had
been promised, persuaded Riel and his adherents that no hostile _
movement was being directed against them. Moreover,
Wolseley’s proclamation,*? which had been sent to Red River at
the end of June and circulated throughout the Settlement by Riel
himself,** was likewise reassuring to the erstwhile insurgents.

“To the Loyal Inhabitants of Manitoba.

“* Her Majesty’s Government having determined upon station-
ing some troops amongst you, I have been instructed by the
Lieutenant-Genera] Commanding in British North America to
proceed to Fort Garry with the force under my command.

“Our mission is one of peace, and the sole object of the
expedition is to secure Her Majesty’s sovereign authority.

“(Courts of Law such as are common to every portion of Her
Majesty’s Empire will be duly established, and justice will be
impartially administered to all races and all classes. The loyal
Indians or half-breeds being as dear to our Queen as any others
of Her loyal subjects.’’)#®

“ The force which I have the honour of commanding will enter
your province representing no party either in religion or politics,
and will afford equal protection to the lives and property of all
races and of all creeds.

“ The strictest order and discipline will be maintained, and
private property will be carefully respected. All supplies
furnished by the inhabitants to the troops will be duly paid for.
Should anyone consider himself injured by any individual belong-
ing to the force, his grievance shall be promptly enquired into.

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 141

“ All loyal people are earnestly invited to aid in carrying out

the above-mentioned objects.
“G. J. Woxsetey, Colonel, Commanding the Red
River Force.
“Prince Arthur’s Landing,
“Thunder Bay, 30th June, 1870.”

Had the half-breeds determined to make a stand, and taken
advantage of their knowledge of the country and their kinship
with the Indians, there is a strong possibility that the dramatic
ambush of Braddock at Fort Duquesne might have been re-enacted
in the North-West. The conciliatory policy of the Government
and the sympathetic statements of Cartier had, however, com-
pletely disarmed the malcontents in Red River, and, instead of
sending men to oppose Wolseley’s advance, many of those who
had taken part in the insurrection were out with no more formid-
able weapons than axes and shovels, making a road for Her
Majesty’s troops! In the “ Legislative Assembly ” Riel declared
that “ it will be my duty and pleasure more than any other to bid
the new Governor welcome on his arrival,’ and informed
Butler, ‘I only wish to retain power until J can resign it to a
proper Government. I have done everything for the sake of
peace, and to prevent bloodshed amongst the people of this
land.”** Even as late as August 23rd Riel was told by Bishop
Taché that he had nothing to fear from the military expedition.
But, warned at the last moment that his life would be in danger
if he remained at Fort Garry, Riel, considering discretion the
better part of valour, fled.

Nine days after the fall of the Fort and the flight of Riel,
Governor Archibald arrived at Fort Garry. It had been the
Government’s intention that, as the military force was not a
punitive expedition, Archibald should so time his arrival as to
teach Red River immediately after the troops in order to take
charge of the civil government.*” This precaution was necessary,
for, in spite of the reiterated statements of the peaceful nature of
the forcc, Canadian malcontents hoped “ that as soon as the troops
arrive, martial law will be proclaimed, to be followed by the
hanging of a few of the French party.’** J. H. McTavish of the
Hudson’s Bay Company was aware of this feeling and wrote to
Taché in Eastern Canada “ knowing what I do of the intentions
of the Canadian Government, and fully understanding those of

L

142 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the Provisional Government, I consider it highly advisable that
Mr. Archibald should be on the spot at least as soon as the
troops.”*? Bishop Taché, it appears, hoped to expedite Archi-
bald’s arrival by sending a number of half-breeds to meet and
conduct him to the Settlement via the Snow road.°° Unfortu-
nately, the Governor was unable to find the place where he was
to meet the escort and was obliged to continue his journey down
the Winnipeg river, arriving in Winnipeg on September 2nd.
In the meantime, the Provisional Government having vanished
and the new Government not having yet assumed authority, the
civil affairs of the colony were administered by Donald A. Smith,
as the representative of the Hudson’s Bay Company, at the
request of Colonel Wolseley. On Archibald’s arrival Smith
surrendered his authority to the Lieutenant-Governor. “I
yield up my responsibilities with pleasure,” Smith declared.
“Yes,” returned the Governor, “I really don’t anticipate much
pleasure on my own account.’’5!

Archibald did not find the organization of the new province
an easy task. Racial feeling continued to run high in view of
the actions of those whose only thought was of revenge. In the
end, however, owing to the Governor’s moderate, but firm
course, the clouds began to lift and the political horizon of
Manitoba took on a brighter hue. Proceeding at once to form a
new government, Archibald appointed Alfred Boyd, an English-
speaking resident of Red River and member of the second Con-
vention, and Marc Girard, lately arrived from Montreal, as the
first members of his executive council. A census of the Settle-
ment was taken and the province divided into twenty-four
electoral districts. On December 30th, the first provincial
elections were held. The results of these were significant. Dr.
Schultz was defeated by D. A. Smith and many of those returned,
both English and French, had participated in the Convention or
the Provisional Government in some capacity or other—a fact
which refutes any charge that the insurrection was entirely a
minority movement, the work of Louis Riel and a few French-
speaking adherents. Reporting the returns to Howe, Archibald
wrote, “I am happy in being able to add that the elections were
conducted all over the province in perfect good humour. I do
not believe a blow was struck or violence of any kind attempted
at any hustings in the province during the progress of the

THE MILITARY EXPEDITION 1870 143

elections. The returns give a large majority sustaining the policy
of the Government.’

It was the desire of the British Government that the British
troops should be withdrawn as soon as order had been restored,
and following the arrival of the two regiments of Canadian
militia, arrangements were made for the return of the Regulars.
On August 29th, the first detachment started down the Red
River and by September 3rd the last of the Imperial troops had
waved farewell to the grey stone fort at the junction of the Red
and Assiniboine rivers. On their arrival in Eastern Canada
they at once embarked for England, and were the last Regular
troops to serve in Canada.

CHAPTER VIII
THE AMNESTY QUESTION

Tr first Riel Rebellion had now come to an end, but it left as its
legacy a question which, for the next five years, became the
shuttlecock of Canadian party politics, namely, the question
of an amnesty to those involved in the Red River troubles. The
history of this question is one of assertions and denials, of
hopeless appeals and nugatory correspondence, but it raised
questions of paramount importance to the young Dominion.
Although of little importance in itself, the amnesty question not
only revealed the fundamental weakness of Canadian unity, the
absence of a fully developed nationalism ; it also went to the root
of Imperial constitutional relations.

“La politique canadien,” wrote André Siegfried, “est un
champ clos de rivalités passionées.”! An immemorial struggle has
marked the pages of Canadian history from 1760 to the present
day, a struggle of race and of religion. When Great Britain
conquered the French in Canada she failed either to annihilate
or to assimilate them, with the result that Canada has been faced
with the problem of reconciling the diverse interests of two races
divided by nationality, language, and religion. Various con-
stitutional experiments have been made and cast aside as failures.
Both the Constitution of 1791 and the Act of Union were
rendered unworkable by racial conflict. The Confederation of
1867 was a conscious effort to provide a solution for this deadlock
and to promote unity among the divergent elements which fate
and circumstance had brought together. Sir George Cartier
saw in the federal union the possible development of a super-
nationality in which the differences of race, language, and
religion, should lose their disintegrating power. Under these
circumstances it was imperative that no crisis should arise until
the Confederation, which was, in Macdonald’s words “ only yet
in the gristle,”? had hardened into bone. It was this consideration
which guided the policy of Sir John A. Macdonald and the Hon-
ourable Alexander Mackenzie when the amnesty question forced

144

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 145

itself upon them. The amnesty question was the first serious
racial controversy which the new Dominion was called upon to
face, and with which, for national reasons, it was reluctant to
grapple.

Had there been no bloodshed during the insurrection an
amnesty for the insurgents would probably have followed as a
matter of political expediency. But the execution of Thomas
Scott, an English-speaking Orangeman, by Louis Riel, a French-
speaking Roman Catholic, kindled all those racial and religious
passions, which, however common to Canadian history, were the
outcome rather than the cause of the half-breed troubles of 1869-
70. In Red River the death of Scott aroused no bitter feelings or
racial recriminations, but in Canada it was the spark which
telighted the latent embers of sectarian controversy. Ontario
regarded the execution as a cold-blooded murder of an English
Protestant loyalist by a French Catholic rebel : Quebec, believing
that the métis were fighting for the rights of French-speaking
Canadians, regarded the shooting of Scott as a necessary, al-
though regrettable, incident. What was to be the attitude of
the Dominion Government, composed as it was of representatives
of both races, and dependent for its life upon the caprice or
passion of a democratic electorate? To take either one side or
the other might be fatal, both to the young Confederation and
to the Conservative Government. Macdonald and Cartier,
therefore, compromised. To please Quebec they negotiated
with the Red River delegates ; to placate Ontario they despatched
the military force ; to save the Government they endeavoured to
shift to the Colonial Office the responsibility for the proclamation
of a gencral amnesty.

This last policy, namely, the refusal to accept the responsibility
for an unpopular though necessary course of action—now a
common feature of federal and provincial relations—raised an
issue of Imperial importance. The granting of responsible
government had placed in the hands of the colonial executive the
whole responsibility for the exercise of the prerogative formerly
exercised by the Crown through the Governor-General. This,
together with the fact that Canadian courts had concurrent juris-
diction with the Hudson’s Bay Company in the North-West,
gave the Canadian Government undoubted authority to grant an
amnesty to the Red River insurgents, if it so desired. At the

146 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

same time it may be argued that, although the Hudson’s Bay
Company possessed virtual sovereignty in Rupert’s Land, this
grant was held of the Crown, which could, accordingly, resume
what it had granted, and assume direct sovereignty over the
Company’s territories. As a matter of law the Crown had the
authority to promulgate an amnesty for the insurgents, directly,
or through the Governor-General of Canada. It was not,
however, advisable that the Crown should thus act independently
in a matter which was of paramount interest to the Dominion of
Canada. For Great Britain to have taken the matter into her
own hands and to have acted without ascertaining the collective
opinion of the Canadian Government, would have been contrary
to the general tendency of Imperial policy. It would have
removed an awkward burden from the shoulders of the Canadian
Government, but it would have created an undesirable precedent
for referring internal racial controversies to an outside authority
for judgment. If Canada was to advance along the path leading
to nationhood, it was imperative that she should assume the
responsibility of finding a solution for her own difficulties, not
resort to the mother country upon every occasion that her govern-
ment might be faced with an embarrassing racial and religious
issue. Canada owes much to Lord Granville and to Lord
Kimberley for refusing to accept the responsibility which the
Canadian Government endeavoured to foist upon them. With
this in mind we may review the apparently futile correspondence
between Canada and the Colonial Office, with an appreciation
of the policy of the latter in forcing Canada to recognize the
implications and to assume the burdens of her new juridical
Status.

The first reference to an amnesty was contained in Sir John
Young’s proclamation of December 6th, 1869, which stated :

“ And I do lastly inform you, that in case of your immediate
and peaceable obedience and dispersion, I shall order that no
legal proceeding be taken against any parties implicated in these
unfortunate breaches of the law.’’8
Five hundred copies of this proclamation were given to Com-
missioners Thibault and de Salaberry, but were taken, along with
Thibault’s other official papers, by Riel’s Council, and were never
published. Donald A. Smith, although he had in his possession
a copy of the proclamation, did not read it before the mass meet-

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 147

ings of January. Thus, while the members of Riel’s Council
must have been aware of its contents, the terms of the Governor-
General’s proclamation were never made public to the people of
Red River until the arrival of Bishop Taché in March.

At Ottawa Bishop Taché was taken fully into the confidence of
the Canadian Government and was requested to lend his invalu-
able services to the work of pacification. In the course of these
conversations Taché brought up the question of an amnesty for
the offences committed during the troubles ; but he was assured
that if the people of Red River would consent to enter Confedera-
tion the past would be forgotten, and “they should not be
troubled in any way on account of the past.”4 The proclamation
of the Governor-General was given to the Bishop as official proof
of the intentions of the Canadian Government and he was
assured that it would have, from the date of his arrival at Red
River, all the force that it had on the day of issue. “ Tout fut
dit et fait,” wrote Taché, “de fagon 4 convaincre le prélat que
s’il réussissait 4 calmer les esprits, on serait heureux d’oublier
les faits malheureux qui avaient pu se produire avant son arrivée
au Fort Garry.”5 Immediately after the conversations in question
Macdonald wrote to Rose, “ Bishop Taché has been here and has
left for the Red River, after exceedingly full and unreserved
communication with him as to our policy and requirements, all
of which he approves.”® There was, however, an unfortunate
misunderstanding concerning the extent of the promises made.
While Taché was apparently convinced of the definite intention
of the Canadian Government to grant an amnesty covering all
offences up to the time of his arrival at Red River,” Macdonald
apparently did not expect any particular change in the situation in
the colony, such as the execution of Thomas Scott involved. In
fact, Taché later declared that the Canadian Government, during
their conversations with him, had no real idea as to the state of
affairs in Red River.

On his departure for the North-West Taché was given several
letters, all of which leave little doubt that, in view of the situation
as it was understood at Ottawa, an amnesty was intended by
the Canadian Government. In his letter to the Bishop, the
Governor-General wrote :*°

“You are fully in possession of the views of my Government,
and the Imperial Government, as I informed you, is earnest in the

148 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

desire to see the North-West Territory united to the dominion
on equitable conditions. . . . In declaring the desire and
determination of Her Majesty’s Cabinet you may safely use the
terms of the ancient formula, that right shall be done in all
cases.””

Further evidence is furnished by Macdonald’s letter :*

“ Should the question arise as to the consumption of any stores
or goods belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company by the
insurgents, you are authorized to inform the leaders that if the
Company’s Government is restored, not only will there be a
general amnesty granted; but in case the Company should
claim the payment for such stores, that the Canadian Government
will stand between the insurgents and all harm.”

On March 11th Taché interviewed Riel, Lépine and the other
leaders of the Provisional Government. He explained to them
the favourable disposition of Canada and, in response to their
demand for an amnesty, produced the Governor-General’s
proclamation, which, he assured them, covered all offences up to
that date. English Canadian feeling was hardly in accord
with these professions of good will. The outburst of religious
and racial fanaticism in the Ontario press, the arrest of the Red
River delegates, the threat of military coercion, and above all
the absence of any definite promise of an amnesty, created a
feeling of unrest and suspicion which was rendered all the more
dangerous by offers of assistance to the insurgents, from inter-
ested parties in the United States. Realizing the danger, con-
vinced that nothing else could save the situation, and supported
by the opinions of Thibault, Mactavish and de Salaberry, Taché
gave his solemn word of honour and promised in the name of the
Canadian Government “ that all the irregularities of the past will
be totally overlooked or forgiven ; that nobody will be annoyed
for having been either leader or member of the Provisional
Government, or for having acted under its guidance. In a
word, that a complete and entire amnesty (if not already bestowed)
will surely be granted before the arrival of the troops.”"° Taché
felt no compunctions in making this promise in view of the
impression left upon him by his conversations with the members
of the Canadian Government in February. Nevertheless he
exceeded his authority in so doing. Unlike the other Commis-
sioners, the Bishop was not armed with any formal commission

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 149

from the Canadian Government. He did not, however, claim
to bind the Government as a plenipotentiary, but gave the
assurances above in the hope that the Canadian Government,
realizing the exigencies of the case, would, as a matter of policy,
honour his promises.

The Canadian ministers, whatever their private opinions as to
the advisability of an amnesty, could not, in the face of English-
speaking opinion in Canada, proclaim it. Howe immediately
replied to Taché!? informing him that the amnesty was a matter
exclusively for the Queen, and that the Canadian Government did
not possess the power as a government to grant it. He added,
however :

“ Though I have felt it my duty to be thus explicit in dealing
with the principal subject of your letter, I trust I need not assure
you that your zealous and valuable exertions to calm the public
mind in the North-West are duly appreciated here, and I am
confident that when you regard the obstructions which have
been interposed to the adoption of a liberal and enlightened
policy for Manitoba, you will not be disposed to relax your
exertions until that policy is formally established.”

This letter contained no direct disavowal of Taché’s promise, nor
a command to correct a misinformed people, but requested him to
continue his réle of pacificator. This concluding portion of
Howe’s letter must have been, to say the least, very reassuring
to the Bishop. The more so when it was followed the next day
by a letter from Sir George Cartier, who was leader of the
Government during Macdonald’s illness. This letter gave
undoubted colour to the assertion made at the time that Howe’s
letter was for the public eye and Sir George’s was for the prelate
alone. The following are a few extracts from Carticr’s letter
relative to the amnesty question :18

“ This letter is written to you, my Lord, with the intention
that it is to be strictly confidential, as I have to speak with you
of the delicate question of the amnesty. You must be convinced
from what you have scen in the newspapers, that Ontario and
part of the Province of Quebec and of the Maritime Provinces
are keenly opposed to an amnesty. But happily for the people
of Red River the question of the amnesty rests with Her Majesty
the Queen, and not with the Canadian Government. . . . If the
amnesty rested with and were the province of the Canadian
Government, composed with heterogeneous elements, it would

150 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

be in great danger. But it is, I repeat, fortunate that it is Her
Majesty, aided by the advice of Her Ministers, who will have to
decide this question. Her Majesty has already, by the proclama-
tion of December 6th last, which She caused to be issued by Sir
John Young, so to speak, promised an amnesty. This fact was
mentioned in Father Ritchot’s petition to the Queen. I must
now intimate to you that the surest way of securing this amnesty
is that the whole population of Red River should accept the new
order of things. . . . The Queen will perhaps await this result
before making known her clemency. The expedition is an
expedition of peace, and the Quebec battalion comprises a large
number of your friends. . . . The soldiers will not be instruments
of Dr. Schultz or anyone else, to arrest or drag to prison any
person whomsoever. ...

“Note the fact that copies of all your letters received here
have been sent by Sir John Young to Lord Granville, in order to
shew the position of the amnesty question, if it should happen,
which I do not apprehend, that opposition were offered on the
arrival of the troops and of the new Governor, those who took
part in it would incur the risk of finding themselves excluded
from the amnesty Her Majesty may have in view, and which She
will sooner or later make known.”

Coming from the leader of the Government this letter appeared
to be a definite committal of the Canadian Government in
favour of the principle of an amnesty.

On March 23rd and 24th, the delegates, charged by the
Provisional Government to arrange the terms of the union with
Canada, left for Ottawa, bearing with them a List of Rights
which was to serve as the basis for negotiations. Clause nineteen
read in part as follows :

“that none of the members of the Provisional Government, or
any of those acting under them, be in any way held liable or
responsible with regard to the movement or any of the actions
which led to the present negotiations.”

From April 22nd to May 6th negotiations were—as we have seen
in Chapter VI—carried on between the delegates of Red River
and the representatives of the Canadian Government. Unfor-
tunately only one of these delegates has given any evidence as to
the history of these negotiations, but that delegate, Father Ritchot,
deposed before the Select Committee in 1874, that he had insisted
upon Clause 19 as the sine gua non of any definite arrangement

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 151

between the people of Red River and the Dominion Govern-
ment.** Other evidence seems to show that Ritchot was not
alone in this demand. On April 28th, Taylor, the United States
Secret Agent, after a conversation with Judge Black, reported :

“J am inclined to think that the Red River Delegates will
unite in a demand for a full and unqualified amnesty for all acts
in Winnipeg prior to the passage of the proposed territorial
Act,??5
It does not appear that Macdonald and Cartier positively conceded
this demand, but there is no doubt that they conveyed to the
delegates the impression “that there would be no difficulty
whatever, with regard to the amnesty.”*® Ritchot stated this
emphatically in his deposition in 1874, and A. H. Scott informed
Taylor during the course of the negotiations that “the civil
amnesty would be full and proceed from Canada; while the
Imperial Government would assume the responsibility of a
pardon for criminal offences.””?”

On May 3rd an official audience was granted Ritchot by the
Governor-General, Sir Clinton Murdoch also being present.
Ritchot expressed his satisfaction with the terms of the proposed
Manitoba Bill, but referred again to the absence of any definite
assurances with regard to the amnesty. His Excellency then
pointed to Sir Clinton Murdoch, and said, ‘‘ He knows it is the
intention of Her Majesty to declare a general amnesty in order to
establish peace in the country. Besides you have seen my pro-
clamation.” Murdoch repeated these assurances: ‘“‘ You have
nothing to fear, Her Majesty wishes but one thing, and that is to
pass the sponge over all that has happened in the North-West, and
establish peace. She wishes to place that Province in a position
to attain prosperity like the other English provinces.”"* Another
interview was held on the 19th at which similar assurances were
made,

In considering this question it is important to note that the
Governor-General subsequently denied that any definite promises
had been made at either of these interviews. Writing in 1872 to
Lord Kimberley, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, he said :

“Tam clear that I never made any such promise of an amnesty
as that which they allege. .. . In reply to the earnest and repeated
instances of the delegates, I uniformly answered that the question
of amnesty should be duly submitted for the consideration both

152 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

of the Dominion Government and of Her Majesty’s Ministers,
and that I had no doubt it would receive from them that serious
attention in all its bearings which it merited, but I guarded myself
by adding that I was not in a position to make any promise or
give any assurances whatever on the subject.”’}®

Additional evidence to this effect is furnished by the fact that
in his official despatch of May 19th to Lord Granville, Young
made no mention of any promise of an amnesty. Likewise Sir
Clinton Murdoch’s letters contained no reference to any such
promise. Sir George Cartier, who was present at the interviews,
confirmed the Governor-General’s statement in a letter to Sir
John A. Macdonald :

* Bear in mind that with Father Ritchot and the Archbishop
I always took the same ground—we both did—namely that the
question of amnesty was not for our decision, but for the Queen
and Imperial Government.’’?°
These assertions and denials make it abundantly clear that while
no definite promise of an amnesty was made to the delegates,
nevertheless the impression left upon the minds of Ritchot and
his colleagues, both by the conversations and letters of the
Canadian ministers, was that an amnesty would be granted by the
Queen and the Imperial Government as a matter of public policy.

Assured, although not wholly convinced, Ritchot left for
Red River. On his arrival he immediately communicated with
Riel, informed him of the happy conclusion of the Ottawa
negotiations, and assured him that the amnesty would be pro-
claimed, “ that it was promised me as a sine qua non condition of
our arrangements.”?4 The same assurances were repeated to
Bishop Taché, “‘ The Canadian authorities . . . had done all in
their power to secure the amnesty, and they were in a position
to assure the delegates, not only that it would be granted, but
that it would arrive probably before they had returned home,
certainly before the arrival of the Lieutenant-Governor.”??

In spite of these numerous assurances, the absence of anything
in writing and the delay in implementing the oral promises were
disquieting both to the half-breeds and to Bishop Taché. Accord-
ingly, the Bishop, without awaiting an answer to his despatch of
June oth, left for Ottawa in order to satisfy himself as to the full
authority behind Ritchot’s assertions. Arriving there about
July rth or 12th, he immediately conferred with Sir George

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 153

“e

Cartier, who agreed that “the report of Father Ritchot was
correct,”’*9 and insisted that he should himself see Sir John Young.
In company with Sir George, Bishop Taché proceeded to Niagara
where the Governor-General was staying. Although his
reception was not a cordial one, Taché once more drew the
Governor’s attention to the necessity of the amnesty, whereupon
the latter pointed to his proclamation of December 6th, which
lay upon the table, and said, ‘‘ Here is my proclamation ; it covers
the whole case .. . See Sir George Cartier; he knows my
views upon the subject, and he will tell you all.”24 Thus assured,
Taché hastened to send a telegram to Father Lestanc at Red
River, informing him that all was well, and that in spite of the
bellicose statements to the contrary in the Ontario press, the
amnesty would be granted. On August 8th he left for St.
Boniface where he arrived on the day before the eventful capture
of Fort Garry by Colonel Wolseley.

In view of this evidence the question arises, why was the
amnesty not granted ? There can be no doubt that an amnesty
was fully intended by certain members at least of the Canadian
Government. Macdonald’s claim that Cartier and the delegates
regarded the amnesty from two different points of view—the one
considering only an amnesty from which those responsible for
the death of Scott were excluded, the others desiring an amnesty
embracing all offenders—-is clearly untenable. Cartier’s corres-
pondence leaves no doubt that he fully understood and sym-
pathized with the demand for a complete and general amnesty.
In particular his Secret Memorandum to the Governor-General
of June 8th,* is explicit :

“Tf the undersigned had any suggestion to make in the matter
it would be his opinion that the best policy to pursue in case Her
Majesty should be graciously inclined to grant a general amnesty
for any acts amounting to high treason, levying of war, rebellion
and treasonable practices during the period mentioned . . . would
be that such amnesty should except no one.”

The evidence also shows that while Cartier always insisted that
the amnesty was a matter for the Queen alone, he fully believed
that there would be no difficulty in obtaining it; and assured
Taché, Ritchot and others, by word of mouth and by his corres-
pondence that an amnesty would be granted. The evidence of
the two clergy is fully corroborated by other evidence. A. H.

154 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Scott, Ritchot’s co-delegate, joined him in a petition to the
Queen which stated :**

“That the Honourable Sir John A. Macdonald and Sir G. E,
Cartier declared to the delegates that they were in measure to
assure them that such was the intention of Your Majesty, that
they could consequently proceed with the negotiations, being
satisfied that the Royal Prerogative of Mercy would be exercised
by the grant of a gencral amnesty.”

J. W. Taylor reported to Washington” that :

“everything now confirms the opinion expressed in former
communications that long before the expedition reaches Red
River the Queen’s proclamation of complete amnesty will be
issued.”

The Honourable Joseph Royal, a Minister of the Crown in the
Province of Manitoba and later Lieutenant-Governor of the
North-West Territories, deposed :°

“T said to Sir George, I intend to go to Manitoba if the
amnesty is to be proclaimed. He advised me very strongly to
go, for several reasons. . . . He told me to tell Riel, and to write
to him ‘ L’amnistie est une affaire decidée, c’est une affaire faite.’ ”’

The Honourable Marc Girard, a former Prime Minister of
Manitoba, deposed as follows :”°

“As one of the Ministers of the Province, and feeling that it
would be impossible to do much good in the Province without
an amnesty, I wrote to Sir George Cartier, whom I regarded as
one of my particular friends, on two or three different occasions,
drawing his attention to that amnesty and the promise which I
understood from the whole of the people had been made of an
amnesty. In these letters I described the condition of the
country, and urged strongly upon Sir George the necessity of
an amnesty. ... His answer was to request me to be sure that
the amnesty would come. ‘ Soyez certain que l’amnistie viendra
avant longtemps.’ ”
Major Futvoye, Cartier’s deputy minister, and Benjamin Sulte,
his secretary, made similar statements, namely, that Sir George
Cartier had repeatedly promised that an amnesty would be granted
by the Queen.

But, while Cartier was taking this definite stand, other
members of the Cabinet, in view of the rising storm of public
agitation in the English-speaking provinces, were hardly inclined

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 135

to view the situation with sympathy. ‘I must state to you,”
wrote Cartier to Taché in July, “ that your letter of June 9th last
to Mr. Howe, relative to the amnesty, caused a little fear and
dismay amongst several of my colleagues, who stand in fear and
dread of public opinion in Ontario and other parts of the Domi-
nion on this question.”*° Herein lay the danger. The country
had now become divided into two antagonistic camps over the
shooting of Scott and the amnesty question, and the calm reason
of statesmanship was unable to resist the mass emotionalism of
an overwrought democracy.

We have related above the early agitation fostered by the
“ Canada First ” group during March and April, but this was only
the beginning. Once started the movement gathered force and
the old religious and racial strife of former decades was renewed
with new battlecries. |The rumour that the visit of Cartier and
Taché to the Governor-General at Niagara was to discuss the
promulgation of an amnesty, incited the agitators to violent
demonstrations. Colonel Denison, a member of the “ Canada
First ” group, threatened to take possession of the arsenal and
fight it out in the Toronto streets | 3! Indeed the fear of mob
violence was such that Taché was obliged to journey to Niagara
over foreign soil. The fact that the unfortunate Scott was a
member of the Orange Order provided the anti-French-Catholic
forces with a powerful bludgeon. The city of Toronto was
placarded with inflammatory notices: ‘‘ Shall French Rebels
Rule our Dominion ? Orangemen, is Brother Scott Forgotten
Already 2? Men of Ontario, Shall Scott’s Blood cry in Vain for
Vengeance?” A formal petition to the Governor-General,®?
prepared by Dr. Lynch, urging that to grant an amnesty would be
“injudicious, impolitic, and dangerous . . . destructive of all
confidence in law and order ” and an “ encouragement to rebel-
lion,” was given wide publicity in the press. Great meetings
were held to voice the popular disapproval of the Government’s
conduct.

To add to the Government’s embarrassment, the Liberal
party politicians eagerly grasped the opportunity to turn to
political account the popular indignation, and to turn the nor-
mally Conservative Orange vote against Sir John and Sandfield
Macdonald at the next elections. On the defeat of Edward
Blake’s tactical motion in the Ontario Assembly deploring “ the

156 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

cold-blooded murder, for his outspoken loyalty to the Queen, of
Thomas Scott, lately a resident of this Province ’’ and urging that
“every effort should be made to bring to trial the perpetrators
of this great crime, who, as yet, go unwhipt of justice,’5? the
Globe unfurled the banner of “loyalty ” over the Liberal cause.

Stung by the taunts, and incited by the agitation of the Globe
and the Reform press, the wrath of the Orange Order was
aroused. The Honourable J. H. Cameron was voted out as
Grand Master for having undertaken, in April, the defence of
Ritchot and Scott; and, as the chief Liberal organ gleefully
related, “expression was also given to the determination that the
body should use its influence to defeat the Government at the
ensuing general election, and an uncompromising tone of
dissent was given to the position occupied by Sir John A.
Macdonald in his humiliating subservience to Sir G. E.
Cartier.”4 In Montreal the Witness belaboured the Orangemen
for their continued adherence to the Conservative party :

“The Orangemen, who foamed at the mouth with wild
hysterical demands for vengeance and the extermination of all
French rebels, follow their party leaders like whipped spaniels,
and dare not raise their voices to protest against the manner in
which the affairs of the new Province are being engineered in
the French and rebel interest.’’6

An attempt by D’Alton McCarthy and other dignitaries of the
Orange brotherhood to deprecate the making of political capital
out of the execution of Scott was denounced as “‘ unwarrantable,”’
“ unprotestant,” and “ unorange.’** The Conservatives were
accused of having betrayed English-speaking and Orange inter-
ests, and George Brown of the G/obe declared that their defeat in
Ontario would serve to end “ the French domination in Mani-
toba.”*? This appeal to prejudice was not unsuccessful.
Partly at least as a result of Orange votes and Blake’s pre-election
strategy, the Government of Sandfield Macdonald fell from power
on December 15th, 1871.

On the other hand, the population of Quebec, linked by ties of
blood and speech to the métis of the west, were quick to resent
the attacks upon the Red River “ rebels.” They interpreted it
as an attack upon French Canadian Catholic nationalism. What
one side looked upon as a dastardly crime, the other extolled as

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 157

a patriotic deed. Ontario was full of righteous indignation at
the murder of a “loyal” Ontario Orangeman by a French
Catholic “rebel”; Quebec, at the challenge to her dearly
earned privileges of faith and language. Taché’s letter was
typical of the whole French Canadian feeling :

“it is obvious to every one that the pretended loyalty of those
who speak the loudest is entirely due to the deception they
experienced on not having succeeded, as quickly as they desired,
in assuming for themselves all power in the North-West, making
it, as they now so openly avow, ‘ Another Ontario in creed and
politics,’ ’’38

At first the French opinion was inclined to be moderate.
L’Opinion Publique declared that it was difficult to consider the
execution as other than a murder.*® Even Le Nosvean Monde
expressed its regret that Ricl would not listen to the counsels
and prayers of the Catholic clergy who had asked grace for the
condemned man: ‘ Pourquoi mettre un cadavre sur le chemin
glorieux parcouru jusqu’ici?’“° But the challenge to race
and religion was soon to receive its answer. Le Journal de Québec
characterized the Toronto demonstration as an assemblage of
Orange fanatics brought together, not so much to deprecate
Scott’s murder, as to give vent to their anti-French passions.
The Globe and Telegraph were accused of working for “ Vexter-
mination des métis frangais 4 la Rivitre Rouge ” and the people
of the neighbouring province were branded as “ces Prussiens
du Canada qui veulent tout absorber a leur profit.”# It was
declared that “Si Louis Riel s’appelait John Jones ou Duncan
McDougall, et si le défunt Scott, fit-il simplement J. Bte.
Papineau, il n’y aurait jamais eu de meeting d’indignation a
Toronto.” The more radical newspapers, led by Le Nouveau
Monde, Le Canadien, and L’Ordre, vigorously denounced the
Government for not granting an unconditional amnesty for the
illegal acts of a conflict for which the Government was itself
responsible. The most extreme illustration of the French
Canadian attitude was a poem printed in Le Canadien by Pamphile
Lemay. In it Riel was described as “‘ a man frank, just and noble,
whom it is desired to crucify, a sovereign by the voice of the people
who have asked protection from his tutelary arms.” On the
other hand Scott was spoken of as an “ ignoble victim, who was
about to plunge the steel during the night into the heart of his

M

158 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

sovereign.” The whole production was addressed to those
“who demand Riel’s head” and had for title, “‘ Crucify him!
Crucify him!” As to the persons thus apostrophized the poem
called upon them “to cease to shout ” and declared that what
they regretted most was not the “ blood of their venal and traitor-
ous friend, but the sceptre which has passed into the hands of
a fortunate rival,” and what they demanded “ is that the Catholics
who have always treated them so well should expire on the cross
like Christ at Golgotha.” Although some of the milder papers
criticized this blasphemous work as “ indigne d’un homme de
sens,” Le Nouvean Monde declared that it contained ‘‘ dans des
iambes énergiques et vrais le sentiment de ses compatriotes sur le
sort de ce misérable Scott dont les Orangistes font en ce moment
leur héros.’’4?

As a result of this clash of nationalities the Federal Govern-
ment was placed upon the horns of a dilemma. To grant the
amnesty would be to commit political suicide in Ontario; to
refuse would be to imperil the traditional Conservative hold on
Quebec ; while in either case the fabric of Confederation would be
subjected toa great strain. The Colonial Government, therefore,
endeavoured to shift the responsibility to the shoulders of the
mother country. Cartier and Macdonald both assured the Red
River delegates that they must look to the Queen solely and
directly for the exercise of the royal clemency. In Parliament
the ministers took the same stand, namely, that the amnesty
belonged exclusively to the jurisdiction of the Imperial authorities,
and could not be dealt with by Canada. Cartier wrote to the
Colonial Office that “it would have been impossible for this
administration to agree among themselves on that question ” and
that the amnesty was for “‘ the decision of Her Majesty advised
by the Imperial ministers themselves, inasmuch as no decision
could have been otherwise arrived at.’’43 The question was
fully discussed in the Cabinet chamber, and the official view was
embodied in the letter to Taché on July 4th, which, while not
actually repudiating his promise to the people, disclaimed any
authority to rule upon the matter. For the Dominion to have
passed judgment either one way or the other might have been
harmful both to the party and to the State ; nevertheless, for the
Government to refuse all responsibility for a question which was
ptimarily one of Canadian interest and to pass it on to the

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 159

Imperial Government, cannot be considered as other than a
retrograde step, a precedent contrary to the spirit of self-govern-
ment.

In Great Britain the Red River Rebellion aroused little or no
interest. It received scant mention either in press or parliament.
Laissez-aller was still the order of the day, and with Sir Frederic
Rogers and his conviction that “ the destiny of our Colonies is
independence ”44 dominating the Colonial Office, the principal
object of that department was to get the North-West question
off their hands as soon as possible. Once the transfer was com-
pleted the North-West was regarded as entirely a Canadian
problem, to be dealt with, in all its ramifications, by the Canadian
Government alone. Accordingly, throughout the next five
years, the British Government steadily refused to assume any
Imperial responsibility for the question of an amnesty for the
Red River insurgents.

The first evidence of any suggestion to the Colonial Office
of an amnesty appeared at the time of the Chicora incident, when
the American President expressed his hope “‘ that an amnesty will
be proclaimed for Riel and his followers.”4 This request
brought forth an important minute*® by Sir Frederic Rogers
outlining the principles which were to govern the actions of the
British Government throughout the entire controversy :

“The point is respecting Riel and amnesty. It appears to me
that in case of a rising of this kind the mere having taken part in
it, under passion or misconception; and having been party to
such acts of treason or seizure of property, or personal violence
as are necessarily incident to such a political movement, conducted
with reasonable moderation and care for human life, cannot be
too completely and promptly condoned under such circumstances
as exist.

“But it is a great evil if a Government is forced to make
itself party, by giving avowed impunity to seizure of property
which is mere plunder and tyranny, and to destruction of life
which is mere brutal passion, unjust, irregular, and unnecessary,
to an extent which could not be overlooked in the case of a
lawful authority.

“ This is the objection in the abstract to an amnesty.

“ But further, the United States Government seems to expect
that we shall aid them in endeavouring to get credit with their
countrymen for establishing in our Territories a kind of protec-

160 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

torate over those persons who engage in the overthrow of our
institutions. It seems to me that this is a position in which it is
unwise and ridiculous for us to place ourselves, and that we
should take some pains to show that Riel, Lynch (sic) etc., owe
their lives and liberties—if they retain them—to British leniency
and not to American protection—or at least should not encourage
the opposite belief.

“Politically I suppose that to ‘amnesty’ Riel and Lépine
would make the Upper Canadians furious and to proceed against
them with the weapon of the law would make the Lower
Canadians furious.

“ Therefore it appears to me that the best course for Canada,
and for us, is to make it evident that there is no idea of treating
the insurrection as an offence or of subjecting any person to
punishment for having been concerned in it.

“ With regard to persons who under colour of the insurrection
have taken away the property or lives of individuals the best
course is to say nothing—but if something must be said, to
declare that such cases must necessarily be dealt with on their
particular circumstances and that it is impossible to put forth
any general promise or any general threat respecting them.

“ As we get near Red River it may be hoped that the very few
persons who have been concerned in the great outrages will be
wise enough (after the warning derivable from the arrest of
Scott and Ritchot) to take themselves off.

“The only material matter, if that is so, appears to be that we
and the Canadians should understand each other.

“It seems to me that if anything is sent or said to the Canadian
Government which might be taken as a hint to do this or that, it
should be accompanied by an intimation that in the opinion of
Her Majesty’s Government it would be most unfortunate if any
mote blood were shed, either in the field or by process of law—
that it would also be a bad example if the Government formally
condoned any outrage of such gravity that it could not be excused
as one of the unhappy accidents of civil disturbances—that under
the circumstances the proclamation of an indiscriminate amnesty
seemed impolitic—but that if there existed any apprehension that
persons would be disquieted for being concerned in the insurrec-
tionary movement, it would be most desirable that such apprehen-
sion should be, if possible, dispelled—and that it was much to be
hoped that the persons who had been the principals in any grave
outrage would consult their own safety and the public peace by
removing from British jurisdiction.”

Qn the basis of this minute Lord Granville, the Colonial

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 161

Secretary, wrote confidentially to Young to learn the views of the
Canadian Government, requesting that he should forward
immediately the instructions given to Lieutenant-Governor
Archibald “ with respect to the persons immediately concerned
in the recent insurrection in the Red River Settlement.” He
added, “‘ I wish especially to be informed of the course which the
Canadian Government would propose should be taken.”’” Sir
John Young had, in the meantime, forwarded the petition of
Ritchot and a secret despatch which stated that the Canadian
Cabinet were not of one mind on the question of an amnesty, and
expressed the hope that “in prospect of the jealousies and
animosities which the discussion of the subject is certain to give
rise to here, I trust Her Majesty’s Government will not remit the
question to the Dominion Government, but will pronounce an
opinion upon it themselves.”** A few days later Sir George
Cartier’s secret memorandum, giving his personal opinion in
favour of a complete and general amnesty, was forwarded to the
Colonial Office. The British Government, however, were not
prepared to act upon the question without the collective approval
of the Canadian Government. To have done so, while not
unconstitutional, would have been inexpedient. It was above all
necessary, as Rogers had noted, that the Canadian and Imperial
Governments should be in agreement upon the policy to be
followed. Accordingly Lord Granville replied to the Governor-
General by a confidential despatch on June 30th that Cartier’s
memorandum, not having been submitted to his colleagues, gave
Her Majesty’s Government no authority from Canada to assume
the responsibility for the settlement of the question.** Granville
was succeeded at the Colonial Office by Lord Kimberley a few
days after the sending of this despatch, but the official attitude of
the Government remained unchanged. To Young’s repeated
request that the British Government should rule upon this
question, Kimberley merely replied, “I have to refer you on this
subject to my predecessor’s despatch of June 30th.”*°

For the Canadian Government to speak with a united voice on
the amnesty question was impossible. Young again emphasized
this point when forwarding Bunn’s letter signifying the Pro-
visional Government’s willingness to enter the Canadian Con-
federation on the understanding that anamnesty would be granted.
He also intimated that both Cartier and Macdonald were of

162 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

opinion that the Imperial Government must assume the respon-
sibility of dealing with the amnesty question, on the ground that
the illegal acts were committed prior to the acquisition of the
North-West by Canada.*! Kimberley observed on receipt of
this despatch “it is for the Canadian Government to determine
what course they would recommend. We must have their
opinion as a Government, not the separate views of different
ministers.”5? To explain the utter impossibility of the Canadian
Government determining any course, Cartier prepared another
memorandum.®* After pointing out that the Canadian authorities
had insisted both in Parliament and out “ that the inhabitants of
Red River Settlement must necessarily look to Her Majesty the
Qucen, solely and directly, for the exercise of the Royal clemency
in favour of the participators in the disturbances referred to,
and must trust to the merciful disposition ever evinced by Her
Majesty in all cases in which She felt warranted in exercising her
Prerogative of Pardon,” Cartier emphasized the dilemma with
which the Canadian Government was faced :

“Irrespective of the reasons given above for leaving the
question of amnesty to be dealt with by the Imperial authorities
without the advice or interference of the Canadian Government,
Your Excellency knows as a fact that it would be impossible for
this Administration to agree among themselves on that question,
and it was within the spirit and purport of that paragraph to
reserve the question for the decision of Her Majesty advised by
Her Imperial Ministers, inasmuch as no decision could have
been otherwise arrived at. It may, moreover, be observed that
had the views of the Delegates with regard to the question of
amnesty, as a preliminary step towards negotiation been at all
entertained, it would have been manifestly impossible to arrive
at any conclusion with them and the passing of the Manitoba
Act would have been an impossibility.

“If Your Excellency were to refer that question for the con-
sideration of Your Council, the answer would necessarily be that
it was not one for the action or advice of the Canadian Govern-
ment but for that of Her Majesty in Her Imperial Council; and
further, that in view of the explanations offered by Your Ministers
in the House of Commons, Parliament and the country expect a
solution of that question directly by Her Majesty advised by Her
Imperial Ministers... .

“ Notwithstanding the transfer to Canada of the North-West
Territory on July 15th instant; that transfer cannot alter the

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 163

legal aspect of the question as regards offences committed by the
people of that territory anterior to that date, the pardoning of
which offences resting now as well as then properly with Her
Majesty under the advice of Her Imperial Ministers.

“ As regards the merits of the question of amnesty the under-
signed persists in the views which he has already individually
expressed to Your Excellency, and in which Sir Francis Hincks
has stated his concurrence.”

Kimberley, however, refused to consider the question in this
light. He wrote “It is for your responsible ministers to
determine what advice shall be tendered to you as the Representa-
tive of the Crown, respecting this as well as other questions
affecting the Government of the Dominion of which Manitoba
now forms a part.”’54 A fortnight later, on August 11th, the
Colonial Secretary sent another despatch to Ottawa outlining the
considered opinion of the British Government :55

““ Her Majesty’s Government cannot act in so grave a matter
upon the authority of any individual member of the Canadian
Government, however eminent. If your Ministers should
resolve that this is a question which they cannot undertake to
decide and that they must refer its decision to the Imperial
Government, this resolution must be conveyed through you as
the opinion of the Government of the Dominion, and Her
Majesty’s Government must be distinctly requested to assume
the responsibility of dealing with the question.”

From this position the Imperial authorities refused to recede.
The British Government fully appreciated the difficulty in
which the Canadian Ministers were placed, but constantly refused
to assume, on their own responsibility, the unpleasant task of
settling the amnesty issue. The whole trend of colonial policy
for the previous ten years was against the assumption of further
colonial responsibilities, and the Imperial authorities were
hardly anxious to bear the unpopularity which a decision, one
way or the other, was bound to create. Kimberley was well
aware that if the Imperial authorities were to deal with the
amnesty question without a definite understanding with Canada,
such a procedure would serve as a precedent for the reference of
politically dangerous questions to the mother country for solu-
tion. “The issue of an amnesty by the Queen directly,” he
wrote in a minute in 1873, “may be used by the Dominion Govern-

164 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

ment to cast an undue responsibility on the Imperial Government,
and it may be an inconvenient precedent.”**

In Manitoba the promised amnesty had been anxiously
awaited by Riel. But in spite of the promises of Taché and the
assurances of Ritchot, the half-breed leader had been obliged to
seek safety in flight. This was, as Rogers had suggested, pro-
bably the most satisfactory solution for the moment, especially
as it was openly admitted that no amnesty could have protected
Riel from the wrath of the Ontarians. Lieutenant-Governor
Archibald wrote with relief, “‘ it is perhaps the best solution of the
question that these men have taken to flight. Their presence
here in the meantime would have been a source of incessant
trouble.””*’ The flight of Riel, however, was only a temporary
respite at best, for the whole controversy regarding the amnesty
was resumed a year later after the attempt of O’Donoghue
to revive the Provisional Government and the half-breed
insurrection.

The half-breed leaders were not long in exile. They returned
quietly to the Red River Settlement, and on September 17th, a
gathering was held at the Riviére Sale. Riel denounced the
Canadian Government for refusing to carry out its “ solemn
pledges ” and a petition was drawn up by the meeting, addressed
to “‘ His Excellency U. S. Grant, President of the United States,”
praying for his intercession on their behalf.** An appeal to the
United States was not regarded with unqualified approval
by Louis Riel. He had not yet renounced his allegiance to
the British Crown, and, probably under clerical advice, refused to
tolerate any proposals for annexation to the American Republic.
This led to an open breach with W. B. O’Donoghue, the former
Treasurer of the Provisional Government, who had never
disguised his Irish antagonism to things British and his sympathy
with the Yankee annexationists.

Henceforth O’Donoghue worked actively to revive the
Provisional Government and the half-breed insurrection as an
instrument of American annexation. Early in October he
redrafted the Riviére Sale petition on annexationist lines and
forwarded it to the President of the United States. At Washing-
ton he had the active support of Senator Ramsey of Minnesota,
but, receiving little encouragement from other sources, he turned
to enlist the aid of the Fenian Brotherhood, which had already

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 165

demonstrated their anti-British proclivities by two unsuccessful
armed raids into Canadian territory. It does not appear that
O’Donoghue was officially sponsored by the Brotherhood, but
no obstacle was placed in the way of his enlisting their members.
Finally on October sth, 1871, O’Donoghue, accompanied by
“General” O’Neill and other well-known Fenian filibusters,
crossed the frontier at Pembina and took possession of the
Hudson’s Bay Company Fort.

The success of the venture depended upon the spontaneous
rising of the discontented half-breeds. Certainly O’ Donoghue
had ample reason to expect that they might adhere to a movement
which he claimed to be carrying on under the banner of the
Provisional Government. Everything seemed to point in that
direction. The métis were sullen and discontented. The
coming of the volunteers—many of whom had openly stated
“that they had taken a vow before leaving home to pay off all
scores by shooting down any Frenchman ” who was in any way
connected with the execution of Scott®’—opened an era of
persecution. In spite of the fact that Wolseley, in his proclama-
tion, had declared that his force represented “ no party, either in
religion or politics,” one of the first actions of the Ontario volun-
teers was to establish an Orange Lodge.*’ Conflicts between the
métis and the Canadians became common occurrences, Shortly
after the establishment of the Provincial Government, Elzéar
Goulet, who had been a member of the court-martial which
had sentenced Scott, was drowned while endeavouring to escape
from a hostile crowd of pursuers. An investigation was held,
but, owing to the prevailing excitement, no arrests were made.”
A month later an English half-breed, James Tanner, who had
gained the enmity of the ultra~-Orange and Ontario faction, was
killed by a fall when his horse was deliberately frightened by
his enemies.** André Nault, who had commanded the firing
squad and later protected the British flag against O’Donoghue,
was chased across the American boundary, kicked, stabbed and
left for dead.”

A more serious situation arose when the métis found their
lands were being taken forcible possession of by newcomers
from Ontario. Although a métis settlement had been established
at the Riviére aux Ilets de Bois, Canadian immigrants squatted
in this region and even upon lands claimed by the half-breeds,

166 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

declaring that they would defend them against all comers. To
add insult to injury they ignored the name by which the district
was known and called the river the Boyne. The métis organized
to drive out the intruders, and it was only with the greatest
difficulty that a collision was avoided. Governor Archibald
summed up the dangerous situation in the following words :

“* Had blood been shed on that occasion we should have had
a civil war in which every French half-breed would have been an
active participator; while from the English half-breeds, in
accord on this question of property with the French, neutrality
was the utmost that we could have counted on, and at this
moment we had a garrison of only eighty men to defend all our
military stores at Fort Garry, and to preserve the peace of half a
continent besides.’

It is unnecessary to go into the details of O’Donoghue’s raid
which was suppressed by the American troops at Pembina. The
ease with which the “ Fenians ” were scattered and the complete
and sudden collapse of the movement have served to bring out
the ridiculous rather than the serious aspects of the raid. When
we consider the military potentialities of the métis organization,
their success in 1885, and the support which a general rising
might have obtained from the several thousand unemployed
railway workers in the northern States, we realize the great
danger in which the little province with its miniature army lay.
Had O’Donoghue received the active support of the half-breeds
upon which he was relying, the Fenian incursion might have
been crowned with at least temporary success.

That the métis did not join O’Donoghue was largely due to the
stand taken by Louis Riel. He had a magnetic hold upon his
people and had he supported his erstwhile colleague, they would
doubtless have followed him. Riel, however, not only held
aloof from the new movement, but, on October 7th, for-
warded the following communication to Lieutenant-Governor
Archibald.”

* St. Vital, 7 October, 1871.

“May it please Your Excellency,—We have the honour of
informing you that we highly appreciate what Your Excellency
has been pleased to communicate to the Reverend Mr. Ritchot,
in order that we might be better able to assist the people, in the
exceptional position they have been placed in, to answer your
appeal. As several trustworthy persons have been requested to

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 167

inform you, the answer of the métis has been that of faithful
subjects. Several companics have already been organized, and
others are in ptocess of formation. Your Excellency may rest
assured that, without being enthusiastic, we have been devoted.
So long as our services continue to be required, you may rely on
us.

“* We have the honour, etc., etc.
“Louis Rie

“A, D. LepIne
‘* PIERRE X PARENTEAU
(his mark) ”’
Realizing the great moral value of the stand taken by Riel and
the French métis, as well as the practical value of their force,
Archibald crossed to St. Boniface, publicly thanked the métis for
their assistance, and shook hands with Louis Riel.**

It is probable that Riel was inspired more by motives of per-
sonal advantage than by an abstract sense of loyalty in his stand
upon this occasion. He hoped, by offering his services, to place
the Dominion Government under some obligation towards him
and thus to secure the promised amnesty. In any event these
services rendered to the Crown at a critical moment added
further complications to an already vexing question. Riel used
the occasion to obtain from the Lieutenant-Governor a written
promise of immunity. Archibald, whose fears may have been
exaggerated, and who was not unsympathetic to the demand for
an amnesty, not only promised him immunity “ pour la circon-
stance actuelle ”’*’ but urged that it “ was a good time for Riel to
prove his loyalty ” and “‘ that it would be a further occasion for
the hastening of the granting of an amnesty.”®* This promise of
temporary immunity, while it could not be construed as binding
upon the Federal Government, together with Riel’s active
support in a time of crisis, greatly strengthened the métis leader’s
claim for a general amnesty.

Thus placed under a certain moral obligation to Riel, the
Dominion Government could only regard the situation with
increasing trepidation, especially in view of the success of Blake in
Ontario, who, having attained power at the expense of the
Conservatives, was now offering $5,000 reward for Riel’s
apprehension. Sir John Macdonald was equal to the occasion.
To forestall the crisis which Riel’s arrest would bring and to
spare the Government the embarrassment of having to rule upon

168 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the amnesty question, Sir John forwarded $1,000 to Bishop
Taché to induce Riel and Lépine to remain outside Canadian
jurisdiction until the political storm had blown over: to appease
the wrathful feelings of Ontario he publicly declared “ Where is
Riel ? God knows ; I wish I could lay my hands on him! ”

The situation was further complicated by the defeat of Sir
George Cartier in the federal elections of 1872, by an alliance
of the volunteers and the English-speaking element of Montreal
with the French Canadian nationalists. On learning of
Cartier’s defeat, Sir John Macdonald at once telegraphed to
Archibald, “Get Sir George elected in your Province.”**
Archibald consulted Bishop Taché on the matter, and, at the
Lieutenant-Governor’s request, Taché undertook to persuade
Louis Riel, who had been nominated for Provencher, to withdraw
his candidature to permit the unopposed return of Sir George.
Riel demanded certain guarantees respecting the métis lands.
Macdonald did not relish the idea of a cabinet minister giving
pledges, but finally telegraphed “ Sir George will do all he can
to meet the wishes of the parties.””’ Although Cartier unfor-
tunately died before he was able to take his seat in Parliament for
his Manitoba constituency, the Federal Government were, by
his election, once more tacitly placed under an obligation to
Louis Riel.

In the Red River Settlement popular sympathy was in favour of
an amnesty. Many of the native settlers had participated one
way or another in the insurrection and with the exception of the
Canadians, few were hostile to its leaders. Archibald wrote to
Cartier in February 1872, that the feelings of the great body of
the English-speaking population were such “ that it is difficult
to find a magistrate who does not hesitate to issue warrants
which may lead to fatal consequences ; and several Justices, who
were themselves sufferers at the time of the troubles, and who a
year ago were urging all kinds of vindictive proccedings, have
refused to issue warrants now.””' Riel was twice elected by
acclamation for Provencher in the Province of Manitoba after
the death of Cartier, but did not take his seat in Parliament. In
the local legislature a resolution was passed condemning the
interference of the Province of Ontario in Red River affairs and
an Address was drawn up by both houses praying the Imperial
Parliament “that in the interests of peace and good order it is

See

gant fa
J wish | could catch \
the Scoundrel- de -40 rd

helpme G@ ee

~
Mearcy! but I'd hike

—

MACKENZIE RIEL MACDONALD
A Cast or Rrext Disrress!

(Grip, Oct. 25th, 1873)

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 169

not only desirable but requisite that steps should be taken to
settle and set at rest all questions connected with such troubles.”

The Manitoba Address re-opened the amnesty question in
Ottawa and London. On forwarding it to the Governor-General,
Macdonald again referred to the excitable state of the population
but suggested to Lord Lisgar that “an amnesty for all offences,
except murder, would be advisable.””* This Address and a
petition from Ritchot and Scott were sent to Lord Kimberley
in April 1872. There was nothing, however, in either document
to alter the attitude of the Colonial Secretary, and the Under
Secretary merely observed “ The Canadian Government have
not yet fulfilled the conditions upon which Her Majesty’s Govern-
ment would be willing to act in this awkward business, and it
appears to me that the position of the two governments should
be made clear before any answer is given to this petition.””*
Accordingly, Kimberley replied by referring again to his despatch
of August 11th, 1870; but he added that the idea of a partial
amnesty was one which might very well be entertained.” Here
the matter rested for another year despite the untiring efforts of
Bishop Taché who continually agitated in the press and to the
Government for the promulgation of the general amnesty which
he had promised.

The matter was rapidly approaching a crisis in the Dominion
Cabinet. The French Canadian members had long been the
foremost protagonists of an amnesty, and in 1873 the French-
speaking ministers threatened to disrupt the Government unless
some action was taken. Langevin and Robitaille both offered to
sutrender their portfolios,”® while Masson, who had become
Riel’s defender in the House of Commons, not only refused to
enter the Cabinet at Macdonald’s request, but threatened to lead
the Quebec Conservatives into opposition.” Faced with this
ultimatum Macdonald, with his customary adroitness, avoided the
unpleasant complications which might arise from a direct decision
by promising to go personally to England to arrange a definite
settlement. Nevertheless it is obvious that Macdonald never
contemplated anything more than a partial amnesty excluding
those responsible for the death of Scott—a solution which the
Imperial Government favoured and which, they hoped, might
prove acceptable to both the French and English-speaking
Canadians. Nothing was done to implement this promise,

170 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Macdonald’s Government going down to defeat in the autumn
of 1873.

For several years the Liberals, secure in the irresponsibility of
Opposition, had used the alleged promises of an amnesty to
belabour the Government, but now thrust into office by the
Pacific Scandal, they were no less unprepared to deal with the
question than were their predecessors. The question was not
long in abeyance, and was brought to Mackenzie’s attention by
two unexpected events ; the arrival in Ottawa of Louis Ricl, and
the trial and conviction of his lieutenant, Ambroise Lépine.

In 1873 Riel had been elected to the Federal Parliament. He
had made no effort to assume the responsibilities consequent upon
his election, but so strong was his hold over the French half-
breeds that he was a second time chosen to represent them at
Ottawa. In the spring of 1874 he proceeded to the Dominion
capital and, with the assistance of a Quebec colleague, appeared
in the Parliament Buildings to sign the members’ register. He
did not, however, venture to take his seat in the Commons
Chamber. Blake was still offering the $5,000 reward for Riel’s
apprehension and warrants had been issued for his arrest. In
the House the Ontario and Orange faction were not slow to act.
In spite of the fact that a Select Committee had been appointed to
inquire into the causes of the insurrection of 1869-70 and into the
alleged promises of amnesty given to the insurgents, Mackenzie
Bowell, the Grand Master of the Orange Association and a
prominent Conservative, seconded by Dr. Schultz, now member
for Lisgar, moved :

“That Lonis Riel, a Member of this House for the Electoral
District of Provencher, in the Province of Manitoba, having been
charged with murder, and a Bill of Indictment for the said
offence having been found against him, and Warrants issued for
his apprehension, and the said Lowis Riel having fled from justice
and having failed to obey an Order of this House that he should
attend in his place on Thursday, the 9th day of April, 1874,
be expelled this House.”’78
Holton and Cameron, two Liberals, moved an amendment to
stay proceedings until the report of the Select Committee had
been received ; while Mousseau and Baby, two Quebec Con-
servatives, moved for an Address asking for a complete and
immediate amnesty. The question thus cut across party lines.

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 171

Even members of the Administration opposed one another on
purely racial lines. Only two Ontario members ventured to
vote against the motion for Riel’s expulsion. Mousseau’s
motion was defeated by 164 votes to 27, Holton’s by 117 to 76,
and the original motion was carried by a majority of 56 votes.”

Riel’s flight and expulsion from the Commons’ Chamber in no
way solved the amnesty question, which was becoming more and
more urgent owing to the arrest, trial and conviction for murder,
of Ambroise Lépine. From all parts of the Dominion no less
than 252 petitions bearing 58,368 names flooded the embarrassed
executive. The Archbishop and six Bishops of the Province of
Quebec added their prayers to those of Archbishop Taché for a
pardon and a general amnesty, and the Provincial Legislature,
led by Adolphe Chapleau, who had defended the convicted man,
passed a unanimous resolution requesting the Governor-General
“de vouloir bien exercer en faveur du condamné Ambroise
Lépine, la royale prérogative de miséricorde, en lui octroyant grace
et pardon.”®° Unwilling to offend his English-speaking
supporters and yet unable to resist the appeals of the French,
Mackenzie sought to throw the responsibility of a decision upon
the Imperial Government, urging, in words that might have
come from Macdonald’s pen, that he was compelled to adopt
this course “by the obvious embarrassments attending the
settlement of a controversy, whose aspects are alleged to have
been already modified by the intervention of Imperial authority,
and which are so seriously complicated by the vehement inter-
national antagonism which they have excited in this country.”**

Accompanying this request Lord Dufferin, the new Governor-
General, sent to the Colonial Office a despatch of great value,
examining the whole amnesty question, weighing the evidence
for and against, and concluding with the decision to commute,
upon his own responsibility, the sentence of death passed upon
Lépine.** The Earl of Carnarvon replied on January 7th, 1875,
fully approving of Dufferin’s analysis, and suggesting in addition
to the proposed commutation, forfeiture of political rights.
Accordingly, on January 15th, the Governor-General commuted
the capital sentence passed upon Lépine to two years’ imprison-
ment and permanent forfeiture of political rights.

This commutation, on his Lordship’s own responsibility, raised
an issue of constitutional importance. Had Lord Dufferin

N

i72 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

remitted Lépine’s sentence after formally consulting his Ministers,
he would only have done what every Governor had a right to do
in capital cases ; but if, as his despatches and the absence of any
formal minute of Council imply, he acted in this manner in order
to relieve his Ministers from the responsibility of offering advice
upon a delicate issue, the commutation of Lépine was an act
inconsistent with the whole theory and practice of responsible
government. The Canadian press vigorously assailed the refusal
of the Ministers to give advice. The Hamilton Spectator
declared, “It was generous, no doubt, on His Excellency’s part,
to endeavour to settle on his own responsibility a question
which the thirteen trembling cowards were afraid to face; but
he has no power—and there is no power in the Constitution to
relieve Ministers of the responsibility for an executive act, unless
they signify their disapproval by resigning. This is taught by the
plainest maxims of the Constitution.”** The Gaveste of Montreal
took the same stand: ‘‘ Fora ministry to have no opinion on such
a subject is virtually to abdicate. A parliamentary ministry
must advise, it is appointed for no other purpose. If its advice
is rejected it must resign. This is the very essence of Responsible
Government. Some person must be found who is accountable
for every act of the Government, even the exercise of the royal
prerogative.”** The Ottawa Citizen concluded an article of a
similar nature with the words “O Reform! O Responsible
Government ! Where are thy glories now ? ””*

Divested of its local details, the Lépine question brought to
the front the question of how the prerogative of mercy was to be
exercised in future in the self-governing colonies. Was the
prerogative to be exercised by the Governor by virtue of his
responsibility to the Crown, or by the colonial government
responsible to the people of the country ? The Colonial Secretary
held the view that the Governor was personally selected by the
Crown as the depository of the Crown’s prerogative of mercy ;
this prerogative was not alienated from the Crown by any gencral
delegation, but was confided as a matter of high trust to those
individuals whom the Crown commissioned for the purpose.
Thus, while the colonial ministers were responsible for advising
the Governor, the latter could not divest himself of the personal
responsibility which had been specially entrusted to him. The
peculiar circumstances of the Lépine case, however, unfitted it

Ce pune 18 KMOW UUIY How 7g \
Kes, ppattw A PUAMELING oe
Ht
w
rae é

ye gat HEAD”

MACDONALD MACKENZIE

LoyaLty IN A QuANDARY; of THE ‘‘ LEPINE CAsE”’? MADE
PLAIN.

Grip, Feb. 6th, 1875)

THE AMNESTY QUESTION 173

for the purpose of a test case—the Colonial Ministry being only
too willing to have the perplexing question settled by an external
authority—and when the question was discussed in the House of
Lords in April 1875, Dufferin’s action was defended, not on the
ground that it was compatible with ministerial responsibility,
but that the case of Lépine was exceptional. Carnarvon stated
that ‘it touches on most delicate ground” and justified the
commutation as politically expedient.*” Kimberley admitted
that “‘ the general question of the exercise of the Prerogative of
mercy by Colonial Governors . . . certainly docs involve ... one
of the most delicate functions of the machinery of Colonial
Government ” but argued that “ in matters of this kind, we ought
not to be too logical. Constitutional Government in this country
has not grown up by means of a rigorous application of the
principles of logic, but rather by a happy application of good
sense on the part of the men who proved themselves equal to
deal with emergencies.”

Nevertheless the Lépine question led to a more precise defini-
tion of the relation of the Governor-General to the Crown and
to the colonial ministry. In June 1876, the Honourable Edward
Blake visited England and discussed with Carnarvon the advis-
ability of recasting the Governor-Gencral’s instructions. In
July Blake forwarded an important memorandum®™ to the
Colonial Secretary which stated :

“Canada is not merely a Colony or a Province: she is a
Dominion composed of an aggregate of seven large provinces
federally united under an Imperial Charter, which expressly

recites that her constitution is to be similar in principles to that
of the United Kingdom.”

After pointing out that the Queen exercised the prerogative of
pardon in Great Britain on the advice of her Ministers, the
memorandum continued :

“While the Canadian Parliament makes laws for the punish-
ment of crimes committed by the inhabitants of Canada, the
Sovereign should exercise the prerogative of mercy towards such
criminals under the advice of her Privy Council for Canada, or
of her Minister there, chosen as her other Canadian Ministers are
chosen, and responsible to the Canadian Parliament for his
advice.”

As a result of Blake’s mission a new commission and letter of

174 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

instructions were issued to the Governor-General at the expiry of
Dufferin’s term of office, which vindicated the doctrine of minis-
terial responsibility and placed the prerogative of pardon on the
same footing as the other royal prerogatives, namely, to be
exercised only upon the advice of responsible Ministers. In this
way another stage was passed in the evolution of the self-govern-
ing colonies from Colonial to Dominion status.

The commutation of the sentence of death passed upon
Lépine, together with the expulsion of Louis Riel, forced the
attention of the Canadian Government to the anomalous condi-
tion of affairs in regard to others implicated in the insurrection.
The action of Lord Dufferin had provided the virtual solution
of the question. In February 1875, the Honourable Alexander
Mackenzie moved :

“‘ That in the opinion of this House it would be proper, consider-
ing the said facts, that a full amnesty should be granted to all
persons concerned in the North-West troubles for all acts com-
mitted by them during the said troubles, saving only L. Riel,
A. D. Lépine and W. B. O'Donoghue. That in the opinion of
this House it would be proper . . . that a like amnesty should be
granted to L. Riel and A. D. Lépine, conditional on five years’
banishment from Her Majesty’s Dominions.’’®°

The debate was long and bitter. Macdonald accused Mackenzie
of playing politics. Mousseau and Masson called for a complete
amnesty. Cauchon, however, contended that half a loaf was
better than none and Laurier, the rising star of the Liberal
party, gave his full support to the Government motion. Mous-
seau’s amendment was lost by 152 votes to 23 and the original
motion carried by 126 to 50.°' Immediately following this
Mackenzie moved the banishment of Riel, which was carried by a
substantial majority. Two years later the last vestige of the
Red River Rebellion was buried in official oblivion when
O’Donoghue was included in the amnesty on the same terms as
Riel.*? In this manner, the amnesty question, which had for a
time threatened to split the fabric of Confederation and retard
the development of colonial autonomy, was finally settled.

BOOK TWO

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION

CHAPTER IX
THE GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN THE NORTH-WEST

On July 15th, 1870, Rupert’s Land and the North-Western
territory were formally transferred from the Hudson’s Bay
Company to the Dominion of Canada. Out of this extensive
area, a stall district, approximately one hundred miles square, and
inhabited by a handful of settlers, was organized into the Province
of Manitoba. The remaining territory was a vast wilderness.
To the north lay a forbidding land of rivers, lakes, rocks and
forest; to the west, a monotonous vision of grass and sky, the
prairies. For centuries past the western prairies had been the
hunting grounds of the wandering Indian tribes, and, apart from
the few fur-trading posts and mission stations, there were no
settlements outside the Province of Manitoba. Writing as late
as 1872 Sir William Butler, then Captain Butler, after a visit to the
North-West, declared :

“ The ‘ Great Lone Land ’ is no sensational name. The North-
West fulfils, at the present time, every essential of that title.
There is no other portion of the globe in which travel is possible
where loneliness can be said to dwell so thoroughly. One may
wander five hundred miles in a direct line without seeing a
human being, or an animal larger than a wolf. And if vastness
of plain, and magnitude of lake, mountain and river can mark a
land as great, then no region possesses higher claims to that
distinction.”

The first white men to penetrate this western wilderness and
native fastness were the explorers and fur traders. But neither
regarded the North-West as a home, and, by the time this region
was acquired by Canada, settlement can scarcely be said to have
begun. In 1871 Butler, after an investigation into the conditions
prevailing in the North-West, reported only six embryonic
colonies.? All were of mission origin; Prince Albert, White
Fish Lake and Victoria for the English half-breeds, and St.
Albert, Lac la Biche and Lac Ste. Anne for the French métis.
There were, in addition, a few adventurous whites to be found at

77

178 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Prince Albert, and at the Hudson’s Bay Company posts at Fort
Qu'Appelle, Fort Pelly, Touchwood Hills, Cumberland House,
Fort a la Corne, Fort Carlton, Fort Pitt and Fort Edmonton. It
is impossible, however, to determine the extent of the population
of the North-West at this time owing to the unsettled nature of
some of the communities and the nomadic habits of their
half-breed members.

The half-breeds, as in Manitoba, were the first to settle in the
North-West Territory. Many of them were born in the country
and grew up around the fur-trading posts. Others moved west-
wards from Red River. For many years the métis had set out
from the Red River valley upon their great hunts over the western
prairies, but the gradual withdrawal of the buffalo further and
further from the eastern plains made these long journeys unprofit-
able. The Red River métis were then faced with two alternatives,
to follow the wild animals westwards, or to settle down to a life
of agriculture. The métis hada horror of a sedentary existence.
The chase was to them a necessity as well as a pleasure, and
many, choosing the easier road, followed the well-defined buffalo
trails into the interior.

These hunting expeditions were seldom disordered, isolated
efforts. The meétis gathered in large bands under the command
of chosen leaders and self-imposed regulations, a practice which
undoubtedly facilitated Riel’s organization of the French half-
breeds in 1869. Early in their history they had learned that only
by union could they cope with hostile bands of marauding Indians.
Experience and necessity had evolved a loose code of rules and
restrictions which, tightened by the bonds of tradition, governed
the conduct of the hunt. As a rule, these expeditions were
accompanied by a missionary priest, who, with his portable altar,
daily celebrated mass in his tent, taught the children their
catechism, visited the sick and injured, and formed the nucleus
of a fervent, though nomadic parish, During the winter those
who did not return to their homes in the Red River Settlement
were obliged to seek provisional quarters. Their winter camps
were chosen with care. They had to be near a wood for building
purposes and fuel, close to a stream or river, and not too far from
the favourite haunts of the buffalo for the next spring’s hunt.
The construction of log huts gave these camps an air of solidity
and permanency, which indicated the possibilities of a definite

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 179

settlement. Winter after winter the métis returned to the same
districts and gradually, through the efforts of the missionaries
and the diminution of the chase, these became the sites of per-
manent villages. The most important of these hunting com-
munities were to be found between the lower reaches of the
North and South Saskatchewan Rivers near Duck Lake and Fort
Carlton, and in the Qu’Appelle valley.

After the stormy career of the Provisional Government and
the political disturbances at Fort Garry in 1870, a half-breed
trek to the North-West began. Sullen, suspicious and estranged
from their white neighbours by the actions of the Canadians and
the non-promulgation of the amnesty, almost immediately many
métis began to look for new homes. The failure of their first
struggle with a superior civilization, and the ill-disguised con-
tempt with which they, the original inhabitants, were treated
by the newcomers, destroyed the self-confidence of the métis.
They held aloof from their neighbours and turned to the North-
West to find their former state of unrestricted liberty. Some of
the more restless spirits had already joined the buffalo camps in
the interior, and many others began to follow.

It was to these irreconcilables, who, like the Boer Voor-
trekkers of South Africa, trekked to escape the consequences of
their inability to adjust themselves to a new order, that the colony
of St. Laurent owed its foundation. This fact is significant in
view of the subsequent history of the North-West. For,
although the métis settlement of St. Albert, near Edmonton, was
both older and larger, it was the colony of St. Laurent in the
Saskatchewan valley which became the scene of the second
métis attempt to stem the inexorable tide of European civilization,
the Riel Rebellion of 1885.

A buffalo camp of small importance seems to have made the
neighbourhood of Duck Lake its winter headquarters. In 1868
Father André, who became the mentor of the colony, visited the
region for the first time, “ visiter quelques familles patriarcales
de métis.”4 The events of 1870 soon brought an addition to
their numbers. In 1871, Father Légeard wrote, “un certain
nombre de familles métisses venues de la Rivi¢re Rouge voulant
passer l’hiver prés du Fort Carlton sur une des branches de la
Saskatchewan avaient demandé a Mgr. de leur donner un Pére
pour rester avec eux.”® In accordance with this request, a

180 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

permanent mission was established there on October 8th, 1871,
bearing the name of St. Laurent.®

This colony quickly grew in numbers and importance. At first
it differed little from the other métis buffalo camps. The new-
comers quickly reverted from their more restricted life at Red
River to the carefree life of the plains. Father Leduc, writing to
his Superior-General concerning the mission at St. Laurent,

declared :

“La population du Pére André est toujours considérable.
Elle formerait une belle et prospére Mission si elle promettait de
se fixer irrévocablement dans une localité. Malheureusement la
plupart de ces métis n’ont quitté la Riviére Rouge que pour
courir plus aisément aprés les buffles de la Prairie. I] est bien a
craindre qu’ils ne laissent la Mission du Pére André pour s’avancer
davantage encore dans les prairies ot les buffles s’éloignent de
plus en plus, et finiront par disparaitre tout 4 fait, dans un avenir
quit parait prochain.””?

Steps were, however, taken to establish the colony upon a
permanent basis. On December roth, 1873, a great assembly of
all the métis living in the district was held at St. Laurent. The
absence of any effective government in the North-West and the
necessity for some form of law suggested the adoption of regula-
tions similar to those governing the hunt, in order to protect the
community and to enforce justice. Prompted by public interest
and guided by Father André, the métis unanimously resolved to
form a provisional government and to submit to the laws and
regulations imposed by it. Gabriel Dumont was clected
“president ” for one year, assisted by eight “ councillors.” It
is important to note that the métis protested their loyalty to
Canada, and stated that “en faisant ces lois et ces reglements, les
habitants de St. Laurent ne prétendent nullement constituer pour
eux un état indépendent . . . mais en formant ces lois ils se
reconnaissent les sujets loyaux et fidéles du Canada et se sont
preparés 4 abandonner leur propre organisation et 4 se soumettre
aux lois de la Dominion aussité6t que le Canada aura établi au
milieu d’eux des magistrats réguliers avec une force suffisante
pour maintenir dans le pays l’autorité de la loi.’”*

A Provisional Government elected, and the oath “ d’accomplir
fidélement leur devoir et de juger dans la droiture de leur con-
science sans acceptation de personne, les causes qui seraient

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 181

referées 4 leur tribunal ” administered to the “ President ” and
“Councillors,” the assembled gathering proceeded to adopt a
code of “ Lois et Régulations . . . pour la Colonie de St. Laurent
sur la Saskatchewan.” These provided for monthly meetings
of the “ President ” and “‘ Council,” the punishment of offences
against property and person, the sanctity of contract, the preven-
tion of prairie fires, the observance of Sunday, the obligations of
employers and employees, the fees and costs of adjudication, and
for fines and penalties for wilful disregard of the newly-established
authorities. The enforcing of these regulations were placed in
the hands of selected “captains” and “soldiers,” after the
custom of the buffalo hunt. Considering the nomadic nature of
the métis, their lack of education and intolerance of restraint,
this simple code of laws was a bold attempt to meet the needs of
a primitive community,

The experiment in self-government was a complete success.
The code drawn up by the assembled métis and the periodical
regulations of the “‘ Council ’’ were productive of the greatest
benefits to the people. Peace was maintained and tranquillity
marked the relationships of man to man. The re-election of
Dumont and six of his “ Councillors” a year later strikingly
confirmed the advantages of the new organization.

The history of St. Laurent does not appear to have been
paralleled by the other métis settlements in the North-West.
Neither at Red River—if we except Riel’s Provisional Govern-
ment—St. Albert, nor St. Florent de Lebret, did they rise to
the same stage of independent political development. It is
quite evident that the métis attained at St. Laurent, during this
period, their highest development, politically, as a distinct race.”

The attempt, however, in the spring of 1875 by “ President ”
Dumont and his “ soldiers ” to enforce the laws of St. Laurent
upon independent parties quickly brought about official inter-
vention. Alarmed by a letter from the Hudson’s Bay Company
Factor at Carlton referring to a state of affairs which sounded
ominously familiar,"® the Canadian Government ordered Com-
missioner French of the North-West Mounted Police at Swan
River, Manitoba, to take action against any repetition of the
unpleasant events of 1869-70. A party of fifty Mounted Police,
commanded by Colonel French and accompanied by Major-
General Selby Smythe, the officer commanding the Canadian

182 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Militia, then on a tour of inspection of the Mounted Police, was
despatched by a forced march to Fort Carlton. In spite of the
alarming rumours which were circulating in Manitoba, “‘ Another
stand against Canadian authority in the North-West; a Pro-
visional Government at Carlton; M. Louis Riel again to the
front; 10,000 Crees on the war-path ; Fort Carlton in possession
of the Rebels ; a number of Mounted Police killed ; 71! Colonel
French reported on August 7th, “ The outrages by half-breeds in
this vicinity are of a trivial nature.”!? At first it was proposed to
arrest Dumont, but on his return from the plains it was no longer
considered necessary. The métis ‘“‘ President” expressed his
regret and offered to make reparation. In view of his obvious
loyalty, and the law-abiding character of the people, no further
action was deemed necessary.

Notwithstanding this reverse, the colony of St. Laurent
continued to grow in numbers. In 1878 the settlement was
given the name of Grandin by the Government, and Father Leduc,
in a report on the diocese of St. Albert, gave the population as
750, spread over an area of thirty miles.14 New parishes sprang
up within the old as the settlement was augmented by arrivals
from Red River and from the plains. In 1878 Father André
founded the parish of Sacré Coeur at Duck Lake, about seven
miles from Grandin, to serve a growing community of 250 souls.1®
Several years later the original colony of St. Laurent branched out
across the south fork of the Saskatchewan river. Here, in 1881,
Pére Végreville established the parish of St. Antoine de Padoue,
which, as Batoche, became famous as the headquarters of the
métis during the North-West Rebellion of 1885 ; while further
down the river the parish of St. Louis de Langevin gradually
took permanent shape during the early ’eighties.

The settlement of the North-West territory was by no means
confined to the mixed bloods. An insatiable hunger for land and
a restless westward surge were the central feature of North-
American history during the latter half of the nineteenth century.
Attracted by the great spaces and the fertile lands to be had for
the asking, thousands of immigrants poured into the Western
States of America. Canadian development was slower. Never-
theless, the fifteen years following the transfer of the Hudson’s
Bay Company territory to Canada saw the beginning of the
transition of the old North-West into modern Western Canada.

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 183

The first white settlement of importance in the Saskatchewan
country was Prince Albert. Established in 1866 by the Reverend
James Nisbet as a Presbyterian mission to the Cree Indians and
English half-breeds, it soon became the most progressive settle-
ment in the Territories.‘* During the early years Prince Albert
drew most of its inhabitants from the old villages of Manitoba.
Many of the employees of the Hudson’s Bay Company also settled
there. From 1874 this small community developed rapidly.
Every summer saw the arrival of new settlers, the staking of
claims and the erection of new buildings. ‘‘ Within the last five
years,” wrote the editor of the Saskatchewan Herald in 1878, “the
settlement of which Prince Albert forms the centre has been
making giant strides towards the goal of civilization and agri-
cultural improvement. The buffalo hunter is rapidly giving way
to the farmer, and the Indian trader to the merchant.”*” Business
enterprise marked Prince Albert as a characteristically English
Canadian village. In his Joxrnal Bishop Grandin, Bishop of St.
Albert, commented upon its progress :**

“ Le 18 aoat j’arrivais au Prince Albert, véritable ville anglaise
qui s’éléve dans mon diocése 4 15 ou 25 lieues de St. Laurent de
Grandin. Il y a la deux usines 4 vapeur; j’y ai vu pour la
premiére fois dans ce pays des constructions en briques.
L’agglomération n’est pas encore considérable, mais les anglais,
écossais ct canadiens anglais qui s’y rencontrent sont tous des
hommes entreprenants et décidés a faire fortune.”

Up the Saskatchewan river, about 160 miles from Prince Albert,
another white settlement was founded. In 1874 the surveyors
for the telegraph line established their headquarters on the
Battle river near its junction with the North Saskatchewan. The
name given to this place was Telegraph Flat, but it was later
changed to the more attractive name of Battleford. In 1877 this
site was selected as the capital of the North-West. This was
due, probably, to the geographical advantages of its central
position in relation to the growing population of the Saskatche-
wan from Prince Albert to Edmonton ; for, in development, it
was behind Prince Albert. In the Journal quoted above Bishop
Grandin wrote :”

“ Battleford est la capitale du Nord-Ouest, c’est la que réside
le gouverneur avec son entourage et les autorités du pays. On
appelle Battleford une ville, mais vainement y ai-je cherché des

184 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

maisons ; 4 part les habitations du gouverneur, des magistrats et
des soldats, il n’y a pas une seule maison convenable. Le
bureau du télégraphe, celui du journal (Saskatchewan Herald) sont
de misérables baraques en bois. L’Eglise catholique et la mission
sont en parfait accord avec la pauvreté de la cité naissante.”

In spite of this unfavourable comment, Battleford differed
little from many western villages which developed into thriving
communities.

Still further west, Fort Edmonton was a centre of settlement.
Although it was described by Paul Kane in 1846 as “a large
establishment ”*° of forty or fifty men and their families, chiefly
in the service of the Hudson’s Bay Company, Edmonton made
little progress until the late ’seventies and early ’cighties. In
1879 the Dominion Land Surveyor reported that “ the Edmonton
Settlement extends along the Saskatchewan about eight miles,
principally on the north bank ” and commented favourably upon
its agricultural prospects. A year later a newspaper appeared,
the second to be published in the North-West Territories.22 A
small sheet, frve by seven inches called The Bulletin, published
under the editorship of Frank Oliver, was issued on December
6th, 1880. By 1883 the population of the Edmonton district
numbered over one thousand, and was, in consequence, the first
electoral district to be set up in what is now the Province of
Alberta.

The southern part of the territories had, until the arrival of
the railway, little attraction for the prospective settler. With
the exception of the perambulating métis parish of St. Florent,
which ultimately became attached to Wood Mountain, a few
Mounted Police Forts and several trading posts and missions,
there were no settlements south of the North Saskatchewan
valley. Not only were the northern settlements deemed more
suitable for agriculture, but they were also more accessible. The
main trails led overland from Red River to the Hudson’s Bay
Company post at Fort Ellice, through the Touchwood Hills via
Gabriel’s or Batoche’s Crossing to Fort Carlton, and then west-
ward to Battleford, Fort Pitt and Edmonton, or north-eastward
to Prince Albert and Fort 4 la Corne.** The remaining territory
was more or less uncharted ground. Moreover, the inaugura-
tion of water transport from Winnipeg to the North-West, via
Lake Winnipeg and the Saskatchewan river, opened up great

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 185

possibilities for northern development. In 1874 the steam vessel
Northcote made the first successful passage to Fort Carlton, and
Chief Commissioner Grahame of the Hudson’s Bay Company
was enthusiastic over the possibilities of ascending the river
even beyond Edmonton.*4 The prospective immigrants and
travellers were not slow to take advantage of this new means of
transportation. In 1877 “The Report of the Working of the
Steamer Northcote” read :5

“ As many applications for passage by the Northcote were made
during the past season which could not be granted on account of
the accommodation being limited to the requirements of the
crew, I think that an addition to the cabin should be made next
season, which can be done at small expense. Passenger travel
up and down the Saskatchewan will always be on the increase,
and if our boats are to run regularly and to connect at Grand
Rapids with the Colville I see no reason why we should not carry
all the passengers who travel over the route.”

The final outcome was the formation, in 1880, of the North-
West Navigation Company, with a fleet of five vessels, for the
transport of freight and the carriage of passengers between
Manitoba and the settlements on the Saskatchewan.”®

Settlement in the north was also stimulated by the proposed
route laid out for the Canadian Pacific Railway by Sandford
Fleming. The original plan was to run the road north-west
from the Lake of the Woods, across the Red River at Selkirk
and thence to the North Saskatchewan. To gain all the advan-
tages and reap all the profits of settlement along the line of the
proposed railway, squatters, traders, speculators and bona-fide
settlers rushed into the north and augmented the growing
populations of Prince Albert, Battleford and Edmonton.

To meet the pressing demands of British Columbia for a
trans-continental railway and the economic considerations of a
road in closer proximity to the American border, the Canadian
Pacific Railway determined, in 1881, to build their line, not to the
North Saskatchewan, but westwards in a direct line from
Winnipeg to the Kicking Horse Pass via the Assiniboine, Qu’
Appelle and Bow valleys. The adoption of this southerly route
was one of the most significant events in the history of the Terri-
tories. The water routes had hitherto determined the location
of the settlements. Henceforth the railway line became the artery

ie)

186 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

ofimmigration. The North Saskatchewan settlements were side-
tracked. Settlers now came in along the southern route, and
towns sprang up all along the new path of the Canadian Pacific
Railway; Moosomin, Regina, Moose Jaw, Maple Creek, Medicine
Hat and Calgary. Prince Albert and Battleford were left in the
backwaters of neglect, while the current of population turned
southwards. This was emphasized in 1883 by the removal of
the capital of the North-West Territories from Battleford to
Regina.

Settlement by voluntary immigration was, however, a slow
development, and an attempt was made to stimulate it by means
of colonization companies. In 1882 the Government was
authorized to enter into agreements with chartered companies
to colonize and settle certain tracts of land. Two plans were
proposed. Under the first plan, blocks of townships outside the
railway belt might be granted to applicants upon certain terms.
The companies were obliged to pay two dollars an acre for the
odd-numbered sections and to colonize their tracts within five
years. In this event they were to be allowed a rebate of half the
purchase price or $120 for every bona-fide settler. Colonization
was to consist of placing two settlers on every section irrespective
of whether it was odd or even-numbered. The other plan
provided for the sale of all the sections in the townships, excepting
those, four in number, reserved by the Government for special
purposes, at two dollars an acre with the same provisions for
rebate.” If the plans were meant to attract speculators and
capitalists they were amply fulfilled; but as instruments of
colonization they were both failures. The old settlers viewed
them with mistrust, and feared that their holdings might be
endangered if included in the companies’ grants. The new-
comers disliked the apparent restriction of their choice of home-
steads. One company succeeded in arousing the apprehensions
of the métis of St. Laurent, others became involved in disputes
with squatters, and some failed to bring in even a single settler.
In Saskatchewan, where the companies were particularly active,
the Temperance Colonization Company founded the town of
Saskatoon, but only seven companies placed more than fifty
settlers upon the land.” Finally, after four years, the majority
of the colonization companies were dissolved and none remained
in operation after 1891.

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 187

On the whole, the growth of the North-West Territories during
the first fifteen years was slow when contrasted with the rapid
development of the western territories of the United States. In
the Dakota Territory the population increased from 2,576 in
1850, to 12,887 in 1870, and 133,147 in 1880 :?* while in the North-
West Territories, during a similar stage of development, the
population increased from upwards of 1,000 in 1870, to 6,974 in
1881, and about 50,000 in 1891.39 This comparatively slow
development of the Canadian North-West was due to several
causes. The plains of the United States were more accessible
before 1885 than the prairies of Canada, their immigration agents
were more energetic, and the prospects held out more alluring.
To reach Manitoba settlers had to travel by American railway lines
and then overland by wagon or stage. The all-Canadian, or
Dawson Route—a series of wagon and river transportation over
the route followed by Wolseley from Lake Superior to the Lake of
the Woods—involved unnecessary hardship when contrasted
with the American journey by train. Notwithstanding the sums
spent upon the Canadian route by the Government, it never
proved popular. From Red River to the Saskatchewan valley the
only means of transport were the Red River cart and the America
“democrat.” If favourable weather prevailed Prince Albert
might be reached in one month. To reach Edmonton was just
as faragain. Railway development came slowly. The monopoly
clause in the charter of the Canadian Pacific Railway forbade the
building of competitive lines, and the railway itself was not
completed from Eastern to Western Canada until 1885. More-
over, little assistance was given to foreign immigration during
this period. It was not until after the Second Riel Rebellion had
advertised the country, and Sifton had inaugurated his vigorous
campaign of immigration propaganda, that the prairies became
dotted with those alien settlements which have provided a
problem of racial assimilation for Canada to solve. The land
policy, too, was not a popular one. Liberal as the terms were,
the constant changes in the Dominion land regulations and the
large areas of land withheld from the operation of the homestead
law, discouraged prospective immigration and retarded the
spontaneous growth of village communities.

The land policy of the Dominion Government, inextricably
bound as it was to the problem of settlement, deserves detailed

188 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

consideration. Upon the transfer of Rupert’s Land and the
North-West to Canada in 1870, the Canadian Government
announced that, pending the passage of the necessary legislation
and the prosecution of the surveys, all rights to land acquired
in advance of the survey would be duly recognized. The survey
had been commenced late in 1869, but was, as we have seen,
suspended during the disturbances at Red River. In 1871 the
surveying of the North-West was undertaken seriously. The
system of survey adopted was similar to that which Louis Riel
and the half-breeds had so vigorously opposed at Red River.
The unit was the township, consisting of thirty-six sections of
one mile each, with road allowance of one chain in width. Each
section consisted of 640 acres, and was subdivided into quarter
sections. The survey began at the international boundary,
the meridians numbering from east to west and the townships
from south to north. The whole country was thus arbitrarily
laid out in squares in a manner which made location and reference
very simple. The survey progressed rapidly. By June 1873,
4,792,292 acres Of 29,952 quarter sections had been surveyed.
The period of Mackenzie’s administration saw a retardation in
the rate of survey, but from 1879 the work was pushed forward
with vigour. By June 1883, 61,863,772 acres had been surveyed
in the North-West, providing for 380,399 homesteads, which,
on the basis of three people to the homestead, would provide
for an agricultural population of 1,141,197.34

The homestead regulations were liberal. Every immigrant of
twenty-one years of age and upwards, who chose to go to the
North-West to settle on the land, was entitled to take up a quarter
section (160 acres) as a free homestead. A fee of ten dollars at
the time of application was all that was required in the way of
payment. Cultivation, improvement and three years’ settlement
entitled the homesteader to a patent for the original quarter.
Anyone who did not wish to homestead could purchase un-
appropriated Dominion lands to the extent of 640 acres at the
nominal price of one dollar per acre without condition of resid-
ence or improvement.*? These regulations were modified
from time to time. The age of claimants was reduced to eighteen
years or over and the privilege of pre-empting an adjoining
quarter section was conceded to homesteaders. Contrasted
with the United States, the Canadian regulations appear to have

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 189

offered the more favourable terms for settlement. Prior to 1879,
American immigrants were allowed only eighty acres of land as a
homestead, and could acquire only eighty acres by pre-emption.
The price of the latter was fixed according to location at $1.25
or $2.50 per acre. In 1879 Congress extended the homestead
and pre-emption privilege to 160 acres, the price remaining the
same. Five years residence was required in the United States
as compared with three in Canada, and cash for pre-emption
compared with credit.

The quantity of land withheld from the privileges of free
homestead and pre-emption to a great extent nullified these
advantages. In Manitoba 1,400,000 acres, of approximately
one-seventh of the province, were reserved for the half-breeds
and original white settlers by the Manitoba Act. In the remaining
territory of the North-West one-twentieth of all the landsouth of
the North Saskatchewan was set aside for the Hudson’s Bay
Company in accordance with the terms of the transfer. This
involved the reservation of two of the even-numbered sections,
8 and 26, in every township of thirty-six sections. To provide a
fund to meet the cost of education in the territories, sections 11
and 29 were reserved as school lands. To add to the discourage-
ment of settlement, all odd-numbered sections were reserved as
public lands, to be disposed of only by sale. Morcover, the
railway policy of both political parties, although at variance on
the question of public or private ownership, had one common
feature, namely, the defraying of the cost of the road by the sale
of public lands in the North-West Territories. Mackenzie’s
administration set aside for railway purposes large blocks of
land, twenty miles on each side of the proposed route, in which
settlement was absolutely forbidden. The change of government
in 1878 brought a change in the letter but little in the spirit of the
existing law. For the barren railway reserves were substituted a
series of “ land belts,” extending one hundred and ten miles on
each side of the assumed line of the Canadian Pacific Railway, in
which homesteads were limited to eighty acres in alternate
sections, with descending rates of pre-emption and purchase.*
A few months later the homestead privilege was increased to 160
acres and the price of the purchasable lands slightly reduced.
Other changes followed in 1881 and 1882,%° until finally the
Government reserved all the odd-numbered sections throughout

190 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the west for railway purposes, and threw open the remaining
even-numbered sections for homestead purposes. The result
was that of the thirty-six sections in a township, only eight
were open to homesteads, the remainder being reserved for
pre-emption, the Hudson’s Bay Company, school and railway
purposes,

It is interesting to note that the land policy, in relation to
colonization, was based upon the incentive of free land. The
Government did not attempt to link the disposal of land by sale
with a policy of immigration, after the economic abstractions of
Gibbon Wakefield. The colonization companies were, perhaps,
an exception to this rule, but they were little more than speculative
efforts. The land policy of the Dominion in Western Canada
was a modified reproduction of that policy in the United States for
which Durham had expressed great praise. It was, however,
open to criticism. The large reserves discouraged settlement,
and the position of the free grant areas led to unnecessary
dispersion.

In 1870 the little province of Manitoba was granted a respon-
sible government, complete with bicameral legislature and all
the dignity and power necessary to maintain law and preserve
order. There was, however, no intention of imposing such a
burden upon the remainder of the North-West. The Territories
in 1870 were wholly without government of any form. The
institutions of law and order, as understood in civilized commu-
nities, were non-existent. The passing of the Hudson’s Bay
Company as a political body left the country without executive
organization and destitute of any means to enforce authority.
Despite this anarchic beginning, the North-West, during the
next thirty-five years, passed through all the stages of political
evolution from the passive rule of a chartered company to the
active responsibility of a provincial government. This develop-
ment presents an interesting parallel with that of old Canada, in
all its forms, conciliar, representative, and responsible govern-
ment. Moreover, the exasperating delay of “Mr. Mother-
country,” of Eastern Canadian history was repeated, in the
North-West with similar strife and bitterness. This parallel
cannot be pushed too far, for the rebellion of 1885, like that of
1869-70, was a struggle for racial survival and not, like that of
1837, a fight for responsible government. The history of

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 191

responsible government in the North-West is, however, beyond
the limits of this treatise. The years from 1870 to 1885 saw only
the first steps in that evolution, the establishment of a conciliar
and its gradual transition to a representative form of government.

By the Manitoba Act of 1870 the North-West was to be
governed by the Licutenant-Governor of Manitoba, as ex-officio
Governor of the North-West Territories, and a council of not
exceeding fifteen or less than seven members appointed by the
Governor-General.** A spirit of procrastination and delay,
however, attended the actions of the Federal Government in
their dealings with the North-West. Two years elapsed before
any action was taken to appoint a council under this Act.
Lieutenant-Governor Archibald had, in October 1870, taken it
upon himself to appoint an emergency council of three, repre-
senting “the three great interests of the West, the English, the
French and the Hudson’s Bay interest,”*” but his action was
undeniably irregular.*® In December 1872, the Honourable
Alexander Morris succeeded Archibald as Lieutenant-Governor
of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, and a properly
constituted council was appointed to assist him.

To keep pace with the progressive development of the
Territories, the Dominion Government took several steps during
the next few years, for the better establishment of law and order,
the federal supervision of the North-West, and for the extension
of the privileges and responsibilities of self-government. In
accordance with the reports of Lieutenant W. I. Butler in 1871,"*
and Colonel Robertson Ross in 1872,*° and the urgent solicitations
of the North-West Council in 1873,*" a corps of mounted rifle-
men, known as the North-West Mounted Police, were formed and
despatched to the prairies. The affairs of the Territories were
then entrusted to a new department of state, the Department of
the Interior. The final step was the passing of the North-West
Territories Act of 1875,4? which reorganized the North-West
Counciland provided for the appointment of a separate Lieutenant-
Governor for the North-West.

With the passing of this Act began the second stage of the
conciliar period, the gradual transition from an appointed
council to a representative assembly. With a few minor altera-
tions, the North-West Territories Act of 1875 remained the
basis of federal policy for the next twelve years. It provided for

192 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the appointment of a Lieutenant-Governor and council of five
with power to pass ordinances relative to taxation for local
purposes, property and civil rights in the Territories, the adminis-
tration of justice, public health, highways and other matters
of merely local or private nature. It is important to note that
the administration of Indian affairs and the control of the Mounted
Police remained with the federal authorities. The Dominion
Government also reserved the right to disallow ordinances of the
North-West Council. The most important innovation of the Act
was the provision made for the progressive introduction of
elected members to the council. When any region, not exceed-
ing one thousand square miles, was found to contain a population
of not less than one thousand inhabitants of voting age, such a
district might be formed into an electoral district by a proclama-
tion of the Lieutenant-Governor. The first district to be thus
formed was that of Prince Albert and St. Laurent which was
erected into the electoral district of Lorne in 1880. Edmonton,
Qu’Appelle, Broadview, Regina and Moose Jaw followed in 1883,
Calgary and Moose Mountain in 1884, and others in 1885, 1886
and 1887. The steady growth in territorial population thus
increased the elective element in the council until it was trans-
formed into a Legislative Assembly. The North-West Terri-
tories Act of 1875 had provided for this contingency when the
elected members should reach twenty-one in number. In 1888,
although this number had not yet been attained, the Legislative
Assembly came into being, and full representative—although
not yet responsible—government became an accomplished fact.

In 1882 a new development took place. The Territories were
divided into four provisional districts, Assiniboia, Saskatchewan,
Alberta and Athabaska. Although a few optimists saw in this
portents of great political changes at an early date,‘ the divisions
were made for the convenience of the postal authorities, and not
for the facilitation of provincial status. It signalized, however,
the shifting of the centre of population from the north to the
south. This was emphasized by the removal of the capital in the
following year.

Such is the picture of the development of the Canadian North-
West—exclusive always of the Province of Manitoba—during the
formative period from 1870 to 1885. During these years the
foundations were laid for the settlement, security, and adminis-

GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN NORTH-WEST 193

tration of the vast region ceded to Canada by the Hudson’s Bay
Company. The half-breeds abandoned their nomadic existence,
and immigrants from Eastern Canada and elsewhere settled upon
the free lands of the “‘ last west.” A system of government was
established, and provision made for the maintenance of law and
order. It was, moreover, the period of transition. The old
North-West disappeared, the new was born. In 1870 the plains
were covered with buffalo. The Indian was monarch of all he
surveyed. In 1885 prosperous towns and villages stood where
only a few years before the Indian had pitched his teepee.
Domestic cattle replaced the untamed buffalo and the railway
pushed the Red River cart into antiquity. All these changes
brought with them a sociological problem of great magnitude,
the reconciliation of the needs of a primitive native society with
the demands of a modern civilization. To the white man this
transitional period in Western Canadian history opened new
horizons of adventure, but to the red man it brought disaster
and decline.

CHAPTER X
THE INDIAN PROBLEM—THE TREATIES

THE gravest problem presented to the Dominion of Canada by
the acquisition and settlement of Rupert’s Land and the North-
West, was the impact of a superior civilization upon the native
Indian tribes. Again and again, in different places and in different
ways, this problem has unfolded itself atthe contact of European
and savage. Too often the advent of the white man has led to
the moral and physical decline of the native. In Africa,
Australia, Melanesia and America, the clash of peoples in different
stages of development has spelled disaster to the weaker. The
European, conscious of his material superiority, is only too
contemptuous of the savage, intolerant of his helplessness,
ignorant of his mental processes and impatient at his slow
assimilation of civilization. The savage, centuries behind in
mental and economic development, cannot readily adapt himself to
meet the new conditions. He is incapable of bridging the gap of
centuries alone and unassisted. Although white penetration
into native territories may be inspired by motives of self-interest,
such as trade and settlement, once there, the responsibility of “ the
white man’s burden ”’ is inevitable.

Different methods have been adopted by different peoples in
dealing with primitive races. Some, in search of slaves or gold,
proceeded by right of conquest and expropriation. This policy
governed the actions of Spain in the New World. But Ferdinand
and Isabella and their successors only shared the theory of
conquest held in common by all the sovereigns of their day,
namely, that the vanquished races had no rights save those
conceded by the victors. The result, in most cases, was the
exploitation and extermination, partial orcomplete, of the native
races. The realization of this fact brought about the first
suggestion of what might be dignified by the name of native
policy. Fearing that the unrestrained mingling of Indians and
Europeans might effect the destruction of the former, Spain
devised a plan of native segregation. The plan failed, but the

194

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 195

policy of segregation became the dominant feature, not only of
American, but later of South African native administration.
Amalgamation, the policy of Sir George Grey, has been a third
method pursued in relation to the aboriginal races, with a con-
siderable degree of success in New Zealand. The last, and per-
haps the most enlightened in a country where the natives
predominate in numbers, is the policy of indirect rule and the
adaptation of native primitive institutions to the changing con-
ditions consequent upon the advent of an alien civilization.

In Canada, the history of native policy passed through three
phases, conquest, segregation and amalgamation. The early
French discovery meant conquest as far as the Indian rights to
land were concerned. This was followed by Sir William John-
son’s policy of native negotiations and the settlement of the
Indians in segregated areas. From 1830 British native policy
in regard to the Canadian Indians was designed to break up
their tribal organization by making them amenable to the laws
of the land and by providing means for their ultimate enfranchise-
ment. Like that of Sir George Grey in New Zealand, the object
of Canadian policy from the middle of the nineteenth century
was the amalgamation of the native and the European races. A
clear statement of this purpose is found in the Report of the
Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs for 1871, in
which he stated that the policy of the Government was “‘ designed
to lead the Indian people by degrees to mingle with the white
race in the ordinary avocations of life.”! In the North-West,
however, while political and social assimilation or amalgamation
remained the ultimate object of native policy, the Canadian
Government followed in the footsteps of the Johnson tradition
by negotiating treatics with the Indians and by setting aside
inalienable reserves for their use.

In order to understand more fully the native policy adopted
by the Dominion of Canada, and also the part played by the
Indian chiefs in the Second Riel Rebellion, a short outline of the
Indian character is necessary.2- The Indians of the North-West
were divided—as we have observed in Chapter I—into three
linguistic groups which were again divided into tribes and bands.
Although these groups differed in language and customs, there
were prominent characteristics which marked all of them in
common. AU belonged to a purely nomadic type of culture.

196 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The North-West Indians were essentially races of hunters, existing
wholly or largely by the chase. Accordingly, simplicity was the
central feature of their organization.

In each Indian community every man was his own master.
Nevertheless, each tribe had its civil and military organization,
and gradations of rank and influence. At the head of the tribe
was the civil chief. His position was, to a limited extent,
hereditary; his authority was only advisory or influential.
The Indians resented anything that savoured of absolute authority
or assumption of superiority. Thus, while the head chief
could influence the conduct of his tribe, his word was not
necessarily regarded as a command. He was assisted by his
councillors, the minor chiefs and headmen. The Indian chiefs,
in accordance with the principles of their savage democracy,
never set themselves in opposition to the will of the tribe. The
war chief was independent of the civil chief. He held his
position by virtue of his physical prowess and military reputation,
and might, at any time, gather a number of young men around
him, set up a “ soldiers’ lodge ” and make forays against hereditary
foes.

The strength of this simple society lay in the Indians’ respect
for, and inflexible adherence to tradition and custom. Like the
savage folk of other lands, the life of the Indian was full of
inhibitions and ceremonies. Theirs was a world peopled with
spirits, voices, and mysterious influences. Ancient usages and
primitive taboos governed their whole existence. But the
essential Indian characteristics never became subordinated to
their social organization. A wild love of freedom and intoler-
ance of restraint lay at the basis of Indian character and fired their
whole existence.

The largest tribe in the North-West were the Crees. In
pre-European times their numbers were small, but, with the
introduction of horses and firearms, they spread in all directions
over the greater part of the North-West. The Blackfeet were
the strongest and most warlike of the western tribes. Together
with the Bloods, Piegans and Sarcees, they evolved a mild form
of military confederation, which, however, never approached in
thoroughness and complexity that of the Six Nations in Eastern
Canada. The sworn enemies of the Crees and Assiniboines,
they were the “ Ishmaels of the prairie,” and lived in a state of

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 197

desultory warfare with their neighbours. Their home covered
what is now central and southern Alberta. The other principal
tribe, the Assiniboines, although scattered throughout the Cree
country, lived largely in Southern Saskatchewan in the neigh-
bourhood of the international boundary.

For centuries the western prairies were the “ happy hunting
grounds ” of these Indian tribes. Numberless herds of bison
moving over the plains provided them with all the necessaries of
their simple life; food, clothing and shelter. From the Rio
Grande to the Peace River, the plains trembled beneath the heavy
tread of these wild cattle. It was the golden age of Indian free-
dom. In the Canadian North-West the red men lived in savage
opulence, wandered over the plains, hunted the “ thundering
herds’ and warred among themselves. The passing years
brought little change to their mode of life. But, with the
coming of the white man, undismayed by demons or distance,
all this underwent a change.

The first Europeans in the North-West were the servants of the
Hudson’s Bay Company. Friendship and harmony marked their
relations with the Indian tribes. The basis of this friendship lay
in the policy of the Company towards the natives with whom they
came in contact. Inspired though they may have been by pru-
dence and self-interest, rather than by enlightened motives of
native welfare, their dealings with the Indians were marked by a
sense of trusteeship and strict integrity. The Indian learned to
respect the “‘ Kingchauch ” man as the representative of a superior
civilization and the embodiment of fair dealing; a fact which,
during the Indian rising of 1885, saved several white men from
the horrors of an Indian massacre. The Standing Rules of the
Fur Trade summarized the policy of the Company.

“goth. That the Indians be treated with kindness and
indulgence, and mild and conciliatory means resorted to in
order to encourage industry, repress vice, and inculcate morality ;
that the use of spirituous liquors be gradually discontinued in the
very few districts in which it is yet indispensable ; and that the
Indians be liberally supplied with requisite necessaries, particu-
larly with articles of ammunition, whether they have the means
of paying for it or not, and that no gentleman in charge of
district or post be at liberty to alter or vary the standard or usual
mode of trade with the Indians, except by special permission of
council.”’8

198 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The result of this policy was apparent in the peaceful history of
the Company. While the Indians south of the border were
fighting for life and revenge against the white men, in the
Canadian North-West the employees of the Hudson’s Bay
Company were able to build little stockaded forts in the midst of
thousands of warlike natives, to carry on their trading operations
without serious disturbance, and to pass freely and without fear
throughout the Indian country.

The policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company was not, however,
an unmixed blessing to the Indian. Not only did the Fur Trade
tend to draw the Indian away from his tribal organization and to
make him into a “ Company Indian,” but the introduction of the
white man’s manufactures destroyed the natives’ self-reliance
and independence. Long before 1870 the white man’s blankets,
knives, guns and powder, had displaced the skins, bows and
arrows of an earlier period. The one time luxuries became neces-
sities, and the hapless Indian, forgetting the weapons and usages
of his fathers, henceforth became dependent upon the white
man for his homely needs and even for life itself.

It was not until after 1870 that the Western Indians felt the
full force of white expansion. The few Canadians who pene-
trated to the Red River Settlement prior to that date exerted no
economic pressure upon the prairie tribes, and, in spite of
Dennis’ enlistment of fifty mission Saulteaux and McDougall’s
alleged dealings with a few wandering Sioux, the Indians took no
part in the first Riel insurrection. After that event, white
settlement spread rapidly over the North-West plains and the
Canadian Government were, accordingly, brought face to face
with that problem of disorganization which is produced among a
primitive people when they are suddenly brought into contact
with a more complex civilization.

As long as the Hudson’s Bay Company retained their trade
monopoly and political status, the Indian was free to live as he
wished. But, with the introduction of free trade in furs and the
passing of the Company as the governing power of the North-
West, the lot of the Indian became an unhappy one. Whatever
may be said against the Hudson’s Bay Company monopoly, it
was essential for the preservation of the Indians’ sense of value,
and the maintenance of a policy of justice and integrity. The
policy of the free trader was a short-sighted one. Unlike the

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 199

Company man, the free trader cared nothing for the future ; the
continuance and well-being of the native was no concern of his
as long as he could get possession of the furs which the Indian
had to barter. New and reprehensible practices in trade were
introduced. Competition was keen. Trader outbid trader and
upset the century old values fixed by the Hudson’s Bay Company.*
Alcoholic spirits, discontinued by the Company in the Saskatche-
wan for many years, now poured in from Red River and from
across the border. In southern Alberta, American whisky
runners from Montana introduced the lawless spirit of the
American frontier. Contemptuous of Canadian authority,
they built forts in Canadian territory, and debauched the Indians
with alcohol. In 1872 Colonel Robertson Ross reported
upon the fearful results of this nefarious traffic :

“ The demoralization of the Indians and injury resulting to the
country from this illicit traffic are very great. It is stated upon
good authority that during last year (1871) eighty-eight (88) of the
Blackfeet Indians were murdered in drunken brawls amongst
themselves, produced by the whisky and other spirits supplied to
them by those traders. At Fort Edmonton during the present
summer whisky was openly sold to the Blackfeet and other
Indians trading at the post by some smugglers from the United
States who derive large profit thereby, and on these traders being
remonstrated with by the gentleman in charge of the Hudson’s
Bay Post, they coolly replied that they knew very well that what
they were doing was contrary to the law of both countries, but
as there was no force there to prevent them, they would do just as
they pleased.’’®

In May 1873” occurred a most bloodthirsty event. A band of
American desperadoes crossed the frontier with a large quantity
of whisky, which they traded to a band of Assiniboines in the
Cypress Hills. When their supplies had been bartered and the
Indians were in the midst of their orgy, the traders accused the
natives of horse stealing and opened fire upon them. Over
thirty Indians, men, women, and children, were killed. The
remainder took to the hills for cover. The liquor itself was
murderous enough without such massacres as these.®

Conditions in the Saskatchewan valley were little better.
Alcoholic spirits and wild rumours were fed to the credulous
natives by evilly disposed traders. Threats, insubordination, and
violence became common. No attempt was made to assert the

200 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

supremacy of the law and serious crimes were allowed to pass
unpunished. Hardly a year passed without several murders
and crimes of the most serious nature being committed with
comparative impunity. The Hudson’s Bay Company influence
rapidly dwindled. The officer in charge of Fort Pitt assured
Colonel Robertson Ross that “ of late the Indians have been
overbearing in manner, and threatening at times. Indeed, the
white men dwelling in the Saskatchewan are at this moment
living by sufferance, as it were, entirely at the mercy of the
Indians. They dare not venture to introduce cattle or stock into
the country, or cultivate the ground to any extent for fear of
Indian spoliation.”® The situation was critical. Even as early
as 1871 Lieutenant Butler wrote in his Report:

“As matters at present rest, the region of the Saskatchewan is
without law, order, or security for life or property; robbery
and murder for years have gone unpunished ; Indian massacres
are unchecked even in the close vicinity of Hudson Bay Company’s
posts, and all civil and legal institutions are entirely unknown.””°

Debauchery and demoralization were the result of the contact
of the native and the trader: starvation was the result of the
advent of the settler. As settlement advanced, the chase, the
Indians’ sole means of subsistence, rapidly diminished. The
buffalo and antelope withdrew before the activity of the hunt.
Game became scarce, and everywhere, throughout Manitoba
and the North-West, this scarcity became a serious problem to
the Indians. Even as early as 1871 Lieutenant Butler traversed
the plains from Red River to the Rocky Mountains without
seeing a single buffalo in twelve hundred miles of prairie. A few
years later the mission post of St. Paul des Cris, founded in 1853,
was abandoned, both by the missionaries and the Indians, because
of the withdrawal of the chase from that region.1! Grey Owl, a
modern half-breed Indian writer, describes the destruction
wrought by the white man in the North-West in the following
picturesque terms :12

“ His coming changed the short springy carpet of buffalo-grass
that covered the prairie into a tangle of coarse wild hay, shoulder
high. The groves of the forest became dismal clearances of
burnt and blackened skeleton trees, and the jewelled lakes were
damned and transformed into bodies of unclean water, bordered
by partly submerged rampikes, and unsightly heaps of dead

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 201

trees, where, in the event of a sudden storm, landing was danger-
ous if not impossible. Fish died in the pollution, and game of all
kinds migrated to other regions.”

This scarcity of their means of subsistence the Indians were not
slow to attribute to the presence of the white men, and dissatis-
faction and discontent were rampant among them.

But the coming of the white settler involved a more serious
problem than the diminution of the wild life, namely, the
occupation of the Indians’ land. This problem hardly arose in
the Canadian North-West before the ’eighties, but the gruesome
experience of their kinsmen in the United States was not lost upon
the Canadian Indians in the North-West Territories. From
early times a chronic state of hostility existed between the whites
and Indians in the United States. Land hungry frontiersmen,
defiant of Indian rights and federal prohibition, and predisposed
to hostility by a conflict of economic interests, squatted upon
Indian lands. Friction with the natives followed. Extermina-
tion was the frontiersman’s policy," and to it, by force of cir-
cumstances, the American Government became an unwilling ally.
Obliged to protect their citizens against Indian retaliation, the
United States were involved in a series of Indian wars. To the
natives this meant ultimate extinction but they fought with
desperation.

During the spring of 1870 a particularly bloody attack was
made upon a band of Piegans not far from the Canadian frontier,
in which 170 Indians were massacred in a few moments.14
Occurrences such as these, especially in view of the alliance of the
Piegans with the Canadian Blackfeet, and the presence in Canada
of refugee Indians from the United States, must inevitably have
communicated a feeling of apprehension to the Canadian Indians
concerning the white newcomers. Psychological rather than
material pressure was at the basis of their fears.

Moreover, the events at Red River during 1869 and 1870 had
been unsettling to the native mind. Although the Indians
had not participated actively in Riel’s insurrection, a few savages,
drawn by the prospects of war, had been appealed to by Dennis
and Monkman for support, and, from fear or recklessness, had
received promises impossible to fulfil. Beyond the limits of
Red River stories of rebellion and pillage, of change of
governments and capture of forts, magnified and distorted by

P

202 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the distance and the telling, found ready credence among the
suspicious natives. The westward migration of the half-breeds,
crowded out of their country and cheated out of their holdings,
impressed the minds of the Indians. They readily believed that
white expansion would do the same to them. This belief was
justified. Immigration implied the occupation of land for
agricultural purposes, thus depriving the Indians of those means
of living which had been theirs and their forefathers for centuries.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the Indians, interrupted in the
peaceable possession of those hunting grounds which they con-
sidered their own inalienable patrimony, regarded the white
intruders with unfriendly eyes.

Unscrupulous traders and resentful half-breeds made no
efforts to reassure the Indians. Having everything to lose and
nothing to gain by the establishment of a strong, vigorous
Canadian administration in the Territories, they plied the Indians
with rum and spread stories of faithlessness and probable
extermination among the natives. The Government was
painted in repulsive colours. Wild tales of the calamities which
would befall them should the Canadians come were propagated,
and many Indians were wrought to such a pitch that they would
spit at the very name of Canada!*® Thus, with their minds
unsettled, their lands threatened, and their beliefs, convictions
and mode of life rudely shaken, the North-West Indians were
thoroughly disquieted at the white man’s presence.

The Canadian Government was fully alive to the danger which
threatened both the Indian races and the peace of the country.
Butler, Robertson Ross, and the North-West Council reported
upon the rampant lawlessness, and recommended the establish-
ment of a military force in the North-West Territories. Archi-
bald, Christie and French,”* described the Indian unrest and urged
the necessity of a clear statement of policy and the opening of
negotiations for the extinction of the Indian title. The Federal
Government at Ottawa followed both of these recommendations.

Early in 1873 Sir John A. Macdonald introduced a Bill
“ Respecting the Administration of Justice, and for the Estab-
lishment of a Police Force in the North-West Territories,’
and in the autumn of the same year the first steps were taken to
organize the force which became famous as the North-West
Mounted Police. The organization of the force was in many

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 203

ways a military one and an Imperial Officer, Captain G. A.
French, R.A., was accordingly placed in command. Its object
was the maintenance of order in the vast territory west of the
settled parts of Manitoba; especially as between the white
settlers and the Indian tribes. The massacre at the Cypress Hills
hastened matters, and on July roth, 1874, a small force of 275
men set out for the unknown North-West."® One division was
despatched north to Fort Edmonton, but the main body pushed
westward to the foothills where the chief danger lay. Their
purpose was to strike directly at the lawlessness from across the
fronticr. Fort Macleod was built in the closing months of 1874,
and other posts were established at Calgary and at Fort Walsh in
the Cypress Hills.

No time was lost in rounding up the whisky runners. Fort
Whoop-Up was visited in October, but was found empty of
liquor or ruffians. Outlying detachments were placed at Stand-
Off and Fort Kipp, and, after a few arrests, the country was
deserted by the erstwhile bravoes who saw in the Mounted
Police determined adversaries.

The Indians, in spite of their passion for liquor, were not
slow to express their appreciation of the benefits which the
Mounted Police had brought to them. One year after the
coming of the force, the Blackfeet and Piegans spoke highly of
“the great satisfaction they derived from the presence of the
Mounted Police in their country, the security and peace that had
succeeded to anarchy, disorder, and drunkenness, the prosperity
which had replaced poverty and want.’* The chiefs themselves
testified to this effect upon the occasion of Treaty 7. Addressing
the Commissioner, Button Chief declared :

“The Great Mother sent Stamixotokon (Colonel Macleod)
and the Police to put an end to the traffic in fire-water. I can
sleep now safely. Before the arrival of the Police, when I laid
my head down at night, every sound frightened me; my sleep
was broken; now I can sleep sound and am not afraid.”2¢

And Crowfoot, the head chief of the Blackfoot nation :

“If the Police had not come to the country, where would we
be all now? Bad men and whisky were killing us so fast that
very few, indeed, of us would have been left to-day. The Police
have protected us as the feathers of the bird protect it from the
frosts of the winter.’#!

204 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

But the establishment of the North-West Mounted Police did
not solve the problem of economic contact. The aim of the
European settler was the acquisition of land for cultivation, that
of the native was to preserve his hunting grounds. The Indians
always jealously guarded their lands, but they felt that sooner or
later the ancient Indian prophecy would come true, “ The Pale-
face shall trick the Indian out of his land till there is nothing left.””22
They were apprehensive of the future and anxious for some
arrangement with the Canadian Government in the form of a
treaty. Thus, so long as the Indian title remained unextinguished,
so long remained the danger of a possible native rising.

It was early apparent that the Indians would oppose the
extension of settlement in the North-West, unless certain
guarantees were given by the white settlers or the Canadian
Government. In 1870 it had been deemed necessary to despatch
two agents to inform the Indians of the Government’s intention
to send troops to Red River, and to arrange with them a right of
way through their country, At a pow-wow with Colonel
Wolseley at Fort Frances, the Indian chief, Crooked Neck,
refused to accept the presents offered him, gaudy red shirts, coats
and caps, and declared “ Am I a pike to be caught with such a
bait as that ? Shall I sell my land for a bit of red cloth? We will
let the pale-faces pass through our country, but we will sell them
none of our land, nor have any of them to live amongst us.”
Other bands expressed similar views. “ We believe what you
tell us when you say that, in your land, the Indians have always
been treated with clemency and justice . . . but do not bring
settlers and surveyors amongst us, to measure and occupy our
lands, until a clear understanding has been arrived at, as to what
our relations are to be in the time to come.” ‘“* These,” declared
the Government agent in his memorandum, “ were the views
which seemed generally to prevail among the Indians. Next
spring they will look for a clear definition of the policy which
is to be adopted toward them.”25

Similar demands were made by Indian tribes in other parts of
the North-West. No sooner had Archibald been installed as
Lieutenant-Governor than a large number of Manitoba Indians
demanded an interview. To calm their excited spirits and to
secure their peaceable dispersion he gave them presents and
promises, engaging “‘ to see them in the spring and conclude a

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 205

Treaty with them of some kind.”** The Saskatchewan Indians,
too, anxiously awaited a statement of the Government’s native
policy. In January 1871, the Reverend John McDougall and
Richard Hardisty forwarded a petition from Seenum’s Crees at
Victoria and Whitefish Lake.?” Amongst other things the
petition stated :

“ We, as loyal subjects of Our Great Mother the Queen whom
Your Excellency represents, wish that our privileges and claims
of the land of our fathers be recognized by Commissioners whom
Your Excellency may hereafter appoint, to treat with the different
tribes of the Saskatchewan, whereas at the present time, many of
our fellow Crees entertain strange and wrong ideas regarding the
way Your Excellency’s Government is to treat with the different
tribes of this country for their laws (sic). We are taught by our
Missionary that the British Government has never taken advan-
tage of the ignorance of any tribe of Indians with whom they
have treated. We therefore hope that our rights shall be
recognized.”

From Edmonton came the following petition from Sweetgrass,”
one of the leading Cree chiefs :

‘Great Father,—I shake hands with you, and bid you wel-
come.—We heard our lands were sold and we did not like it;
we don’t want to sell our lands ; it is our property, and no one
has the right to sell them.

“ Our country is getting ruined of fur-bearing animals, hitherto
our sole support, and now we are poor and want help—we want
you to pity us. We want cattle, tools, agricultural implements,
and assistance in everything when we come to settle—our country
is no longer able to support us.

“ Make provision for us against years of starvation. We have
had great starvation the past winter, and the small-pox took away
many of our people, the old, young, and children.

“We want you to stop the Americans from coming to trade
on our lands, and giving firewater, ammunition and arms to our
enemies the Blackfect.

“ We made a peace this winter with the Blackfeet. Our young
men are foolish, it may not last long.

“‘ We invite you to come and see us and to speak with us. If
you can’t come yourself, send some one in your place.

** We send these words by our Master, Mr. Christie, in whom
we have every confidence.—That is all.”

206 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

From these demands it was obvious that some measures had to be
taken to reassure the Indians. Real or fancied encroachments
might be resisted by force. Accordingly, in 1871, the Secretary
of State recommended the immediate appointment of a Com-
missioner to undertake negotiations with the Indians of the
North-West.”

Although the Canadian Government were not without
experience in the management of native affairs, the North-West
Indian problem presented new and difficult angles. In Eastern
Canada the natives and whites had been in contact with each
other for centuries. The early settlers were few in number and
dependent upon the goodwill of the natives for their lives and
security. Life was simple, and the manner of existence of white
and red man not dissimilar. There was no overwhelming
difference in progress to bridge. The advance of settlement
was slow, and the Indians continued to hunt over and enjoy, in
many cases for years, the lands for which they were receiving
yearly payment. Thus, over a period of two centuries, the
Indians were able to adapt themselves and to merge themselves
into the new civilization. In the North-West, however, the
natives felt the full pressure of the white invasion within the
short space of two decades. Scarcely were the embers of the
treaty fire cool, when engineers began to survey the railway line.
Here was no gradual, imperceptible change. The problem of
centuries in Eastern Canada had to be solved in as many decades
in Western Canada, if the Indian was to be saved from extinction.
The problem of readjustment was made all the more difficult by
the mechanical progress and industrial complexities of nineteenth-
century civilization. There was no room in it for a people that
had little to contribute. The whole social and economic frame-
work of native development had, therefore, to be rebuilt in a
few years, lest the primitive Indian society be wrecked beyond all
hope of salvation.

The policy followed by Canada in the North-West was a
continuation of that which had governed the relations between
the whites and the Indians since the days of Sir William Johnson.
Western Indian history was merely the application of these well-
founded principles to a new problem, the acknowledgment of
the Indian title, and the formal negotiation for the surrender of
the same.

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 207

The French régime in Canada had recognized no native title to
the soil, or any rights which could possibly occasion a Treaty
or negotiation. Special tracts of land were set aside for the
Indians, such as those granted to the Jesuits at Lac St. Louis in
1680 and to the Seminary of St. Sulpice at the Lake of Two
Mountains in 1717.°° But these grants, although made for the
benefit of the Indians, flowed only from the clemency of the
Crown ; any acknowledgment of an aboriginal Indian title was
scrupulously absent.

In direct contrast to this policy was that adopted by the
British Crown. Following the example of the Dutch, who
concocted the legal function of an aboriginal title to counter the
English claim of prior discovery,*! the British adopted the
practice of voluntary purchase of native lands as a matter of
prudence and justice. This practice was continued in Canada
after the American Revolutionary War, and Governor Simcoe
secured the surrender by the Indian tribes of Upper Canada of
large tracts of that province, sometimes by direct purchase, and
on other occasions for an annuity. The transference in 1860
of the control over native affairs from the Imperial to the Colonial
authorities brought about no change in policy. The Colonial
Government of the province of Canada continued to follow the
Johnson tradition and to cultivate the goodwill of the Indians.

There was an important difference between the Indian sur-
renders in Eastern Canada and the treaties in Western Canada.
The latter were more formal, ceremonious, and imposing; the
areas to be ceded were larger; and the number of Indians to be
treated with more numerous and warlike. Moreover, the early
negotiations involved only a simple surrender for cash or
annuities, with, perhaps, the promise of a reserved area. The
later treaties contained, not only the details of the cession, but the
expressed obligation of the Canadian Government to make
provision for the instruction, health and civilization of the native
tribes.

The earliest treaty, as distinct from a mere surrender or cession
of land, was that made by Lord Selkirk with the Saulteaux and
Crees of Red River in 1817. This implied a recognition of the
Indian title, and the Earl and his successors undertook to pay an
annual quit rent of 100 pounds “of good and merchantable
tobacco.”’82 Although not permanent, for the same area had to

208 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

be treated for in 1871, it is noteworthy as the precedent upon
which were based the negotiations of the ’seventies. Other early
treaties were made in 1850 and 1862 with certain tribes of Western
Ontario; but the first official treaty with the North-West
Indians was that made by Simpson and Archibald at Lower Fort
Garry in 1871.

In April 1871, the Honourable Joseph Howe, then Secretary
of State for the Provinces, in view of “ the necessity of arranging
with the Bands inhabiting the Tract of Country between Thunder
Bay and the Stone Fort, for the cession (subject to certain reserves
such as they should select) of the lands occupied by them,’’%*
recommended the appointment of Mr. W. M. Simpson as
Commissioner to negotiate with the Indians. The need for such
an appointment was pressing. The Indians had already “ inter-
fered with emigrants, warning them not to come on the ground
outside the Hudson’s Bay Company’s surveys,” even posting a
notice on the door of the church at Portage la Prairie “‘ warning
parties not to intrude on their lands, until a Treaty should be
made.”’4 Accordingly, Archibald wrote :

* With this anxiety and uneasiness among the Indians, with a
feeling of danger on the part of emigrants seeking lands and
ready to commence work, but subjected to enforced idleness by
the danger of entering against the will of the Indians, you will
easily understand that I awaited with much anxiety and hailed
with much pleasure the arrival of Mr. Simpson.’

Immediately upon his arrival in Manitoba the Indian Com-
missioner took the necessary steps to conduct the negotiations.
With the assistance of Lieutenant-Governor Archibald and the
Honourable James Mackay, a prominent Scotch half-breed,
proclamations and invitations were issued calling upon the
Indians to meet the Commissioner at Lower Fort Garry and
Manitoba Post in July. About a thousand Indians attended.
On July 27th, Lieutenant-Governor Archibald opened the negotia-
tions with all the dignity, formality, and precaution, appropriate
to the occasion. His address to the assembled natives outlined
the Government’s proposals and stressed the inevitability of a
change in their mode of life:

“Your Great Mother, the Queen, wishes to do justice to all
her children alike. She will deal fairly with those of the setting

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 209

sun, just as she would with those of the rising sun. She wishes
order and peace to reign through all her country, and while her
arm is strong to punish the wicked man, her hand is also open
to reward the good man everywhere in her Dominions.

“Your Great Mother wishes the good of all races under her
sway. She wishes her red children to be happy and contented.
She wishes them to live in comfort. She would like them to
adopt the habits of the whites, to till land and raise food, and
store it up against a time of want. She thinks this would be the
best thing for her red children to do, that it would make them
safer from famine and distress, and make their homes more
comfortable... . Your Great Mother, therefore, will lay aside
for you ‘lots’ of land to be used by you and your children
forever. She will not allow the white man to intrude upon these
lots. She will make rules to keep them for you, so that as
long as the sun shall shine, there shall be no Indian who has not
a place that he can call his home, where he can go and pitch his
camp, or if he chooses, build his house and till his land.’’3¢

At first a short delay occurred owing to the presence of “a cloud
before them which made things dark.”*? On inquiry the “ cloud”
turned out to be the imprisonment of four Indians convicted of
a breach of contract with the Hudson’s Bay Company. The
Lieutenant-Governor, as a diplomatic gesture, ordered the
release of the four, a favour which cleared the sky, and ina serene
atmosphere Treaty 1 was brought to a successful conclusion after
eight days’ deliberation.

There was some difficulty experienced in making the Indians
understand the significance of the terms of the treaty. They
demanded an area fully two-thirds the size of the Province as a
segregated area, a demand which clearly demonstrated their
misunderstanding of the purpose of the reservations. In the end,
the Indians had to be content with much less. The treaty
stipulated the complete surrender of an area roughly approxi-
mating the Province of Manitoba ; the setting aside of inalienable
reservations at the proportion of 160 acres for a family of five ;
the prohibition of intoxicating liquors; the maintenance of a
school on each reserve; an initial present of three dollars a
head and an annuity at the same rate, payable in “ blankets,
clothing prints (assorted colours), twine or traps... or... if
Her Majesty shall deem the same desirable . . . in cash” ; and
finally, the strict observance of the terms of the treaty and the

210 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

maintenance of “‘ perpetual peace ” between the Indians and the
white settlers.**

Treaty 1 was the forerunner of a series of treaties which
involved the surrender of the whole of the organized territories
of the North-West. By 1877 the only unceded land lay far to
the north, where settlement, if at all, would be slow to penetrate.
On the whole, the negotiations and terms of the subsequent
Treaties, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, resembled those of Treaty 1. There
were, however, several important additions or modifications
which we shall examine.

Treaty 3 was one of considerable importance. Not only did
it “ tranquillize ” a large native population holding a strategic
position on the proposed route of the Canadian Pacific Railway,
but it fixed the type of subsequent treaties by granting greater
concessions in the way of annuities and reserves than had been
granted by Treaties 1 and 2,** and in promising practical assistance
to encourage the adoption of agriculture by the Indians. The
Indians of Treaty 3 drove a harder bargain with the Commissioner
than had those of the previous Treaties. In spite of their
poverty and isolation, they were fully aware of the value of their
country. ‘‘ The sound of the rustling of the gold is under my
feet where I stand ; ” declared one chief, ‘‘ we havea rich country ;
it is the Great Spirit who gave us this; where we stand upon is
the Indians’ property, and belongs to them. If you grant us
our requests you will not go back without making the treaty.”
Perhaps the most significant demand was made by the Lac Seul
chief :

“ We are the first that were planted here; we would ask you
to assist us with every kind of implement to use for our benefit,
to enable us to perform our work; a little of everything and
money. We would borrow your cattle; we ask you this for
our support ; I will find whereon to feed them. The waters out
of which you sometimes take food for yourselves, we will lend
you in return. . . . If you give what I ask, the time may come
when I will ask you to lend me one of your daughters and one
of your sons to live with us; and in return I will lend you one
of my daughters and one of my sons for you to teach what is
good, and after they have learned, to teach us. If you grant us
what I ask, although I do not know you, I will shake hands with
you. This is all I have to say.’’#

WMOmadns

zs, FAV 7
oe &£ . sQaoom ef Lit ibe i
AA: inaiinais dias SAYMGIIO | SANIOTINISSY i .
i <hr anloan a i ei
i. ¢ Oa NSA Mo" xnvaLins ser J 1\%
oe SANIT ee a ea me Vd e a
aos vA i * Vs TiN Np Mog .
EOS f \ 4 2 . %, 4) L
% sf Y im x, % Ty 2
“yf aswel es se °V Ig fs)
* ia £7 SINIOBINISSY Sf ane 4
4) saya \®
Ad WY MS
s,.
nya 1.9 vs -
ra Gor
J .: ay
ra es Y
he
Ko

NOSGNH

LLG) ~ 1181 “SLWN
SUIUVIGL NVIGNI 344 4° NV1d

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 211

The resultant treaty set aside reserves at the increased proportion
of one square mile, 640 acres, per family of five; granted an
initial present of $12 a head to extinguish all previous claims ;
and promised to maintain schools and to prohibit the introduction
of alcoholic liquors on the reserves. The Government also
promised to supply any bands desiring to cultivate the soil, with a
fixed number of hoes, spades, scythes, axes, saws, files, grind-
stones, ploughs, harrows, etc., and also with a box of carpenter’s
tools, a yoke of oxen, a bull and four cows, “all the aforesaid
articles to be given once for all for the encouragement of the
practice of agriculture among the Indians.” In addition, the
annuities to the ordinary Indians were increased to $5, while
the chiefs and headmen, officially recognized in the treaties for
the first time, were to receive $25 and $15 annually with suitable
clothes every three years, and medals and flags at the close of the
treaty.

These concessions shaped the terms of the following treaties.
During the negotiations for Treaty 4, the Qu’Appelle Indians,
having learned the terms of the previous treaty, demanded
similar provisions. “ We want the same Treaty you have given
to the North-West Angle. This I am asking for,” declared
Kamooses, voicing the wishes of the Southern Crees and
Saulteaux to Lieutenant-Governor Morris.42 Accordingly, the
terms of Treaty 4 were similar to those of Treaty 3. The con-
ditions of Treaty 5, covering what is now northern Manitoba,
were also similar.

Treaty 6, which involved the surrender by the Plain and Wood
Crees of the North Saskatchewan region, was, with the possible
exception of Treaty 7 with the Blackfeet, the most important
treaty negotiated in the North-West. The area treated for was
vast and extensive. The Indians were wild, warlike, and
determined to allow no white invasion of a country to which
immigration had already turned for settlement.4* From 1871
urgent requests to conclude a treaty with the North Saskatchewan
Indians had been forwarded to the Canadian Government, but
met with no immediate response. The Indians, as a result,
showed a hostile face to the white settlers. In 1875 Colonel
French reported that the Indians had turned back a party of
the Geological Survey, and interrupted the progress of the tele-
graph.** He pointed out, at the same time, that the force under

212 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

his command was insufficient to take any action, and urged that
‘the only moral force that could be brought to bear would be
an assurance that the Government purposed having a Treaty
with the Crees at some definite period.”

As a result of the importunities of the officers of the Hudson’s
Bay Company, the inhabitants of the settlement of Prince Albert,
the North-West Council, and the Mounted Police, the federal
authorities took action. The Reverend George McDougall, a
missionary much beloved by the Indians, was despatched in the
autumn of 1875 to calm the excited spirits of the aborigines and
to assure them that commissioners would be sent the following
year to conclude a treaty with them.*® McDougall’s mission
was successful, but the attitude of the wilder spirits boded trouble.
Big Bear, who later became the leader of the malcontent Indians
against the Treaty, distrusted McDougall’s overtures :

“We want none of the Queen’s presents ; when we set a fox-
trap we scatter pieces of meat all round, but when the fox gets
into the trap we knock him on the head; we want no bait, let
your Chiefs come like men and talk to us.’’46

The Treaty was signed at Fort Carlton on August 23rd, and at
Fort Pitt on September 9th, 1876. It contained, in addition to
the usual terms, the slight—‘‘ more onerous,” the Minister of the
Interior called them—* concessions of a horse, harness and wagon
to each chief, a few additional agricultural tools, a medicine chest
for the band, and a grant of $1,000 for three years for the purchase
of provisions for those Indians who settled down and actively
engaged in agriculture. The most important clause was one
providing for aid and rations to the Indians in the event of “ any
pestilence ” or “‘ general famine.” The officials of the Indian
Department were fully aware of the implications of this promise.
In his Annual Report, the Minister of the Interior referred to this
provision as one which
“JT greatly regret should have been agreed to by the Commis-
sioners, as it may cause the Indians to rely upon the Government
instead of upon their own exertions for sustenance, especially as
their natural means of subsistence are likely to diminish with the
settlement of the country.’

The Minister was justified in his fears. The fulfilment of this
famine clause became a fruitful source of discord between the

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 213

Indians and the Government on the disappearance of the buffalo
several years later.

In 1877 the seventh treaty was concluded with the tribes
inhabiting the foothill reaches of the Rocky Mountains. It wasa
treaty of greatimportance. The Blackfoot Confederacy included
the most warlike Indians of the plains, and Crowfoot, their head
chief, was the ablest of his race. On this occasion the Indians,
true to their warlike propensities, requested that an issue of
rifles might be included in the treaty. But martial exploits were
viewed with disfavour by a Government endeavouring to pro-
mote pastoral pursuits, and, with the exception of the present of a
few Winchester carbines to the chiefs, as an act of diplomatic
courtesy, the Indians had to be content with the terms of the
previous treaties, and the promise of a few additional agricultural
implements and cattle.

In general, the treaty system, as a method of governing the
relations between savages and civilized peoples, has not been an
unqualified success. Native treaties, intended to preserve native
rights, maintain peaceful relations and promote harmony between
natives and frontier settlers, have been attended in North
America, as well as in South Africa and New Zealand, by mis-
understanding, racial hostility and, oftentimes, bloodshed.
Hobson’s Treaty of Waitangi with the Maoris, Stockenstrom’s
with the Kaffirs and those with the American Indians, although
designed to meet different conditions, were all based upon the
common assumption of free consent and the equality of the
contracting parties. This assumption was unsound. The
natives seldom understood the full implications of the contract.
The disparity in power and interests between the signatories
reduced the treaties to mere grants of such terms as the weaker
people might accept without active resistance, and such treaties
were, accordingly, rather the preparatives and apology for
disputes than securities for peace.

Nevertheless, the Canadian treaty system has worked reason-
ably well. Only one breach occurred in the faithful observance
of the Indian Treaties. Although the system was abandoned
with few regrets in the United States in 1871, it has remained,
to the present time, the basis of Canadian native policy. Treaties
8, 9, to and 11 have been negotiated since 1877. As late as
1929-30, tribes in the neighbourhood of Hudson Bay formally

214 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

signed their adhesion to Treaty 9. In comparison with the
terms granted in the United States, those of the Canadian treaties
have not erred on the side of liberality ; the monetary considera-
tions have been less and the reserves smaller. But strict
honesty, justice and good faith have marked the administration
of Indian affairs in Canada. The treaties have not only been
mutually observed, but have been supplemented by the Govern-
ment in the interests of the native. There have been no wars of
extermination or compulsory migrations. On the whole,
Canada has followed the tradition of the Imperial Government
in its relations with native tribes, and has endeavoured to deal
fairly with her aboriginal wards.

At the same time it is only fair to note that, when contrasted
with the United States, Canada has had two advantages over her
southern neighbour; namely, the absence of a lawless frontier
class and the invaluable assistance of the half-breeds. The
fighting plainsman of American history found no counterpart in
Canada. The “roaring days” of “the last wild west,” the
crude, lawless population of miners and aggressive adventurers,
the romantic exploits of Boone and Cody, were peculiar to the
American frontier. In Canada the frontier was peopled by peace-
ful, law-abiding settlers, ranchers, farmers and government-
fostered settlements. The effect upon Indian policy was
important. The white settler looked to the Government and to
the Mounted Police for his protection against the Indian, and
not to the rifle over his door. Nor did he defy the law and tres-
pass upon the native reserves. The Indian question in Canada
was one of keeping the red man in order, not the white.“

To the half-breeds the Dominion owes much. They were
indispensable at the negotiation of every treaty, and to their
influence was duc in a large part the peaceful relations which
existed between the Indians and the whites in the North-West.
The American consul at Winnipeg, ever fearful of an outbreak in
Canada of the native troubles which marked his own country,
bore witness to this fact in a letter to Washington :

“If an Indian war with all its attendant horrors is avoided, it
will be attributable to a circumstance peculiar to the region so
long occupied by the Hudson’s Bay Company and without
parallel in the Western Territories of the United States. I refer
to the extensive intermarriage of the English, Scotch and French

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE TREATIES 215

residents—prominently the officers and employees of the Hud-
son’s Bay Company—with the Indian women, diffusing over the
whole country in the lapse of several generations a population
of métis or mixed bloods equal in number to the Indians and
exerting over their aboriginal kindred a degree of moral and
physical control which I find it difficult to illustrate, but which I
regard as a happy Providence for the Dominion of Canada.’

Thus by 1877 the Ottawa Government had opened its relations
with the Indians of the North-West with every hope of success.
The policy of paternalism and justice inaugurated by the Hudson’s
Bay Company passed on to Canada no hereditary hatreds and no
traditions of broken faith and unfulfilled promises. The treaties
had been concluded in that spirit which had ensured the friendli-
ness of the Indians of old Canada. It now remained to determine
a policy which would ensure a continuance of these peaceful
relations, convince the Indians of the Government’s good faith,
and assist them over the difficult transition from savagery to
civilization.

CHAPTER XI
THE INDIAN PROBLEM—THE RESERVES

“ THERE are two modes wherein the Government may treat
the Indian nations who inhabit this territory,” wrote Indian
Superintendent Provencher in 1873, “ Treaties may be made with
them simply with a view to the extinction of their rights, by agree-
ing to pay them a sum, and afterwards abandon them to them-
selves. On the other side, they may be instructed, civilized and
led to a mode of life more in conformity with the new position
of this country, and accordingly make them good, industrious and
useful citizens.”! Under the first ‘‘ mode ” or policy, the Indians
would have remained in ignorance and inferiority. As soon as
the growth of settlement should have deprived them of their
hunting and fishing grounds, they would have been forced to
seek refuge beyond the civilized frontier in the hinterland of
savagery, or to become helpless dependents and degenerate
mendicants. Under the second, the Indians might be enabled
to take their place in the white man’s society, to share the advan-
tages of civilization, and eventually to participate with him in the
conduct of national affairs.

In Parliament the Indian question excited little interest. With
the exception of short discussions when the departmental estimates
were submitted, debates upon matters of Indian policy were
few. Following his return to power in 1878, Sir John A.
Macdonald took over the titular headship of the Indian Depart-
ment, but the conduct of the Department was left largely in the
hands of his friend and deputy, Mr. Lawrence Vankoughnet.
Vankoughnet was a man with a very high sense of duty. He
considered himself the permanent head of the Department, and
the Ministers as mere passing politicians. He, more than any
other man, was responsible for the policy which was adopted
during the years covered by this study.

Civilization and enfranchisement were, like those of Sir
George Grey’s amalgamation policy, the ultimate aims of
Canadian native policy. But to throw the uncivilized red man

216

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 217

into the struggles and competitions of life with his white neigh-
bour, without sufficient preparation, care and guidance, would
have been the greatest cruelty and paramount error. The
Canadian Government had, therefore, not only to recognize its
duty to protect Indian rights by treaties, but to remember that,
during the period of transition from savagery to civilization, the
Indian stood in need of consideration and guidance.

The period of transition is a critical one. It is a period of
hope and fear, of promise and danger. The impact of a more
complex civilization which imposes its alien elements upon a
ptimitive society, inevitably involves the complete disorgani-
zation of the weaker culture. The whole basis of native life is
almost forcibly altered. Christian missionaries use their powerful
influence against the “ uncivilized” aspects of native culture
and oppose the spiritual sanctions and religious taboos of savage
life. The establishment of white political authority means the
curtailment or abolition of the powers of the native authorities.
Regular chiefs and tribal councils become institutions of the
past. The ancient customs disappear and the thread of tradition
is broken. The Indian enters upon new conditions of life,
strange and unfamiliar. He acquires the vices as well as the
virtues of civilization. He is susceptible to evil as well as to
beneficent influences. His savage self-reliance gives way to a
childlike dependence, and he is overwhelmed with a feeling of
helplessness. To him the new order means the complete
overthrow of his system of religion, government and law, and
the attempt to transform his individual nature.?

To guide the Indian over this difficult period, the Canadian
Government followed three lines of action: the placing of the
Indians upon their reserves, the developing of an interest in
labour, and their training in the white man’s means of self-
support. ‘‘ The best means,” wrote the Indian Superintendent,
“to break them of their roving habits, to elevate and assure their
position, is to attach them to agriculture.”* This was no easy
task. A traditionally nomadic existence was a poor preparation
for an agricultural life and the Indians were, on the whole,
unresponsive to the Government’s policy. IL success accom-
panied their efforts at “ nursing food out of sand and rocks ” and
with their hopes depressed the Indians threw aside their tools
and longed for the “ good old days.” In the end, however,

218 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

many responded vigorously to the new life; others, submitting
with reluctance to compulsory agriculture and stock raising,
never recovered from the social and economic revolution which
civilization had brought.

At first little effort was made to prepare the Indians for the
inevitable change. During the negotiations for Treaty 1,
Lieutenant-Governor Archibald distinctly stated that they would
not be forced to adopt the white man’s ways. ‘Treaties 3, 4, 5,
6 and 7 all contained clauses guaranteeing to the Indians the right
to live their old life as they wished. The following section from
Treaty 3 was typical :4

“Her Majesty further agrees with her said Indians, that they,

the said Indians, shall have the right to pursue their avocations
of hunting and fishing throughout the tract surrendered as
hereinbefore described, subject to such regulations as may from
time to time be made by her Government of her Dominion of
Canada, and saving and excepting such tracts as may from time
to time be required or taken up for settlement, mining, lumbering
or other purposes, by her said Government of the Dominion of
Canada, or by any of the subjects thereof duly authorized therefor
by the said Government.”
The Indians, of course, had no desire to settle down. As long as
the herds of bison tramped the prairies and the antelope sped
across the plains, they were loth to abandon the thrilling life of
the chase for the tedious existence of agriculture. The Com-
missioners sent to negotiate Treaty 4 reported that few tribes
wished to adopt civilization :

“Many of the Bands have no desire to settle and commence
farming, and will not turn their attention to agriculture until
they are forced to do so on account of the failure of their present
means of subsistence by the extermination of the buffalo.’

. The extermination of the buffalo was not far distant. Only
four years were to elapse after these words were written when the
great herds were to be seen no more upon the Canadian prairies.
The effect upon the Indians was disastrous. In the space of a
few years they were transformed from lords of a barbaric wilder-
ness into miserable dependents upon mission and state charity.
The surrender of their lands was the first wrench ; the disappear-
ance of the buffalo completely severed the Indian from his historic
past. “ What shall we do?” asked a young Sioux of an American

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 219

officer, “ what shall we do ? The buffalois our only friend. When
he goes, all is over with the Dacotahs.”*

It is not surprising that the Indians regarded the buffalo as
their “ only friend.” They depended upon the buffalo for all the
essentials of life, food, fuel and raiment. Its hide supplied them
with their moccasins, clothing, harness, tents, cradles and
shrouds. Its sinews were their bow strings, its horns their
powder flasks, and its dung their fuel. The flesh of the buffalo
supplied the Indian with his staple article of food, and with
pemmican during the lean days when fresh meat could not be
found. To the Indian the buffalo was the manifestation of the
Great Spirit’s care for his red children, and its disappearance
meant the complete destruction of their livelihood and morale.

Even prior to the coming of the white settlers the buffalo
had been diminishing in numbers. Although Paul Kane wrote
during 1846:

“ During the whole of the three days that it took us to reach
Edmonton House, we saw nothing else but these animals covering
the plains as far as the eye could reach, and so numerous were
they, that at times they impeded our progress, filling the air with
dust almost to suffocation.””?

and Lieutenant-Colonel Lefroy declared in 1857 before a parlia-
mentary committee that “ the buffaloes swarm ” in the neighbour-
hood of Red River ;* other travellers found the Indians full of
complaints at the diminution of the once mighty herds. The
Stonies told Dr. Hector in 1859 ‘‘ that every year they find it more
difficult to keep from starving, and that even the buffalo cannot be
depended on as before.”® Southesk found the natives in the
Saskatchewan valley “almost starving,”?° and Milton and
Cheadle wrote in 1862 that Fort Carlton had ceased to be one of
the most profitable establishments ‘‘as the fur-bearing animals
have decreased in the woods, and the buffalo are often far distant
on the plains.”

With the introduction of modern firearms and the increase in
population and settlement, the destruction of the buffalo pro-
ceeded apace. The repeating rifle and the farmer’s plough
spelled the doom of the prairie bison.1? The hunts were trans-
formed from a search for food into a thrilling sport, which
attracted Indians, métis and whites from far and near. The

220 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

plains of North America became strewn with rotting carcasses
and bleaching bones. In 1848 Father de Smet wrote :

“ Last year 110,000 buffalo robes .. . and 25,000 salted tongues
were received in the warehouses of St. Louis. This may give
you an idea of the extraordinary number of buffaloes killed, and
of the extent of the vast wilderness which furnishes pasturage to
these animals.”’!3
The completion of the first transcontinental railway in the United
States split the once universal herd in two. It was as a great
steel knife thrust through the heart of the buffalo. Not only
did it bring the crowds of hunters anxious to emulate the destruc-
tive exploits of Comstock and Cody, but it brought with it the
surveyor, the rancher and the farmer. The continued existence
of the buffalo as a range animal was incompatible with white
settlement. The buffalo, like the Indian, was native to the
wilderness; settlement and civilization without conservation
meant its extermination,

In Canadian territory the same wicked and senseless slaughter
proceeded. The Red River buffalo brigade assumed considerable
commercial proportions. It is stated that even as early as 1840
1,210 catts were sent from Red River to the plains at a cost of
£24,000." Cows were destroyed merely for their tongues and
bosses, and the carcasses, which should have gone to form the
food of their slaughterers, were left to rot upon the plains.
Although in 1872 the Hudson’s Bay Company reported that the
buffalo were apparently still “‘ numerous ” in the Saskatchewan
district,15 and Grant was informed that they were “in swarms ”
in the Qu’Appelle valley,”* the days of the bison were numbered.
Father Leduc wrote from St. Albert in 1874 that the buffalo
would probably disappear in the near future,”’ and in the follow-
ing year Father André at St. Laurent considered that five years
only remained to the buffalo unless some governmental action
was taken.’® The end came even more quickly. In 1877 and
1878 traders reported a rapid falling off in the numbers of the
buffalo, and the complete failure of the provision trade. In 1879
the Chief Commissioner of the Hudson’s Bay Company wrote to
London concerning the problems arising out of “the total
disappearance of buffalo from British territory this season.”
In his autobiography another Company servant sadly relates that,
having dined upon buffalo steak at Qu’Appelle in the winter of

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 221

1879, ‘‘ It was the last buffalo fresh meat I ever had the pleasure of
eating, . . . although we had lots of pemmican, dry meat and
marrow fat bladders for several years following.”*° The
extermination was complete. While 150,000 skins were disposed
of in the market of St. Paul, U.S., in 1883, the supply in 1884 did
not exceed 300; and the Game Report for 1888 stated that of all
the countless thousands which had roamed the prairies, only six
animals were then known to be in existence ! #4

A belated effort to restrict the appalling slaughter was made in
1877. Father André had urged the necessity of such a course
two years previously. Pointing out the “ rapidité effrayante ”
with which the buffalo were disappearing, and the “ rage de
destruction”? which possessed the hunters, he suggested to
Colonel French of the Mounted Police several measures for
conservation :2

“1, Que la chasse ne soit tolerée pour les métis et les blancs
que du rer juin jusqu’au premier novembre.

“‘ 2, Défense absolue sous peine de 500 piastres d’amende et
confiscation de toutes leurs robes d’hiverner dans la prairie.

“3. Défense d’aller 4 la chasse pendant l’hiver, que les sauvages
seuls aient liberté de vivre dans la prairie en hiver et de chasser
le buffalo, mais que cette liberté soit interdite aux métis.

“4. Peut-étre une mesure plus sure; que le gouvernement

impose une haute taxe sur les robes des vaches tuées en hiver.
Il faut prendre une mesure radicale si on veut arréter l’extinction
totale de la race des buffalos.”
Colonel French was impressed by the necessity for some drastic
action. He considered André’s suggestions “ worth serious
consideration,” and wrote to the Minister of Justice “ I think this
matter should be legislated on as soon as possible.’

The Indians, too, were alive to the danger which threatened
them. Those of Qu’Appelle, early in 1875, demanded flour and
pemmican from the Government owing to the scarcity of buffalo.
The Crees of Treaty 6, taking time by the forelock, secured the
promise of assistance in the event of “ being overtaken by any
pestilence, or by a general famine.” Crowfoot’s words in 1876
were prophetic of the distress to come : *4

“ We all see that the day is coming when the buffalo will all
be killed, and we shall have nothing more to live on, and then
you will come into our camp and see the poor Blackfeet starving.
I know that the heart of the white soldiers will be sorry for us,

222 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

and they will tell the Great Mother, who will not let her children
starve.”

The urgency of the question was fully pressed upon the officials
of the Indian Department. On the occasion of the treaty payments
at Qu’Appelle in 1876, not only every chief, but each headman,
separately begged the Government to do something to prevent
the entire extermination of the buffalo. Writing to the Minister
of the Interior M. G. Dickieson declared :*

“In all my previous intercourse with the Indians I have never
seen this course adopted. In discussing other matters a spokes-
man is generally chosen who speaks for all, the others merely
signifying their assent, but in this case it was evident they con-
sidered something more was necessary and adopted this method
to impress the gravity of their position upon me.”

The question of the impending extinction of the buffalo was
discussed in the Federal Parliament at Ottawa. During the
session of 1876, Dr. Schultz, a Manitoba representative, moved
for copies of all correspondence between the Canadian Govern-
ment and the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West relative
to North-West affairs, including suggestions as to the preservation
of the buffalo. The matter was dismissed with the formal
response that “ the preservation of the buffalo in the Western
Prairies had occupied a large share of the attention of the Govern-
ment for a considerable time.””* At the next session Schultz
again raised the question. In the course of debate he urged that a
closed season, such as Pére André had suggested, should be
enforced from November to May, while the killing of calves
should be prohibited at all times. Other western members
gave their support to these recommendations. The end of the
matter, so far as the Federal Government was concerned, was
contained in the reply of the Minister of the Interior; the
preservation of the buffalo was a question for the local Govern-
ment of the North-West which “ could probably devise a cheaper
and better plan than this parliament, it being on the spot, and
more familiar with the matter.”*”

The suggestions of André, French, and Schultz, were finally
embodied in an Ordinance passed by the Council of the North-
West Territories on March 22nd, 1877.7% The use of “ pounds,”
and the running of the buffalo over steep banks or precipices
were forbidden. Slaughter “ from the mere motive of amuse-

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 223

ment, or wanton destruction, or solely to secure their tongues,
choice cuts or peltries ” was prohibited. The using of less than
one half of the flesh of the animal was to be considered as evidence
of the violation of this section. A closed season was declared
on cows between November 15th and August 14th, and no calves
were to be killed under the age of two years. The Indians,
however, were granted certain concessions during the winter
months, and “in circumstances of pressing necessity ” others
might kill the buffalo “ to satisfy . . . immediate wants.” Severe
penalties were provided for the violation of the Ordinance, and
half of the fine was to go to the informer.

The Ordinance was not a successful one. Although it was
passed in the interests of the natives of the plains, it met with
considerable opposition on their part. The métis took offence at
the discrimination against them, while the Indians resented the
attempt of the white man to forbid the killing of the buffalo
which the Great Spirit had provided for the red man. A preg-
nant comment on the enactment came from the refugee Sioux
chief, Sitting Bull. “ When,” he is reported to have asked, “ did
the Almighty give the Canadian Government the right to keep
the Indians from killing the buffalo?” Owing to this opposi-
tion, and perhaps to the fact that it had been passed too late to
achieve its purpose, the Buffalo Ordinance was repealed at the
following session of the North-West Council. The buffalo
were left to their unhappy fate, and in a few years nothing
remained to attest the existence of the countless thousands of
former years but their bleaching bones and a maze of tracks
growing fainter every day.

The extermination of the buffalo brought with it a crisis in
native affairs. Many Indians pressed further and further south
after the receding buffalo. Unaccustomed to hunting small game
in the forests, like the Wood Crees and Saulteaux of Treaties
3 and 5, the plains Indians had no alternative but to follow
the buffalo or starve. This southward trek began even prior to
1876. In that year the Blackfeet complained to the Mounted
Police that the northern Crees were crowding them out of their
country ;*° and in the three years following, Indians of every
tribe and band congregated in the neighbourhood of the Cypress
Hills, Fort Walsh, Wood Mountain and elsewhere along the
boundary, where the few remaining buffalo were to be found.

224 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The presence of Sitting Bull’s band of refugee Sioux in the same
district only served to aggravate an already critical situation.
The few buffalo were hardly proportionate to the needs of so
many natives and the presence of the Sioux was regarded by the
Canadian Indians with resentment. “If you will drive away the
Sioux,” declared Crowfoot to the Indian Commissioner in July
1879, “and make a hole so that the buffalo may come in, we will
not trouble you for food.’%! Driven southwards by the on-
coming Indians, and hemmed in by the selfish actions of the
Americans,®? the buffalo remained south of the frontier in the
region of the Missouri and the Judith Basin. Faced with the
alternative of starvation, thousands of Canadian Indians, Crees,
Assiniboines, Blackfeet, Bloods and Piegans, crossed the boun-
dary line hopelessly seeking the great herds of the past.

The withdrawal of the buffalo from the prairies brought
destitution in its train. Throughout the North-West, poverty,
want, privation and distress reigned supreme. The Indians who
remained in Canadian territory were faced with the spectre of
famine. The years 1878, 1879 and 1880 were, perhaps, the worst
in Indian history. Crees, Assiniboines, Blackfeet, Sarcees and
Sioux were all in a like condition. Even the small game seemed
to have followed the buffalo from the barren plains. ‘‘ Not even
a rabbit track is to be seen anywhere,” wrote the Hudson’s Bay
Company Factor from Fort Carlton. The once intrepid hunters
and warriors were reduced to killing their horses and dogs, to
feeding on gophers and mice, and even to picking over the
putrid carcasses of dead and rotting animals.34 Almost anything,
dead or alive, provided food for the wretched Indians.

The reports of missionaries, traders and police from every
quarter told the same tale of famine and hardship. In the far
north the Hudson’s Bay Company reported that the Indians had
been “ starving all winter,”®> and that “ the means of living are
now more difficult to obtain than they have been at any time since
the advent of the Company in the north.’** At Battleford and
Fort Pitt, Indians of the prairie country gathered in hundreds
to beg for assistance. The whites had nothing but flour to give
them, and only limited quantities of that. From Carlton the
Factor wrote gloomily :*”

“The winter has been most trying to us, the whole of the
Indians on the five reserves about Carlton have been in a state of

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 225

semi-starvation, causing me great care and anxiety at times. The
summer is now upon us and instead of our prospects improving
the outlook is still more gloomy, and the future really looks
desperate . . . I foresee that this is only the beginning of the end.”

Similar reports were received from the Touchwood Hills. In
Alberta the situation was equally bad. Father Leduc at St.
Albert even reported an instance of cannibalism among the
wretched savages.** At Blackfoot Crossing many of the old
people and children, unable to help themselves and abandoned
by their friends, died of want. At Fort Macleod seven thousand
were fed every other day upon what scanty rations the Mounted
Police were able to dole out.*? “ Quel changement depuis
Vautomne précédent |” declared Father Doucet of the Blackfeet,
** J’avais peine a reconnaitre dans ccs victimes de la faim, amaigries
cet décharnées, sans vigeur et sans voix, les magnifiques sauvages,
véritables colosses que j’avais vus autrefois . . . Ce n’étaient
plus des hommes mais des squelettes ambulants.”*°

The situation was critical, Starvation bred desperation.
Throughout the North-West men went about with the constant
fear of an Indian rising before them. The Commissioner of the
Hudson’s Bay Company wrote to London :4!

“The Government are not only rousing themselves to throw

in provisions to feed the starving Indians, but are also taking
steps to increase their force of Mounted Police throughout the
North-West in case of any outbreak, which I hardly think there
is any real fear of, although it is hard to say what starving people
may do.”
Cattle thieving became prevalent. The starving red men were
often forced to seize upon the ranchers’ stock. In June 1879 a
show of force was made against Fort Qu’Appelle. A large stock
of flour and provisions had been left over from the previous
treaty payments, and these the Indians regarded as their own.
The officer in charge unfortunately displayed a lack of discretion
in dealing with natives, and the Indians, desperate with starvation,
and driven to extreme measures, broke into the Government
stores.42 Several months later an ominous event occurred. In
November the first Mounted Police constable was murdered by
unknown Indians, and many believed that it was merely the
forerunner of worse to come.

The Canadian Government were scarcely prepared to meet the

226 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

problems brought about by the Indian famine. Although they
had been aware, for several years, of the impending extinction of
the buffalo, few believed that the crisis was so near at hand.
When the treaties were made it was thought that the buffalo
might last for many years, and that the Indians would continue,
partially at least, to live by the chase. The survey of the reserves
was not yet complete and few of the Indians had settled down. A
suitable policy of social, moral, and economic advancement had
not yet been developed, nor were there sufficient provisions on
hand to relieve distress in the event of ‘“‘ any pestilence” or
“general famine” overtaking the Indians as provided for in
Treaty 6. The Government were, accordingly, faced with the
double necessity of feeding the Indians, while encouraging them
to settle upon their reserves and training them, by agriculture
or otherwise, to sustain themselves. Their policy was primarily
one of expediency.

In view of the alarming reports which reached Ottawa of the
distressing condition of the aboriginal population in the North-
West Territories, the Canadian Government took prompt action.
An Indian Commissioner was hastily despatched to the territories
of Treaty 7, where the need was greatest and the tomahawks the
sharpest. Food supplies were rushed to Fort Walsh and Fort
Macleod, and other provision made to meet the requirements of
the emergency. In addition to the treaty supplies, the Govern-
ment forwarded s00 head of beef cattle, 91,000 pounds of bacon,
100,000 pounds of beef, 20,000 pounds of pemmican and 806
sacks of flour to relieve the immediate distress. The Indians
were, however, carefully informed that the Government regarded
these circumstances as “entirely exceptional,” that the relief
was only “ for the time being,” and that “ after they might be-
come either through the reappearance of the natural food supply
or by their individual efforts in farming or otherwise able to
procure their own subsistence.”

During the summer of 1879 a conference was held at
Battleford, consisting of the Lieutenant-Governor, the Commis-
sioner of the Mounted Police, the Indian Commissioner and other
Government officials. The object of this meeting was to advise
the Federal Government as to the relief necessary, and the steps
to be taken to prevent starvation during the winter. Certain
recommendations were made and forwarded to Ottawa, but owing

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 227

to the absence of Pascal Breland, a prominent half-breed member
of the North-West Council, the conference met again at a later
date. Breland, with a more thorough appreciation of the situa-
tion, urged the necessity of more liberal provisions. His
recommendations were accepted by the conference, and further
requisitions were sent to the Federal Government for additional
supplies.4#

The supplies sent into the North-West as a result of this
meeting soon proved, as Breland had predicted, insufficient for
the needs of the destitute Indians. Provisions were accordingly
bought from the merchants of the Territories, and contracts let
for additional supplies for the following year. The total sum
expended upon Indian provisions for the year ending June 1880,
amounted to $157,572.22. Of this, $66,448.04 was devoted to
the relief of destitute Indians, the remainder being dispensed
on the occasion of treaty payments.4* In spite of this assistance,
only the fact that so many Canadian Indians had pursued the
rumours of buffalo herds across the frontier, into the United
States, prevented dire distress and wholesale starvation.

To meet the now pressing needs of native affairs, the system of
Indian administration in the North-West was reorganized.
Several changes had already been made since the acquisition of
the territories in 1870. For the first few years an attempt was
made to conduct Indian affairs by correspondence with the
Secretary of State for the Provinces at Ottawa, but the attempt
was unsuccessful. Devolution was then essayed. In August
1873, a Board of Indian Commissioners for Manitoba and the
North-West was appointed. Their duties were to arrange for
and negotiate the treaties, and to suggest the general principles
upon which the Indians were to be administered. This board,
however, was never given an adequate trial. Too many depart-
ments still retained a hand in the conduct of Indian affairs. The
Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Land Bureau, and the Indian
Commissioners each acted independently of the others, with little
or no effort at co-operation. The result was a diversity of action
which led to unfortunate embarrassments and unnecessary delays
which a more regular administration might have prevented.
Accordingly, in 1876, the Minister of the Interior recommended
the abolition of the Board and the substitution of Superinten-
dencies and resident local agents similar to that machinery which

228 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

had been found to work so well in Eastern Canada. This
recommendation was adopted the following year with the
appointment of J. A. N. Provencher and the Honourable David
Laird as Indian Superintendents of Manitoba and the North-
West Territories respectively. The superintendencies, however,
remained comparatively unorganized, a fact which illustrated the
lack of interest taken in the Indian problem. In 1878 David
Laird, finding that his duties conflicted with those devolving
upon him as Lieutenant-Governor, resigned, and in the same
year Provencher was dismissed. The Indian administration was
hence in a state of disorganization when the crisis of the Indian
famine of 1879 was precipitated. Realizing the impossibility
of dealing with the situation from the office of the Indian Depart-
ment at Ottawa, the Government appointed the Honourable
Edgar Dewdney as Indian Commissioner, and despatched him at
once to the North-West Territories. He was invested with
broad discretionary powers, and was instructed to direct the
operation of the various agencies “ in such a manner as to ensure
the carrying out of all treaty stipulations and covenants in good
faith and to the letter.”** In the following year the Department
of Indian Affairs, hitherto a sub-department of the Ministry of
the Interior, was established as a separate entity—a development
which clearly indicated the increasing importance of native affairs.

The next step was to get the Indians on the reserves. The
Government recognized that for the time being the Indians
would have to be fed at the expense of the country, but hoped
that, once they were on their reserves, they would take to agricul-
ture and eventually be able to support themselves. Few of the
Indians had, up to 1879, expressed any wish to go upon their
reserves. Only those bands, particularly in Manitoba, upon
whom the influence of the missionaries had been the most im-
pressive, had made any effort to settle upon agricultural lands.
The others clung to the old gods and to the old ways of life. The
insistence of the Indians at the treaty negotiations on their right
to pursue the old life as long as they desired, was illustrative of
the general native response to the offers of civilization; but, as
long as the Indians were scattered over the plains, or huddled
together outside the walls of the trading posts, nothing could
be accomplished in the way of social and economic advancement.

The famine crisis of 1879-80, however, brought the necessity

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 229

for some radical modification in their mode of life forcibly to
the Indian mind, and the Government, taking advantage of the
situation, made every effort to induce them to go upon their
reserves. Commissioner Dewdney travelled over the North-
West, meeting the Indians at various points, explaining the policy
of the Government, and urging them to select their lands and
settle down. Offers were made of assistance and instruction in
cultivation. Alluring prospects of food and plenty were held
out to the doubting natives. The Indians were not wholly
convinced, but the promise of rations was a powerful lever in
prizing them loose from adherence to the nomadic culture of
their fathers, and, during the summer of 1879, many expressed
their willingness to settle down and learn to farm. Two recalci-
trant Cree chiefs, Little Pine and Lucky Man, were prevailed upon
to sign their adherence to Treaty 6. Others, with their followers,
reluctantly started off for their reserves. At Blackfoot Crossing
Dewdney was presented withan address of welcome and a promise
to cultivate the soil.*”

“ Honourable Sir :—We, the chiefs of the Blackfoot nation
welcome you to our country and in our midst. Our great need
and the dire calamity that has befallen our nation lately, is our
best claim to your sympathy and care. In our name please to
express our gratitude to the Dominion Government, for the
prompt assistance rendered to our wants, and of their wisdom
in sending you to our remote country for the special care and
control of our affairs.

“ The beneficial measures you have proposed to us in the name
of the Government, we all accept, and guided by your advice and
care we hope to fulfil them to the satisfaction of the Government.

“Our ancestors were tillers of the soil, but our warlike and
nomadic habits have unfitted us for their ancient calling and
industry ; however, we hope with patience and time that our
children may get the benefit of honest labour, and enjoy the
more secure means of existence than the precarious mode of
living of a hunter of the wild.

“In the meantime we, the chiefs, assure you of our hearty
co-operation for the execution of all your orders and advice, to
promote the wise measures of the Government amongst our
respective clansmen :—

“ CrowFoot, Head Chief of the South Blackfeet
‘Op Sun, Head Chief of the North Blackfeet
** HEAVY SHIELD, Head Chief of the Middle Blackfeet

230 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“ EaGie Tait, Head Chief of Piegans
*¢ RUNNING RABBIT
** Cate RoBE
‘Bic Plume

** BEAR’s CHILD

*© CALLING EAGLE
“On LY CHIEF

* Council House,
* Blackfoot Crossing,

“Bow River.

“19 July 1879.”

| Minor Chiefs

Few of the North-West Indians accepted the new mode of life
as willingly as the Blackfeet. Many of the plains Indians
remained, beggarly and destitute, about Fort Walsh in the Cypress
Hills. Several thousand more were living from hand to mouth
in the United States. During the winter of 1879-80, 500 to 600
Indians were rationed at Fort Walsh by the Mounted Police.
Provisions were scarce, and Superintendent Crozier made every
effort to help the Indians to reach the buffalo country and to
assist them with fishing nets and tackle. In the spring the
Indians began to come in from the plains and from the United
States, where they had wintered, to receive their treaty money.
In every instance they were starving. Men and teams were
constantly on the road with provisions to meet and feed the
starving camps as they arrived. Five thousand Indians gathered
about Fort Walsh. The Mounted Police endeavoured to con-
vince them of the advisability of moving on to their own country
and settling upon their reserves, but without success. Those
who came in from the south were unfit for further travel, while
those who had remained all winter about Fort Walsh invariably
returned after a few days absence full of excuses and demands for
food.*® About June, several camps were despatched north,
but only by the Mounted Police sending trains of provisions to be
doled out to the hungry natives daily by their Police escort.
Autumn, however, saw hundreds of the Indians who had started
north to their reserves, voluntarily or involuntarily, back in the
Cypress Hills. The rumour of buffalo at Fort Belknap on the
Milk River had spread over the country by moccasin telegraph and
many of the wilder Indians returned south once more.”

Thousands of Canadian Indians remained south of the frontier

CROWFOOT

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 231

during the year 1881. In his Report to the Superintendent-
General of Indian Affairs in January 1882, Dewdney stated that
over half of the Indians of the North-West Territories were not
as yet settled upon their reserves. Of Treaties 4, 6 and 7, 11,577
Indians were on the plains. About 5,000 were in the neighbour-
hood of Fort Walsh, and 4,000 were in American territory.”

The outlook for 1882 was one of grave uncertainty. The
Canadian Indians in the United States encountered the hostility
of the American authorities and the American red men, and,
driven back by force of arms they were forgathering with other
malcontents in the Cypress Hills. These, the wildest, most
fearless and independent Indians of the North-West, with no
desire to abandon the old ways of life, clinging desperately to the
adventurous nomadic existence of former days, yet reduced by
force of economic circumstances to poverty, want and starvation,
were a formidable host for the meagre forces of the Mounted
Police to ration and control. “‘ They are,” wrote the Indian
Commissioner, “the most worthless and troublesome Indians
we have, and are made up of Big Bear’s old followers and
Indians belonging to different bands in the north; when they
arrive they will be joined by all the other Indians in the southern
part of Fort Walsh District, and will rendezvous at some central
point, I think Qu’Appelle ; they will number over 7,000.5":

Early in January the Indians began to straggleinto Fort Walsh
in a state of utter starvation. Superintendent MclIlree was
compelled to issue supplies, and, in the course of a few weeks, all
the Indians that could reach Fort Walsh had collected to receive
rations. ‘It is hard to realize,” he wrote, ‘‘ the destitution
that prevails in an Indian camp during the winter now that the
buffaloare gone. I began by issuing a ration of about three-quarters
of a pound to each individual. I soon found that I had to increase
this ration, as, on complaint from the chiefs, I went round the
camps, and found that rations intended to last four days were
finished in less than half that time.’”5? Early in April the northern
Crees arrived from the Missouri. Little Pine came in with 300
followers, and a few days later Long Lodge, with the Assiniboines.
Others followed, and soon the bands of Jack, Little Child,
Sparrow Hawk, Piapot, Bear’s Head, Poor Man, Big Bear and
others were camped in the Cypress Hills.

The dangers of such a large gathering of wild and destitute

R

232 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Indians in close proximity to the border were manifold. The
Indians had discovered the peculiar propensities of the “ medicine
line,” as they called the international boundary, namely, that the
white soldiers could not pursue them across it, and horse stealing
raids became the brightest feature of Indian life. Incursions by
one tribe, however, provoked reprisals by another with unhappy
results toeach. These hunting and stealing expeditions into the
United States were much resented by the American authorities,
and the mails were filled with protests against “alleged depre-
dations by Canadian Indians in American territory.”®? Although
the privilege of crossing the border had been exercised by the
Indian tribes of both countries as far back as their separate
history extended, and the traversing of an imaginary boundary
line by nomadic bands in search of subsistence was not an offence
against international law, nevertheless, the presence of Canadian
Indians on American soil and in large encampments on the
frontier constituted a potential source of international discord.
The impossibility of preventing incursions over so extended a
frontier was obvious. Even the United States with their
thousands of troops had been unable to prevent Sitting Bull and
his followers from crossing the boundary line to seek refuge in
Canada. The small numbers of the Mounted Police could hope
to accomplish but little in this regard, and the American author-
ities, in spite of wordy protests, were slow to co-operate.%4
The removal of the Indians from the neighbourhood of the border
was the only practical solution. As long as the buffalo existed
in the United States, and the Mounted Police remained at Fort
Walsh, the Indians would continue to make the Cypress Hills the
base of their incursions into the United States, returning to
Canadian territory for treaty payments and provisions.

Apart from considerations of international policy, the presence
of the Indians at Fort Walsh was objectionable for social and
economic reasons. Proximity to the boundary afforded the
Indians too many opportunities of living in the old way; of
rushing away from their reserves on rumours of buffalo herds, or
of indulging in horse-stealing raids and other Indian irregularities.
Six years in the Cypress Hills had convinced the Mounted
Police that the district was unsuited for cultivation. If the
Indians were to be profitably employed and instructed in agri-
culture, reserves would have to be found elsewhere. Colonel

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 233

Macleod had suggested the possibility of abandoning Fort Walsh
as eatly as 1879.55 Superintendent Crozier, Inspector Denny,
and Colonel Irvine also urged the abandonment of Fort Walsh
as the best solution of the Indian problem in the Cypress district.
Finally, in 1882, the Government determined to move all the
Indians in that neighbourhood north of the projected line of the
Canadian Pacific Railway, and to carry out the recommendations
of the Police with regard to Fort Walsh.

As the Indians congregated about Fort Walsh during the
spring months of 1882, the Mounted Police officers urged upon
them the necessity of leaving for their own country. ‘I had
orders,” wrote Superintendent Mclllree to Indian Commissioner
Dewdney, “ that the express wish of the Government was to get
all Indians on reservations north of the C.P.R. I used my
utmost endeavour to carry out this order, and day after day, from
the time I took over the agency until I left Walsh, I talked to the
Indians and endeavoured to persuade them to leave. There was
but a small percentage promised me to go, but J talked to them
so much on the subject, that, from utterly refusing to think of the
proposition in the beginning, from hearing so much about it
they got familiarized with the subject, and in the end promised
me that after seeing Colonel Irvine on his return from Canada,
they would give me their final answer.”** On April 8th Irvine
arrived. Day after day councils were held by the Indians and the
police officers. Finally, the Indians submitted. The Assiniboines
first, and then the Cree chief Piapot, agreed to move.*’ These,
of all the Indians at Fort Walsh, were the only ones who could
claim the Cypress Hills as their own country. The remainder
were largely Crees from the Saskatchewan valley. On May
7th the first band of Indians left Fort Walsh. ‘‘ They were very
loth to go,” wrote Mclilree, “ but did start according to promise,
consisting of the following chiefs and their bands, Long Lodge,
Jack, Little Child, Sparrow Hawk, and some independent
bodies of Indians going to join their respective chiefs in the
vicinity of Qu’Appelle.”** Other bands followed in June and
July, until the greater part of the Indians had been removed from
the Cypress Hills.

The policy of placing the Indians upon their reserves during
1882 was only partially successful. Prompted by rumours of
buffalo and encouraged by the retention of Fort Walsh by the

234 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Mounted Police, the greater number of those who had been
dispatched north eventually returned to the Cypress Hills. The
Assiniboines, who had taken a reserve at Indian Head, became
restless and impatient towards the time of treaty payments.
They complained that they could not live on bacon, and de-
manded beef. Beef was provided, but after the annuities had
been paid, the Indians quietly gave up their tools and announced
that they intended to return south. The request for a reserve in
the Cypress Hills was refused. Jong Lodge then left without a
word to the Department. The Man-Who-Took-the-Coat
declared that, while they were content with the treatment accorded
them by the Government, they did not like the north; they
wished to be where their dead were buried and their friends were
living. To add to the Government’s difficulties, Piapot, the
leading Cree chief of the Qu’Appelle district, put forward im-
possible demands and made their refusal the excuse to return to
the Cypress Hills.°? The result was a repetition of the history of
former years. The Canadian Indians, expecting an old-time
buffalo hunt, found at Fort Walsh only starvation and destitution.

The winter of 1882-3 was no less critical than that of former
years. By October 290 lodges were gathered about Fort Walsh
in a starving condition.’ In spite of a previous determination to
pay treaty money only upon reserves, the Government were
forced, by the deplorable condition of the natives, to waive the
point and make the payments at Fort Walsh. As the winter
drew nigh, the wretched Indians increased in number. In
December, Dewdney reported about 5,000 under Big Bear,
Little Pine, Lucky Man, Piapot, Long Lodge, Foremost Man and
other chiefs.** The expense of maintaining these Indians was
considerable. During the month of December 44,825 lbs. of
beef, 353,000 lbs. of flour, 170 lbs. of tea, 70 lbs. of sugar and
124 lbs. of tobacco®* were consumed on “ starvation allowance.”
The Mounted Police Inspector in charge at Fort Walsh reported
a condition of abject misery :°**

“ There is a great deal of misery in all the camps owing to the
old women and children being housed in wretched cotton lodges,
which are no protection whatever in cold weather, their clothing
is poor and the only means they have of living is the small issue
of food they are at present receiving from the Government. I
might add for your information, that at present I am issuing

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 2335

about go sacks of flour per week to these Indians; were a
regular issue of flour made, this quantity would last but two
days ; with regard to the meat, I am giving them about a similar
allowance, so that they are receiving two days food to last them
for seven days.”

The effect upon the Indians of their sojourn at Fort Walsh
during the winter of 1882-83 was conclusive. The severe cold,
the mass starvation, and the persistent urging of the Mounted
Police convinced the disheartened Indians that their only hope of
survival lay in settling upon their reserves. In December 1882,
Inspector Norman reported that Piapot was ready to talk about
returning to his reserve, and in the same month Big Bear, after
months of objections and excuses, signed his adhesion to Treaty
6.%° In April 1883, the Assistant Indian Commissioner, Hayter
Reed, added his arguments to those of the patient police. Long
conferences were held. Weeks of delay followed. The Indians
advanced all manner of excuses for not quitting the locality.
Interested traders whispered discreditable falsehoods into the
ears of the natives to defeat the efforts of the Indian Department.
The Indians requested arms and ammunition for one last telling
raid into the United States for as many horses and scalps as
possible. The negotiations hung fire until Dewdney’s arrival.
Finally, after months of bickering, talking and urging, the
Indians abandoned their opposition to the Government’s wishes,
and the greater portion, under Big Bear, Lucky Man, and Piapot,
left for their respective neighbourhoods in the Saskatchewan and
Qu’Appelle valleys. Some, of course, soon returned. Lucky
Man, full of complaints that the promises made to him were not
carricd out, retraced his steps as far as Maple Creek. But the
Indian Department were determined to tolerate no further delays,
Assistant Commissioner Reed was authorized to call upon the
Mounted Police to use force if necessary. This prompt action
had a salutary effect. Not only the reluctant Lucky Man, but
the dilatory Little Pine, and all the Saskatchewan Indians south
of the Canadian Pacific Railway, were obliged to proceed north
under Mounted Police escort. Fort Walsh was abandoned, and
by the end of the summer, “ not a single teepee belonging to the
northern districts is to be found south of the railway track.”
“ Thus,” wrote Dewdney to Ottawa, “may beconsidered solved
one of the greatest problems which has had to be encountered for

236 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

some years past, and the Indian Department has to congratulate
itself on so easy a solution of the difficulty of preventing incursions
from our side into the neighbouring territory.”**

The passing of the old days of the North-West cannot be
related without a word of sympathy for the Indians. To them
the old life meant independence and liberty ; the new, restriction
and bondage. It is a matter of no wonder that a strong stand
was made against the Government’s efforts to make them leave
their old haunts, places associated with the memories of freedom
and plenty. To leave behind the tawny hills and treeless prairie,
was to break for ever with the scenes of their happiest thoughts,
and to destroy the last hope, to which they had so fondly clung,
of once more being able to live by the chase.

The placing of the Indians upon their reserves was only the
first step in the policy of civilization. The interests of the
Indians and the State alike, required that every effort should
be made to assist the red man to lift himself out of his condition
of tutelage and dependence, to prepare him for a higher civiliza-
tion, and to encourage him to assume the privileges and responsi-
bilities of full citizenship. With this aim in view, a policy of
instruction in agriculture and stock raising was inaugurated.

In Manitoba the Indians quickly settled down upon their
reserves after the treaties were concluded, and with the assistance
of the missionaries and the help of the Government, undertook
to cultivate the soil. Writing in 1877, the Indian Agent at Lake
Manitoba stated that his Indians were “ quiet and inoffensive and
well satisfied with their position and treatment. They all
appear very desirous of imitating the Whites in their mode of
life, habit, education and religion. It would be too much to
expect the older generation to adapt themselves speedily to a
new mode of life, but they are eager, and their children much
mote so, that they should be taught the rudiments of civilization
by competent persons.”*’ In the North-West Territories the
Indians, for the most part, continued to follow their nomadic
life until forced upon their reserves by economic pressure. A
few, however, settled upon their reserves soon after the con-
clusion of the treaties. During the spring of 1877, seed barley
and potatoes were furnished by the Government to Indians at
Fort Ellice, Qu’Appelle, Touchwood Hills, Pelly and Shoal
River, and a man hired to help them plant and cultivate. At Fort

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 237

Carlton one band is reported as having as many as roo acres under
cultivation.

The extermination of the buffalo hastened the adoption of a
definite farming policy by the Government. In his Annual
Report for 1878 Vankoughnet, the Deputy Superintendent-
General of Indian Affairs, outlined the policy which subsequently
governed federal relations with the Indians of the North-West:*

“

... it becomes incumbent upon the Government to adopt early
and encrgetic measures to prepare them for the change in their
mode of living and sustaining themselves and families, which
must inevitably take place, when they can no longer kill sufficient
buffalo and fish wherewith to feed themselves and families.

“Instruction in farming, or herding and raising cattle (as the
character of the country inhabited by the different Tribes may
indicate to be best) should be furnished to the Indians, and in
such manner as will effectually accomplish, within the shortest
period, the object sought for, namely, to make them self-
supporting.

“The Indians should be encouraged by precept, and, when
necessary, by pecuniary aid to erect houses and barns. The use
of the tent and wigwam should be discouraged as much as
possible, and every effort should be made to induce them to
abandon their old habits of life and to adopt those of the White
man.

“ Their Reserves should be subdivided into lots and cach head
of a family should receive a location ticket, covering the land to
which he is entitled (which land, of course, as stipulated under
the Treaties is non-transferable),

** A school should be established on cach of the Reserves, on
which one has not already been established, as soon as there is a
sufficient number of families settled thereon to warrant it; and
competent teachers should be appointed to these schools, who
should possess, besides their other attainments, a knowledge of
farming, or of herding and raising cattle (as the circumstances of
the country may require), and this knowledge should be utilized
for the instruction of the Indians in either occupation.

“There is . . . nothing to prevent operations towards this
much-to-be-desired end being initiated and vigorously prosecuted
in the North-West Territories and in the Province of Manitoba,
under the supervision of competent and reliable men, who, in
turn, should have over them an Inspecting Officer, possessing
the very best attainments, and of unimpeachable integrity, whose

238 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

duty, among other matters, it would be to go from one Reserve
to another and mark the progress being made by the Indians in
their industries, and see that the men employed to instruct the
Indians in farming or herding and raising stock attend to their
duties.

“The Inspecting Officer should also be the medium for the

purchase of cattle, sced, implements, etc., for the Indians, and he
should regulate the points and dates at which the payment of
annuities shall be made. The dates of payment might be so
arranged that the Inspecting Officer could be present at each
point to hear any complaints that the Indians might have to
make, see that everything was conducted properly, and, if
possible, settle any differences that might arise and, if this were
not possible, he could report the particulars to the Superinten-
dent-General of Indian Affairs for decision.”
The expediency of encouraging the Indians to cultivate the soil
or to raise cattle had been urged by Indian Superintendent Laird,
who recommended the appointment of permanent agricultural
instructors for each reserve or group of reserves. The Govern-
ment acted promptly. In 1879 a number of farming agencies,
nineteen in all, were established throughout the Territories, and
M. G. Dickieson was appointed as Inspector.”°

The agricultural policy was not, however, an unqualified
suecess. The promise of the first few years was not borne out
by subsequent development. The system of rationing begun on
the occasion of the treaty payments and expanded during the
buffalo famine was never wholly abandoned. Relief continued
to be afforded to working Indians, and many years were to elapse
before the Indian bands could be considered as self-supporting.
At the outset many, by a display of energy, gave every promise
that ere long they might free themselves from dependence upon
public assistance. The official reports were full of confident
prophecies of Indian self sufficiency. But the very character of
the Indians militated against a rapid advance. An Indian once
declared to Sir John Macdonald, “ We are the wild animals ; you
cannot make an ox of a deer.””* The sanguine expectations and
optimistic reports of Sir John A. Macdonald and Edgar Dewdney
were not based upon an understanding of Indian character, or a
thorough appreciation of the distance which the primitive
Indian had to travel to reach the white man’s scale of proficiency.
The character moulded by centuries could not be transformed in

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 239

a few years. Restlessness was inherent in the Indian disposition.
His dislike of uncongenial labour was proverbial. The difficulty
of handling the wild Indians is illustrated in the following episode.
A band of non-treaty Indians camped near a reserve in the Battle-
ford district. The reserve Indians, unable to resist the temptation,
quietly joined the strangers in nightly raids upon their own plots
of potatoes and turnips, thereby causing great loss to those who
had been prevailed upon to cultivate. “Iam forced,” admitted
the Agent for Treaty 6 in 1881, “ to the belief that it will be long
ere aid, either in kind or through the watchful eye of officials,
can be discarded by the Government as with the present genera-
tion itis merely by constant urging that headway is made or even
a status quo maintained.”’?*

The farming system was itself open to criticism. It had been
the policy to establish a number of “ home farms,” in the close
vicinity of the reserves, under the care of the Farm Instructors,
which were to serve as models for the Indians. The actual
practice left much to be desired. The Instructors, instead of
teaching the individual Indians to do the work and showing them
how it was done, preferred to dispense with the unappreciative
native labour and work the farms themselves. Little attention
was paid to the preservation of the Indians’ implements, and few
of the Instructors went about the reserves at all.”* After several
years Reed reported unfavourably upon the working of the farm
policy, and Sir John Macdonald admitted in Parliament that the
home farms “‘ were an experiment ; and I do not think that, on
the whole, they have been successful—some have turned out well,
others the reverse.””* Accordingly, the less successful farms
were sold and the Instructors were placed upon the reserves, not
upon separate and distinct farms, to see that the Indians were
properly instructed in their work, that they engaged in agricul-
tural pursuits and contributed something towards providing
themselves with the necessities of life.

The Indian schools were also ineffective. Each treaty had
expressly stipulated that the Government would grant assistance
in the erection and maintenance of schools upon the Indian
reserves. The policy adopted was not one of establishing
state Indian schools, but of granting monetary aid to various
religious foundations. There were several of these in Manitoba
prior to the treaty, and the number rapidly increased after the

240 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

treaties were concluded with the Indians. These schools were,
for the most part, unsatisfactory. The salaries were small and
many of the teachers incompetent.”> The attendance was
irregular, and the Indian parents either indifferent or hostile.
In 1878 the question of Indian education was reconsidered. The
Deputy Minister of the Interior drew up a lengthy memorandum
on the native problems of the North-West,’* and submitted his
recommendations to the ecclesiastical dignitaries of the Territories.
At the same time N. F. Davin was sent to the United States to
report upon the subject of Indian Industrial Schools and the
applicability of the American system to the North-West.’” The
result was the adoption of a new policy. A thorough and
systematic inspection of schools was inaugurated, and teachers
were required to hold certificates of competency and character.”®
Annual bonuses were granted in addition to salaries to the most
successful instructors and prizes were presented to deserving
pupils. In order to teach the Indian youth a useful trade, to
dissociate him from the baneful influence of the reserve and to
place him in an entirely new environment, residental industrial
schools were founded in 1883. One was established at Battleford
under Protestant control, and the others at Qu’ Appelle and High
River under the Roman Catholics.

Instruction in agriculture and practical education were accom-
panied by the gradual destruction of the tribal organization.
In 1878 circulars were sent to the Indian Superintendents and
Agents asking them to report whether the bands under their
supervision were sufficiently enlightened to justify the inaugura-
tion of a simple form of Indian municipal government, such as
existed in Eastern Canada. Both Laird and Macdonald were
convinced of the desirability of substituting some new system for
the rule by the tribal chiefs.7? Macdonald outlined his scheme
in the Annual Report of the Superintendent-General in 1880 :

“*...a council, proportionate in number to the population of the
band, elected by the male members thereof, of twenty-one years
and over, and presided over by a functionary similar to the Reeve
of a Township, might answer the purpose ; or in its initiatory
stage the council might be presided over, with better results, by
the local Indian Superintendent or Agent.’’®°
This body was to be empowered to pass laws embracing fences,
ditches, roads, trespass of cattle, suppression of vice and other

THE INDIAN PROBLEM: THE RESERVES 241

matters of purely local interest. The western Indians were,
however, not sufficiently advanced for such a system, and the
framework of tribal authority was retained. The power of the
chiefs was from the first merely nominal. The treaties expressly
stated that the Indians must obey the white man’s laws, and be
amenable before the white man’s courts of justice. Local affairs
were regulated by the Indian Agent and not by the tribal councils.
Resistance on the part of the old conservative chiefs was resented
by the Government and denounced as noxious and heathenish.
Moreover, the fact that the Government had assumed the power
to depose chiefs by refusing them recognition as such under the
treaties, militated against any attempt to exercise the traditional
influence which alone attached to their position. The chiefs
and headmen became mere names, archeological expressions.

Many of the time-honoured practices and primitive customs
were gradually abandoned. As early as 1882 efforts were being
made to suppress the customary dances. “One cause of
unsettling the Indians,’’ wrote the Assistant Indian Commis-
sioner, “and taking them from their reserves, and at times when
their presence was urgently required, has been their annual
dances, at which all who are in a position to attend come from
far and near. As they are of heathenish origin and more or less
tend to create a spirit of insubordination among the young men
of the bands, I have this year discountenanced them as much as
in my power lay, in which I was ably seconded by Lieut.-Col.
Herchmer, commanding the Mounted Police at this post ; and
owing to the difficulties experienced this year on the part of the
Indians and my positive refusal to aid them by any gift of provi-
sions, as has been the case heretobefore, I am under the impression
that in future they will be guided in the matter by the dictates of
the agent.”** Discouraged by the Government, frowned upon
by the missionarics, and shorn of the ancient glamour, the
traditional customs lost their interest to the Indians. The young
men no longer came forward to undergo the torture required of
them as “ braves,” and regarded with indifference the functions
of their tribe.

The reserve policy of the Canadian Government in the North-
West stands out in contrast to that adopted south of the boundary.
American policy, until the later ’seventies, was to gather the
Indians on a few large reserves where they could be kept out of

242 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

contact with the whites and where their peaceful and orderly
conduct might be guaranteed by a few military posts. In pur-
suance of this policy, various Indian bands were removed from
the lands which they occupied to the new native areas. It was
hoped that, by the consolidation of a great “ Indian Territory,”
and the removal of the natives from the dangers of collision
with the white men, there would be an end to Indian disturbances.
The plan of large segregated native areas was an ideal; but
it failed to take into consideration the evils and dangers arising
from the penetration of the Indian territory by the irresistible
tide of westward expansion. The prairie schooner, the Mormon
pushcart, the flat-bottomed river boat and the railway, shattered
the dream of an exclusive Indian state. The maintenance of
large native areas was, in the face of white expansion, impractic-
able. Disturbances and wars were the result. In Canada, the
creation of a large native territory in the far north where the
Indians might live their own life and not impede settlement was,
on several occasions, advocated in the Canadian Parliament.
Sir John A. Macdonald toyed with the idea** but, fortunately,
it was never adopted. Canada profited by the experience of the
United States. With the one exception of the Cypress Hills the
Indians were allowed to choose their reserves in that part of the
country to which they belonged. It was not only in accordance
with the tradition of British justice, but a matter of wise expedi-
ency to respect their home attachments. They were accordingly
left on the lands of their fathers, provided such lands were suitable
to agricultural or pastoral pursuits, and not, as in the United
States, gathered together in large native areas bearing no Indian
tradition.

On the whole, the reservation policy met the needs of the
moment. Although it limited their ability to sustain themselves
by the chase and made them dependent upon the whites—“ pen-
sioners upon the Public Treasury ” one Minister of the Interior
called them®*—it probably saved the Indians from the fate of the
buffalo. In the face of universal famine, the Indians could not
have withstood the westward march of Canadian expansion.
Wars of extermination and ceaseless strife might have followed,
until the Indian, like the buffalo, had been driven from the
plains by the rifles and ploughs of the incoming settlers.

LHVWSW3Hd C20

Bi OLINDSOW

UI NYW HV3T ONV
GVIE AIZZIVD

(anoqva 30 a4NIOLNV (Is) AHIOLVE

a1 mowy ano L] : [= SSWUDLdaMS

a1 BANYWOHNOd

H1IWS WHOf "|

Hiiws S3wvt

YY
ANYOD WIV 14 re

S$
oo

183Ig1V IDHIGd

OUHIBIONNHL
WOVE IHL NO-WIH: HTML

a

C88
MATWWA NVAVIHOINAS VS HLYION JHL

CHAPTER XII

THE GROWTH OF POLITICAL DISCONTENT IN THE NORTH-WEST
TERRITORIES

Tie Indians were not the only people in the North-West Terri-
tories whose social and economic life was disorganized by the
advent of the white men; the half-breeds, too, were unable to
withstand the impact of the new civilization. In 1869-70 the
half-breeds, through their political leaders and clerical advisers,
had viewed the transfer of the Hudson’s Bay Company Territories
to Canada with the fear that their primitive society would be
trampled upon by the march of an intolerant and superior
civilization. The rising under Louis Riel had been an effort
upon their part to secure legislative safeguards for the preserva-
tion of their race. But, although politically successful, the half-
breeds were doomed to economic absorption. No treaty or
Act of Parliament could alter hard economic fact and in a few
years the feeble barriers erected by the Manitoba Act were
swept away by the flood of newcomers. Some accepted the new
order with the philosophy of defeat, but many, as we have
observed, spurred by the same determination which inspired the
Boers in South Africa, trekked to the Saskatchewan and Qu’
Appelle valleys, where life was still free and European civilization
had not yet penetrated. Fora few years they were able to revive
the old order. But the march of westward expansion was
inexorable, and the days of the ‘‘ New Nation ” were numbered.
Without the protection of the Government the métis were
unable to preserve either their primitive economy or their racial
identity, and, forced back by the advancing frontier of settlement,
they made their last stand on the banks of the Saskatchewan.
The Dominion Government repeated the blunders of 1869. No
consistent effort was made to win the confidence of the half-breeds
nor serious consideration given to their alleged grievances, and
in 1885 the métis rose again under their old leaders to fight once
more the battle for economic and racial survival.

The events of 1869-70 had one important result, at least, as

243

244 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

far as the métis were concerned; they led to the voluntary
recognition by the Canadian Government of the half-breed claim
to share in the aboriginal title to the soil. Section 31 of the
Manitoba Act stated :

“. . . it is expedient, towards the extinguishment of the Indian

Title to the lands in the Province, to appropriate a portion of...
ungranted lands, to the extent of one million four hundred
thousand acres thereof, for the benefit of the families of the
half-breed residents.’’
The reason for this grant is obscure. Neither the métis “ List
of Rights ” nor the delegates of Riel’s Provisional Government
made any such demand. Archbishop Taché suggested in 1889
that the grant was made to compensate for the refusal to give the
newly-formed Province of Manitoba control over its public
lands? Whether or not this was the case, the grant of 1,400,000
acres of land was obviously intended to conciliate the métis who
had risen in arms and to remedy one of their principal grievances—
the uncertainty of the position of their lands—but was not intended
as a formal acknowledgment of a legal right on the part of the
métis to share in the extinction of the aboriginal title? This,
however, was the way in which the métis interpreted the con-
cession, and it became the basis of their claim for preferential
treatment in the North-West Territories.

The history of the half-breed grant in Manitoba was one of
ministerial incompetence, parliamentary indifference and adminis-
trative delay. Instead of being a measure of conciliation, the
grant proved to be a source of constant irritation to the half-
breeds. Although a census was taken in 1870 and a plan of
allotment adopted in 1871, slow progress was made in the
distribution of the lands. The first delay occurred when the
law officers decided that the half-breed heads of families were
not entitled to the land reserve. This reduced the number of
participants, and the Government agreed to grant 190 acres to
each child resident in Manitoba at the time of the transfer, i.e.,
July 15th, 1870, Upon this basis the allotment was begun in the
summer of 1873. The second delay resulted from the change of
government in the autumn of the same year. By an Act in 1874
the claims of the half-breed heads of families were recognized ;
these claims to be extinguished by the concession of 160 acres of
land or an issue of money scrip to the value of $160 to every

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 245

father and mother. The land grant to the children was also
altered. Archibald’s census was disregarded. Many of the
métis had been absent on the plains during the enumeration and
their claims were not registered. Accordingly the Mackenzie
Government ordered a new enumeration and appointed two
commissioners, Ryan and Machar, to undertake the regulation of
the half-breed grant. The Report of the commissioners was
submitted to the Governor-General in Council in the spring of
1876. It showed about 5,088 persons entitled to share in the
land reserve, but admitted that this enumeration was incomplete.
The Dominion Land Agent was authorized to continue the
enumeration, and on August roth he reported 226 additional
claimants. To allow a sufficient margin the Minister of the
Interior concluded that, perhaps, 500 more claimants might
appear, and fixed the grant at 240 acres. The preliminary
allotment which had been made in several of the parishes on the
basis of 190 acres was cancelled and the final allotment was made
on the basis of 240 acres. By 1879 the whole of the 1,400,000
acres set apart by the Manitoba Act had become the property
of the half-breeds whose claims had been approved and nothing
was left for those, equally entitled to a share in the land grant,
who filed their claims after that date. This question was not
settled until 1885 when an Order in Council finally fixed May
st, 1886, as the last date on which claims would be received.®

The delay in the settlement of this question occasioned much
dissatisfaction among the half-breeds. White immigration had
rushed into Manitoba after the Red River Rebellion, and the métis
soon found that a new order had descended upon them, sweeping
aside their old methods of life and leaving them helpless. Their
usual occupations, hunting, freighting or farming in a small way
were no longer profitable, or even possible. Trading was out of
the question to those who had neither the goods to sell nor the
credit to obtain them. Despairing of ever receiving their land
patents, many disposed of their rights for a mere song.® Some
gladly sold their scrip for trifling sums to smooth-tongued
speculators, packed up their few possessions and trekked across
the plains to the Saskatchewan to live again the old life of freedom.
Others, who had been absent hunting during both enumerations,
remained upon the plains, receiving neither the scrip nor the
land to which they were entitled.

s

246 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Although the claim to share in the extinction of the Indian
title was recognized in 1870 in Manitoba, no such claim upon
the part of the half-breeds beyond the boundaries of that province
was recognized until 1885. The half-breeds of the North-West
Territory were ignored. As early as 1873, however, the North-
West métis petitioned for a recognition of their land claims.
In that year John Fisher and ten others of Fort Qu’Appelle
petitioned through Lieutenant-Governor Morris for “ands in
compensation of our rights to the lands of the country as métis.””
Other petitions followed from different quarters. In 1874 John
Mackay informed the North-West Council of the anxiety of the
English and Scotch half-breeds of Prince Albert and the métis
of St. Laurent to have the land question settled ;° and in the same
year Father Décorby wrote to the Minister of the Interior on
behalf of the métis of Lac Qu’Appelle.®

The question, however, did not become urgent until the late
’seventies, There were few surveys and little settlement in the
Territories. But, as white immigration increased, a new order
of things pressed itself upon the attention of the native races.
With the influx of settlers from Eastern Canada, the métis became
more insistent upon their aboriginal rights. At the same time
the numbers of the mixed bloods were increased by the arrival of
the discontents from Manitoba, and a formal agitation began to
take shape. 1878 saw petitions from all parts of the Territories.
On the last of February, Gabriel Dumont, the leader of the St.
Laurent métis, sent a petition to Lieutenant-Governor Laird,
asking :

“that there be granted to each half-breed head of a family, and
to their children, who have not participated in the distribution
of scrip and lands in the Province of Manitoba, a like amount of
scrip and like land grants as in Manitoba.’”}°

Dumont’s petition was circulated among the other métis settle-
ments, and petitions from St. Albert, the largest of the métis
colonies,!! and from the Cypress Hills,!? reinforced the demand
for recognition of the half-breed Indian title.

The French half-breeds were not alone in making these
demands. Their English and Scotch kindred of Prince Albert
also forwarded to the Governor-General a petition which
contained, among others, this paragraph :

“Lastly, your petitioners would humbly represent that

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 247

whereas a census of the half-breeds and old settlers was taken in
the Province of Manitoba shortly after the organization of that
Province, with a view to the distribution of scrip, etc., said scrip
having since (been) issued to the parties interested, and whereas,
at the time this census was taken many half-breeds, both minors
and heads of families, resided in the Territories and were not
included in the said census.

“Your petitioners would humbly represent that their rights
to a participation in the issue of the half-breed or old settlers’
scrip ate as valid and binding as those of the half-breeds and old
settlers of Manitoba, and are expected by them to be regarded
by the Canadian Government as scrupulously as in that Province.
And with a view to the adjustment of the same, your petitioners
would humbly request that a census of said half-breeds and old
settlers be taken, at as early a date as may conveniently be deter-
mined upon, with a view to apportioning to those of them who
have not already been included in the census of Manitoba their
just allotments of land and scrip.”38

The urgency of the question was fully appreciated by the
Lieutenant-Governor who wrote, when forwarding the Cypress
petition :

“J feel it my duty to ask you to urge upon the Dominion
Government the necessity of taking early action with respect to
the claims set forth by the half-breeds of the Territories ... I
may remark from what information is within my reach I have no
doubt the half-breeds of the Territories, who think they have as
good a claim to consideration as their compatriots in Manitoba,
will be very much dissatisfied unless they are treated in a some-
what similar manner.’”’4
These petitions, however, received nothing more than formal
acknowledgments from Ottawa and promises of future con-
sideration.

With the accession to power of Sir John A. Macdonald, the
half-breed question was taken up with more vigour. Macdonald
himself took over the portfolio of the Interior. In December the
Deputy Minister presented a long memorandum to the new head
of the Department. It frankly admitted the métis claim “ to
favourable consideration,” the only question being “‘ how is that
claim to be satisfied, so as to benefit the half-breeds, and, at the
same time, benefit the country ?’!5 The memorandum dis-
countenanced the making of treaties as with the Indians and
disapproved of the issue of scrip as in Manitoba, but advanced

248 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

certain suggestions for inducing the métis to settle down and for
assisting them in farming. This memorandum was forwarded to
Archbishop Taché and other ecclesiastical and civil authorities in
the North-West for their advice, and N. F. Davin was instructed
to report upon the working of the American system of native in-
dustrial schools. ‘To enable the Government to carry out what-
ever policy they might determine upon, the Dominion Lands Act
of 1878 delegated authority to the Governor-General in Council :
** To satisfy any claims existing in connection with the extinguish-
ment of the Indian title, preferred by half-brceds resident in the
North-West Territories outside the limits of Manitoba, on the
fifteenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and seventy,
by granting land to such persons, to such extent and on such
terms and conditions, as may be deemed expedient.’”!¢

Thus, although they had not yet determined upon the precise
form of their policy, the Canadian Government granted a quasi-
recognition of the principle of the métis claim to an aboriginal
title, and asked Parliament for a carte blanche in negotiating for the
extinction of such a title. The admirable energy which the
Government had hitherto displayed seemed to vanish at this
point, and from 1879 to 1885, nothing further was done to carry
the recognition into effect.

The agitation continued unabated. In the spring of 1880 the
Scotch half-breeds of Manitoba Village forwarded a petition with
the usual demand for scrip.’” At the same time the French métis
forwarded an identical petition from Edmonton—a fact which
showed the existence of an effective collaboration among all the
mixed blood population from one end of the Territories to the
other, and one which, owing to the lack of educated leaders
among them, can only be explained by the supposition of
ecclesiastical support. The Government acknowledged both
of these petitions promising “due consideration” to each.”
But, unfortunately, they were under “ consideration ” until 1885 !
More petitions followed in 1881. On June 6th and 7th, the
District of Lorne, having secured representation in the North-
West Council, placed the half-breed case before the Council
through their representative, Chief Factor Lawrence Clarke.
Clarke’s memorial’® was forwarded to Ottawa by the Lieutenant-
Governor, who urged that it should be brought to the notice of
the Governor-General in Council “at an early day.”*° In reply

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 249

the Deputy Minister prepared a file of correspondence on the
North-West question, and submitted it to the Honourable David
Macpherson,*! Acting Minister of the Interior during Macdonald’s
absence. Unfortunately, the evidence available gives no clue
as to the opinion of the Government on this matter, but, in any
event; no action was taken.

Later in the year the people of Prince Albert tried again to
draw the attention of the Government to the half-breed question.
A large meeting was held on October 8th, 1881, and a series
of resolutions was passed, the third of which read :??

““ Whereas the Indian title in this district or Territory has not
become extinct, and the old settlers and half-breed population of
Manitoba were granted scrip in commutation of such title, and
such allowance has not been made to those resident in this
Territory—Resolved, that the Right Hon. the Minister of the
Interior be requested to grant such scrip to such settlers, thus
placing them on an equal footing with their confréres in Manitoba.”
Lawrence Clarke was instructed to forward a copy of these
resolutions to the Federal Government and to “ obtain a reply.”
Clarke accordingly proceeded to Ottawa to press the half-
breed demands. The Acting Deputy Minister acknowledged
receipt of the resolutions, but remarked :

“ Resolution No. 3. As by treaty with the Indians their title
to any portion of the territory included within the District of
Lorne has been extinguished, this resolution would need
explanation,”’23
In reply Clarke fully outlined the half-breed claim to an aboriginal
title, and cited in detail the various Acts of Parliament from 1870
to 1879 which constituted a recognition of this title. “It will be
seen, therefore,” he concluded, “‘ that from the first enactment, in
1870, to the last, in 1879, the rights in the soil of the half-breed
have been recognized by the Government and provision made for
the extinguishment of their title.””*4

Petitions continued throughout 1882, 1883 and 1884, demanding
land grants and scrip as granted in Manitoba in commutation of
the half-breed Indian title. In the spring of the last-named
year John Turner and other English half-breeds complained that
they had forwarded five petitions to the Federal Government,
but their efforts had been without result. In autumn the
North-West Council, in a memorial to the Governor-General,

250 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

referred to the half-breed demand for scrip and stated, “ this
Council cannot too strongly impress upon Your Excellency’s
Government the urgent necessity of an immediate settlement of
the question.”** Nothing, however, developed from these
demands. The only official reference to any Government action
during this period is contained in the Annual Report of the
Minister of the Interior presented on February 15th, 1882 :””

“The condition of the Half-Breed population of the Terri-
tories, and the claims which have been preferred on their behalf
to be dealt with somewhat similarly to those of the Half-Breeds
of the Red River, have been receiving careful consideration, with
a view to meeting them reasonably.”

The “careful consideration’ was fruitless. No report was
apparently made by any Minister, or any action taken until,
under the pressure of imminent rebellion, the Government
hastily appointed a commission and rushed scrip to the rebellious
métis in March 1885.

Side by side with the dissatisfaction produced among the half-
breeds by the failure to concede scrip, developed a feeling of
irritation over the working of the land law, and an alarm at the
insecurity of their holdings. The experience of their kindred at
Red River was fresh in the minds of the half-breeds. The
absence of patents, which would secure their titles to the lands
upon which they had squatted, at once became a matter
of gtievance. In the year 1874, Licutenant-Governor Morris
enclosed a statement concerning the feelings of insecurity at St.
Laurent and Prince Albert."® In December 1876, Inspector
Walker of the Mounted Police reported an increasing number of
land disputes and complaints against encroachments.” Forward-
ing this letter to the Department of the Interior,®” the Lieutenant-
Governor urged that the survey should be pushed forward with
vigour and that means should be adopted to facilitate the granting
of patents to those who had already settled upon their lands :

“ There is another question which will doubtless present itself.
Should settlers who have located before the transfer be obliged
to enter their lands under the homestead provision of the Domi-
nion Lands Act, and consequently be required to wait three
years after the survey before they receive their patents such a
requirement would seem to be harsh to those who have been
many years in the country.”

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 251

This matter, it is important to note, was to prove a source of
irritation among the white settlers, no less than among the métis.

This letter was referred to the Surveyor-General, who replied
to the Minister of the Interior urging the prosecution of the
survey as demanded, but declared that the question of patents
was “a question of policy. . . for the Minister to consider ” and
would require special legislation by Parliament.*!

The justice of the métis case cannot but be admitted. They
were the first settlers in the North-West Territories. Some had
abandoned their nomadic life even before 1872 and squatted
upon small plots of land. Others settled at a later date. In
these instances the métis considered it a grievance to be obliged to
enter their holdings as homesteads and wait until the expiration
of three years for their patents. Moreover, those who remained
on the prairie until forced to settle down by the economic
transformation of the country, regarded the North-West as their
patrimony. They resented the terms of the Dominion Lands
Act, and refused to pay for lands taken up subsequent to the
survey upon odd-numbered sections, Hudson’s Bay Company or
school lands. ‘The Government Land Regulations were regarded
as a legitimate grievance, but the real force underlying this griev-
ance was the feeling of insecurity.

As in the case of the agitation for scrip, the agitation in regard
to patents and surveys developed rapidly after 1877. Petitions
were numerous in 1878. A petition from Prince Albert in
February complained of the “ many disputes and disagreements

. .now arising among the settlers, concerning alleged encroach-
ments upon each othet’s boundaries.”? Another from St.
Albert expressed similar complaints and demanded surveys and
patents. On February 1st a public meeting was held by the
métis of St. Laurent under Gabriel Dumont. Amongst the
resolutions presented in the form of a petition was the following:

“That it is of the most urgent necessity that the Government
should cause to be surveyed, with the least possible delay, the
lands occupied and cultivated by the half-breeds or old residents
of the country, and that patents therefor be granted to them.”

In forwarding this petition to Ottawa, Lieutenant-Governor
Laird added his word of advice :*4

“Tt is important that the land policy of the Government
towards old settlers and others living for many years in the

252 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Territories should be declared. It appears to me that they have
a claim to some more speedy means of acquiring a title for
settlement purposes than the homestead provisions of the
Dominion Lands Acts.

“ To prevent disputes between neighbors, it is highly desirable
that the survey of lands settled upon along the principal rivers
should be prosecuted with all convenient speed.”

The Minister of the Interior, the Honourable David Mills,
replied to the petition in March. After promising to submit
the petition to the Governor-General in Council, he informed
Lieutenant-Governor Laird that the survey would be pushed
forward as rapidly as the funds at the disposal of the Government
would permit, but stated, regarding the question of patents :

“The propriety of passing an Act to secure for the half-breeds
some more speedy means of acquiring a title for settlement
purposes than under the provisions of the present Homestead
and Dominion Lands Act, has for sometime past engaged my
attention.”’5
Although the Minister’s attention was cut short by the fall of
the Mackenzic administration, his successor in office, Sir John A.
Macdonald, took no immediate steps to remedy this grievance.

Illustrative of the dilatoriness which characterized the actions
of the Canadian Government in the North-West, was the delay
which attended the opening of the land office at Prince Albert.
Not only were the métis prevented from obtaining their patents
by the operations of the Dominion land regulations, but they
were unable, until late in 1881, even to register their claims |
This delay was not only without justification, but was detrimental
to the interests of the settlement, and contributed to the feelings
of anxiety and discontent already prevalent among the métis and
the English half-breed population.

In June Father André presented a petition to the Lieutenant-
Governor and the North-West Council, containing a vivid
statement of the unsettled condition of the land question in the
North-West Territories. He himself had been the victim of an
unscrupulous claim jumper—a practice which was, in the absence
of land office or patents, becoming only toocommon—and wrote;

“In presenting this petition to your honorable body, allow
me to observe that I came to Battleford, urged not only by my
own grievances, but by the entreaties of the half-breed population

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 2353

about Duck Lake and St. Laurent, and they join their earnest
prayers to mine to call your special attention to the unsatisfactory
state of the lands question in the country. Disputes and diffi-
culties are continually arising, touching the limits and rights of
property of landholders in the country, and there is no proper
authority to settle these questions, however conducive to the
peace and tranquillity of the country. The land has almost
entirely been surveyed in the electoral district of Lorne for now
over two years, and a land office has been in existence at Prince
Albert for nearly four years, but as the land agent is not authorized
to enter claims or to issue patents, the settlers have no way to
secure the lands they hold in possession, and which they have
improved through considerable expense and much exertion ; and
besides, as the stipendiary magistrates seem not invested with the
legal authority to try cases of boundary between neighbors on
lands for which no entry is made, the anxiety of the people of
the part of the country where J am living is very great, and calls
for your immediate consideration.”

At the same time, Lawrence Clarke, the elected member of the
North-West Council for the district of Lorne, sent to that body a
memorial—referred to previously—stressing the dangers of
insecurity, and asking for the opening of a land office at an
early date. On June 14th the Lieutenant-Governor transmitted
both petition and memorial to Ottawa, urging, that in view
of the constant disputes and unsettled condition of the country,
they should receive “ early consideration.”®? Finally, as a result
of these petitions, after an interval of two years from the time
of the survey, the Land Office was ordered to be opened at
Prince Albert in August 1881.*°

The opening of the Land Office did not wholly solve the
question of insecurity. The settlers, métis and white, who had
long been settled upon their claims, were still unable to reccive
their patents except through the working of the homestead law.
Some, who had found themselves squatted upon lands reserved
by law for schools or allotted to the Hudson’s Bay Company,
were anxious about their holdings. Others, who had purchased
lands from early settlers in good faith, shared the prevailing
feeling of insecurity. The question was thoroughly discussed
at the meeting at Prince Albert in October 1881. Among the
resolutions which this meeting forwarded to Ottawa was one
which read :

254 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“Whereas many persons have been settled on land in this
district for three years and more, and have performed the home-
stead duties required by law; and many persons have bought
land from such settlers, depending on the good faith of the
Government for security in their holding such land—Resolved,
that the Right Hon. the Minister of the Interior be requested to
grant patents to such persons with as little delay as possible.” 3*

Again, as in the previous year, the Lieutenant-Governor
pressed for “ early action.”“° He pointed out that the delays were
complicating settlement and enclosed a letter from a local settler
at Prince Albert to that effect.

In September 1882 the métis of St. Antoine de Padoue—
better known as Batoche—a newly formed settlement near St.
Laurent, petitioned for exemption from the operation of the
homestead law:

“ Having so long held this country as its masters and so often

defended it against the Indians at the price of our blood, we
consider it not asking too much to request that the Government
allow us to occupy our lands in peace, and that exception be
made to its regulations, by making to the half-breeds of the
North-West free grants of land.’’4!
The feeling engendered by a disregard of these claims was such
that on October 25th the Land Agent at Prince Albert reported
to the Minister of the Interior that to date no settlers had made
application for a patent in view of the regulations of 1879,
which counted occupation only from the date of entry.‘

During 1882 the Government took a step towards removing
this grievance. In April the Department of the Interior informed
Lawrence Clarke that an amendment to the Dominion Lands Act,
to provide for the issue of patents to those who had fulfilled the
settlement requirements of the homestead regulations prior to
entry, would be proposed in Parliament.** Unfortunately, this
amendment was withdrawn at the last moment.44

The question remained in this state of uncertainty and con-
fusion. The agitation continued. Meetings were held, resolu-
tions passed, and memorials forwarded to Ottawa. But the
machinery of the Government moved slowly. It was not until
1884 that an investigation of the situation was undertaken. Late
in 1882 Macdonald signified his intention of sending Lindsay
Russell, then Deputy Minister, who was familiar with French

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 253

and several Indian tongues, to investigate the land claims in the
North-West Territories ; but in February 1883 Russell met with
an accident, and after waiting several months was unable, in the
end, to undertake the task.4° Finally, during the early months of
1884, W. Pearce, the Inspector of Dominion Lands, carried out an
investigation of the white and English-speaking half-breed claims
at Prince Albert. He examined each claim individually and
forwarded his recommendations to Ottawa in March. This
report was approved by the Government, and in April the
Minister of the Interior ordered the settlement of the claims upon
the basis of Pearce’s recommendations. Unfortunately for the
peace of the country, the French-speaking parishes and their métis
population were not embraced in this report. Pearce was unable
to attend personally to the matter “as the greater portion of the
claimants spoke only French, and I would have required an inter-
preter,”“° and delegated the task to the Dominion Land Agent at
Prince Albert. In May the Agent proceeded to St. Laurent and
St. Antoine, but his report was not submitted until October. In
Ottawa it was apparently buried among the departmental files
until February 1885, when, in view of the alarming reports of a
possible métis rising, the Government hastily approved the report
and instructed the Agent to give effect thereto.” This concession
came too late: the métis were on the eve of rebellion.

Another cause of insecurity among the mixed blood population
was to be found in the system of survey imposed upon the métis
settlements. In the North-West the métis, as at Red River, took
up their land in long narrow strips running back a mile or two
from the river. In this way they were able to preserve the
community life upon which their society was based. The
attempt to impose an unfamiliar, and, to the métis, unsatisfactory
system of survey, and thus deprive them of their river frontages
and destroy their village community life, invited armed resistance.
The fear of losing their lands had been one of the principal
causes of the métis disturbances at Red River in 1869-70. The
cause of the rising on the Saskatchewan was similar. In both
instances the township survey proved to be a direct cause of that
general feeling of insecurity, which, directed by Louis Riel,
broke out into open rebellion.

With the lesson of 1870 fresh in their memories the Canadian
Government did not, at first, insist upon the square survey

256 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

along the rivers of the North-West Territories. When the métis
demanded the right to hold their lands as they had taken them,“
the Government conceded the principle of river lots without
delay. In March 1877 the Surveyor-General wrote :

“Tt is proposed, in all cases where settlements have been
formed along the rivers in the Territories, to adopt the surveys
of the farms accordingly, that is to say, giving an average (where
practicable) of 10 or 20 chains frontage on the river and letting
the lots run back far enough to make 160 acres each, the lines
between lots (as a rule) to be made to conform to the direction
of the section lines in the regular survey adjoining.’’¢®
Hence, during 1877 and 1878, special surveys were made of the
settled districts at Prince Albert and St. Laurent on the river
frontage principle.

Beyond the settled districts the township survey was carried

out as originally intended. This fact was responsible for much
of the bitterness and misunderstanding which followed. Many
of the métis had not yet settled down at the time of the survey
of the parish of St. Laurent. Thus, when they came to choose
their permanent locations, they had no choice but to settle upon
land which had been wholly or partially laid out upon the town-
ship principle, or which was designated for the square survey.
These métis, together with their immigrant kindred from Red
River, the bulk of whom settled in the Saskatchewan valley
subsequent to 1878,5° completely disregarded the existing square
or sectional survey. They took up their lands after the old
fashion and settled upon the long river lots to which they had
been accustomed. As a result the Land Agent at Prince Albert
informed the Surveyor-General in 1882 that:
“. . . in view of the difficulty likely to be experienced in this
office in adjusting the boundaries of these claims in accordance
with the section survey, I have, at the request of several of the
settlers so situated, the honor to request information as to the
possibility of re-surveying these sections into river lots on a
similar plan to that adopted in Prince Albert settlement, none of
these claims having as yet been entered in this office.’’5!

With the delay which marked their actions in the North-West
Territories, the Department of the Interior replied six and a half
months later :

“T have the honor, by the direction of the Minister of the

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 257

Interior, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 11th
of March last... and to inform you that it is not the intention of
the Government to cause any re-surveys to be made.”®

This insistence upon the square survey brought about un-
limited confusion. The township survey disregarded the
meandering of the river and it was impossible to know the
numbers or to adjust the frontages, depths or improvements.
Not a métis farm outside the special survey made in 1878 fitted
into the new system. A petition5? in January 1883 from Father
André protested :

“IT cannot understand, Sir, why your surveyors should have
two different methods of parcelling the public domain ; one for
Prince Albert, ten chains in width by two miles in depth, which
we approve, and which we claim as a right, seeing you have
granted it to Prince Albert; the other, of blocking out the land
in squares of forty chains, without taking the river nor loca-
tion of the settlers into consideration. The latter method we
protest solemnly against, all of us and humbly pray, Sir, that you
order a new survey, and thus validate our request.

“ Already the people of this colony have addressed to you a
petition on this subject,® but the answer, given under your
directions, is not one calculated to inspire them with the hope
that you would right the wrong of which they complain.”

“Knowing the difficult situation in which our people are
placed, I have resolved to make another effort, which I trust will
bring happy results, and I dare to hope that you will accede to
their just request, and no later than next summer order a new
survey of the lands on the south branch of the Saskatchewan.

“ By your kindly concurrence in this matter you will do an act
of justice to our people and render them a service for which they
will ever be thankful.”

This letter was apparently passed on by Macdonald to Macpherson,
the Minister of the Interior, who referred it to his Deputy,
asking :

* How is it these difficulties recur so often, when it is the rule
of the Department to survey around the old surveys without
disturbing the occupants ? ””5 .
There is no record of further correspondence relative to André’s
letter and the question remained unsolved.

The same insistence upon the township survey in the métis
settlement of St. Albert led to considerable discontent and

258 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

threats of violence.™’ Finally, calmer counsels prevailed and
a meeting was held at which Father Leduc and M. B. Maloney
were delegated to go to Ottawa to lay the métis case before Sir
John A. Macdonald. Edmonton and Fort Saskatchewan also
joined St. Albert in contributing to the expenses of the delegation.
The demands put forward by the delegates at Ottawa included
among others the questions of scrip and patents, and also river
lots for St. Albert and along the Saskatchewan valley from
Edmonton to Fort Saskatchewan. The mission was successful.
The demands of the delegation were, for the most part, conceded.®
Unfortunately, however, the concessions so readily granted to
St. Albert were not extended to the settlements at St. Laurent.
This was probably due to the fact that in the Edmonton district
half-breed settlement had preceded the survey, while at St.
Laurent, with the exception of the “ old settlement belt ” on the
left bank of the South Branch, the greater part of the half-breed
population had settled upon land after the square survey had
been begun. In the latter instance the Government were
unwilling to go to the trouble and expense of a re-survey.

In January 1884 another letter of protest was sent to the
Department of the Interior. Writing on behalf of the parishes
of St. Antoine de Padoue and St. Louis de Langevin, Father
Végreville renewed the demands for a river survey.

“Be good enough, Sir, to consider the consequences of a
painful delay. The settlers have made settlements, and are
making them day by day, without knowing where the lines of
their future properties are to pass. These inflexible limits, right-
lines and parallels will traverse fields, pass through houses, cut
off farm houses from the fields connected with them. This must
inevitably occur where parties have already put up buildings, and
wherever buildings are erected, until the survey is made. What
serious hardships, what deplorable results must flow from all
this! Three-fourths of these miseries might have been avoided
had the survey been made when asked for and promised.’

The Chief Inspector of Surveys suggested to the Ministry of
the Interior that legal subdivisions of the sectional survey
would provide river lots without the necessity of a re-survey ;°°
but this conveyed little meaning to the métis. When Inspector
Pearce endeavoured to explain the proposed substitute, the
answer he invariably received was:

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 259

“ That is plain enough to you, as a surveyor, but it is Greek to

us. Those parties are bona fide settlers, as such have or will
acquire title, and if they wish their land laid off in a certain way,
why should the Government object ? In fact, it is the duty of
the Government to survey it, as requested.’’
Pearce urged that one of two courses should be adopted; a
rough traverse should be made so that entries might be made by
legal subdivisions, preserving, as far as possible, to each man his
improvements ; or a re-survey should be granted. These were
the suggestions of a man on the spot, who was acquainted with
the country and the people, had discussed the question with the
settlers and knew the facts and difficulties. They were not,
however, acted upon.

It was beside the point for the Government to argue that the
métis had settled upon lands which had been partially or wholly
surveyed into squares.°* It was not a question of legality,
but one of expediency. The métis of the South Branch of the
Saskatchewan were dgtermined to have their river lots, govern-
ment regulations to the contrary notwithstanding ; and it was an
ill-advised policy to refuse them, especially in view of the con-
cession of the principle of river lots elsewhere in the North-West
Territories.

The question at once arises as to the reason for the complete
negative passivity with which the Government apparently
regarded these appeals from the half-breeds of the North-West.
Macdonald’s explanation to Parliament in 1885 was unsatisfactory.
He replied to Blake’s charge of indifference with ts guoque,
declared that opinion in the North-West had been divided as to
the wisdom of the proposals of the Deputy Minister in 1878, and
defended his inaction on the grounds that “ the Government
knew, my honourable friend, Sir David Macpherson, the Minister
of the Interior, knew that we were not acting in the interests of
the half-breeds in granting them scrip, in granting him (sic) the
land.”** This fact, while it may have been true, did not, however
explain the Government’s procrastination in the question of
patents and surveys. But if Macdonald’s defence was weak,
Macpherson’s was even more so. He denied that half-breed
grievances existed, making the following remarkable statement in
the Senate in May 1885 :

“The half-breeds had no grievance whatever in relation to

260 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

their lands or any other matter. No half-breed was ever dis-
turbed or threatened with disturbance in the occupation of his
lands, not in one solitary case. No half-breed delegation came
to Ottawa to complain of ill-treatment, or disturbance in relation
to their lands. No complaint on behalf of half-breeds was ever
made on the floor of parliament. No grievance existed. . . .’’&4

The answer to the question is, necessarily, a matter of conjec-
ture. It may rest in the fact that Macdonald was essentially a
party leader rather than a departmental administrator. In
no sphere of his administration is this more clearly shown than
in his conduct of the Ministry of the Interior. Mackenzie, the
previous head of the Government, had neglected his work as
party leader and Prime Minister in the meticulous management
of his department. Sir John was too astute a politician to run
into this error, but, in steering clear of Scylla, he was caught in the
clutch of Charybdis. He consistently neglected the adminis-
tration of his department, the Ministry of the Interior, in the
interests of the Prime Ministership.

Macdonald committed a blunder in taking the portfolio of
Minister of the Interior in 1878. It would appear that he under-
estimated the importance of the office. Sir John was not a
young man at the time. He had never visited the North-West,
and was too busy with the larger task of governing the country
to pay much attention to the demands of a few thousand half-
breeds in the western wilderness. When, finally, he relinquished
this office, Macdonald made an even more serious blunder in the
selection of his successor. Sir David Macpherson, who assumed
the office of Minister of the Interior in October 1883, was lacking
in administrative experience, well advanced in years, and quite
ignorant of the North-West and its needs. That he was not
inclined to give himself much trouble over the affairs of a few,
poor, ignorant half-breeds whom he had never seen, is shown by
his denial that the Government had ever been informed of the
existence of any grievances among these people. The Depart-
ment of the Interior should have been occupied by a younger man,
either thoroughly familiar with the North-West Territories, or
prepared to devote his whole time and energy to the task of
becoming acquainted with it. Had Macdonald taken into his
Cabinet the Honourable John Norquay, the half-breed premier
of Manitoba, it is quite probable that the unfortunate disturbances

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 261

arising out of the indifferent administration of North-West
affairs might have been avoided. As it was, this very important
department, at this critical stage in North-West history, had
neither an interested or capable head, nor a consistent North-
West policy. The case against the Government is conclusive.
In spite of Macdonald’s defence in the House of Commons and
Macpherson’s in the Senate, one cannot escape the impression
that the Federal Government were, in the words of Blake, guilty
of “ grave instances of neglect, delay and mismanagement in
matters affecting the peace, welfare and good government of
the country.”**

SECTION II

The métis of St. Laurent were incapable of turning their
agitation to political account unassisted. A poor, ignorant
people, they had neither the education nor the political experience
to do so. Nor did they have suitable leaders. Every agitation
must have a dynamic personality as leader, and this essential
the métis lacked. Gabriel Dumont, the acknowledged head of
the settlement, in spite of his fame as a buffalo hunter and his
natural military ability, had neither the executive qualities nor
the rhetorical power to lead a political movement. Charles
Nolin, a former Minister of the Crown in Manitoba, who was by
experience and education the best fitted to lead the agitation,
did not have the influence over the métis which his position
warranted. Only one man could carry the métis with him, and
that man was Louis Riel. In 1869-70 it had been Riel’s person-
ality and Riel’s organizing ability which brought the métis
movement to a successful conclusion ; but in 1884 Riel was in
exile, and the métis were hesitant and uncertain how to proceed.

Odd as it may appear, the first effort to organize the half-
breed and métis discontent into a political agitation was made
by the white settlers. Throughout Manitoba and the North-West
Territories discontent was widespread, particularly among the
agricultural population. In the Western United States militant
agrarianism was organized under the Patrons of Husbandry or
the Grange, and a similar movement spread quickly into Manitoba.

In Western Canada the conditions were ripe for an agrarian

T

262 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

movement. The influx of immigrants and capital, which accom-
panied the rapid construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway,
led to one of the periodic land booms which have been a common
feature of the opening of new territories to settlement. During
1881 and 1882 a “fever of speculation ... came upon the
country.”** Homesteaders hastened to obtain their titles in
order to sell, and mortgaged their lands in order to make further
purchases or second entries. During 1882 the number of
entries were nearly treble those of 1881.° At the same time the
Government and the numerous colonization companies issued
attractive pamphlets, more or less exact, concerning the country
and its unparalleled agricultural advantages. As a result
thousands emigrated into Manitoba, hoping there to find the
promised land of plenty. But instead of plenty they found only
hardship and want. The country was not ready to receive them.
Loneliness, isolation and disappointment, so much the more felt
because they were the less expected, were the unhappy results of
this too hasty emigration. The effects of the “ ruinous specu-
lative mania ” in 1883 were serious. “ In almost every locality,”
reported the Land Commissioner in 1885, “‘ one meets numerous
homesteads, once under a fair state of cultivation, but now
deserted ; the land that was once tilled being weed-grown and
less easily cultivated than the virgin prairie; the buildings fast
decaying.’”®*

The great frost of September 7th, 1883, served as a pretext
for a large milling company of Montreal to cause a panic in the
grain market, and to purchase the Manitoba crop at nominal
prices. The price of wheat fell to fifty and forty cents a bushel
and oats to fifteen cents.°* The high cost of railway transporta-
tion together with the fall in the price of grain, placed the farmers
in a difficult position. Moreover, this unfortunate state of
affairs coincided with one of those periods of general depres-
sion, characteristic of the nineteenth century, as a result of which
producers of staple commodities were then, as they are now,
more affected by economic conditions than the producers of
secondary manufactured products. More particularly in
Manitoba, where wheat was the principal crop, were the effects
of the frost, the depression, and the collapse of the land boom of
1882, most severe. The farmers, burdened with debts, were in
many instances unable to meet their obligations. The result

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 263

was a feeling of discontent and animosity towards the Federal
Government. In this we have the first manifestation of that
struggle between the West and the East which has marred the
growth of Canadian unity and which has even led to ill-considered
threats of secession, namely, the struggle between an agricultural
area forced to sell its produce in a world market and an industrial
area disposing of its goods in a protected market. As in 1921
and 1930, this economic distress on the Canadian prairies led to
an agitation, and political action was heralded as the instrument
by which wrongs, real and imagined, might be righted.

On December 19th and 2oth, 1883, a farmers’ convention
was held at Winnipeg. Sixty-six delegates from all parts of the
province were present, and also five members of the Manitoba
Rights League. In addition there were some fifty to sixty un-
accredited delegates. A series of resolutions were passed and a
constitution drawn up for the organization of the Manitoba and
North-West Farmers’ Union.” The members of the convention
complained that they had been induced by the representations of
the Dominion Government to emigrate to the North-West where
they had endured only hardship and expense, and that the price of
grain did not cover the cost of subsistence. They discussed the
causes of “ the present depression in agricultural and commercial
industries,” and drew up a “‘ Declaration of Rights ” as to what
they believed the causes to be; “ oppressive duty upon agricul-
tural implements,” “‘ the monopoly of the carrying trade enjoyed
by the Canadian Pacific Railway,” and the “ vexatious methods
employed in the administration of the public lands of Manitoba.”
They declared that they were denied “the rights of free British
subjects ” and demanded the right for the local government to
charter railways, provincial control of public lands, the removal
of the customs duties on agricultural implements and building
materials, and the modification of other duties on goods of
ordinary consumption, representation in the Dominion Cabinet
and the construction of a railway to Hudson Bay to provide an
outlet to the European market.’’ Three delegates were
appointed to wait upon the Dominion Government and present
their ‘‘ Declaration of Rights.” The petition was considered
by the Government, but the answer was “not of that satis-
factory nature which the importance of our mission demands,”
and the delegates returned to Manitoba with threats that “ unless

264 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

remedial measures of relief are at once provided serious results
will be inevitable.”

In the North-West Territories similar conditions prevailed.
Even as early as 1882 a local resident of Prince Albert complained
that “‘ there is no quantity of money in the settlement . . . and
therefore trade is carried on under disadvantageous conditions.
Farmers live entirely on credit, and consequently have to pay
much higher prices for goods than would be the case if they had
cash.”"* The unfortunate crop conditions which had led to the
disappointment and discontent in Manitoba had the same dis-
tressing results in the North-West Territories. In addition to
this were the number of disappointed speculators who had
purchased land at inflated prices for speculative purposes in
anticipation of the railway, and who, when the Canadian Pacific
changed their proposed route from the Saskatchewan valley to
the southern part of the Territories, were left with areas of
unsaleable property.”* White discontent in the North-West was
also increased by the unpopular land regulations of the Govern-
ment, and by the lack of representation of the Territories in the
Federal Parliament.’® Here was a fertile field for a political agita-
tion, and, following the example of Manitoba, settlers’ and farmers’
organizations were formed throughoutthe North-West Territories.

The centre of the political agitation in the Territories was
the District of Lorne in Saskatchewan. Here was the largest
population in the Territories. The people of this district, too,
had suffered more from the economic conditions than those of
other districts. Business at Prince Albert was stagnant. The
collapse of the land boom and the change in the railway line
ruined the land speculators, while the failure of the crops had
impoverished the farmers. The merchants accordingly suffered
with them. Here, too, were the discontented English half-breed
and French métis settlements.

Advantage was quickly taken of these circumstances by those
anxious to turn the prevailing discontent against the Government.
Meetings were convened throughout the autumn and winter of
1883-84 among the white and English half-breed parishes in the
neighbourhood of Prince Albert. On October 17th a mass
meeting was held at Prince Albert, at which strong resolutions
were passed. In January 1884 a meeting was held by the settlers
of St. Catherine’s to discuss grievances. A committee composed

\ S pont Leolarmed Madam,
AWEAD.\ ly a Grit Bear movement

{ i
dfs On
SHE

—

SSL se ieee a da oe ar
MereLty A Hum-BuG-BEAr !
Grip, Nov. 24th, 1883)

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 265

of James Isbister, a prominent English half-breed, W. Kennedy
and T. Swain, was appointed to draw up a petition and to co-
operate with committees in other parts of the country. The
petition outlined the usual white and half-breed grievances,
including the demand for scrip. In the same month a meeting
was held at the Lindsay School House, Red Deer Hill, which
endorsed the resolutions passed at the St. Catherine’s meeting.
On January 29th, 1884, a meeting of settlers was held at Halcro,
on the South Branch, at which the resolutions of the two previous
meetings were read and adopted. A committee under Andrew
Spence was appointed to draft a memorial to the Government,
and hopes were expressed that the agitation would increase.
At this meeting an important step was taken. A Mr. Jackson
was appointed to obtain the co-operation of the French métis
in carrying out the resolutions which had been passed at the
vatious meetings of the whites and English half-breeds.”®

The platform of the new movement was formally adopted at a
meeting at the Colleston School House on February 25th.”
The resolutions adopted at this meeting subsequently formed
the basis of the “ Bill of Rights” which was forwarded to Ottawa
in December by Louis Riel and the Settlers’ Union. It was well
calculated to win both white and half-breed support. Tariff
reduction, representation of the Territories in the Federal
Government, and a Hudson Bay Railway were the white
demands. To these were added protests against the land regula-
tions, the obnoxious timber dues, and the non-issue of scrip,
grievances largely half-breed in character.

At Ottawa the growing unrest in Manitoba and the Territories
was regarded with complacency. In March 1884 the North-
West grievances were brought before Parliament by M. C.
Cameron, but the ensuing discussion was short and excited little
interest in the House. Only Cameron and Cartwright spoke for
the Opposition, attacking the Government’s railway and tariff
policies. The essential grievances were, however, ignored.
Tupper replied for the Government, and Cameron’s motion that :

“* This House do resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole,
to consider the condition, complaints and demands of Manitoba
and the North-West Territories, with a view to devise means for
remedying any well-founded grievances and complying with any
reasonable demands,’’?8

266 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

was negatived by a vote of 116 to 57. Accordingly, no further
debate took place and whites and half-breeds were left to carry
on their agitation undisturbed.

The Prince Albert newspaper backed the movement with its
influence. On March 21st a bombastic editorial on “Our
Grievances ” read as follows :

“ We presume that the descendants of men who wrested from
the hands of grasping monarchs the safe-guards of their rights
and liberties contained in the Magna Charta, Bill of Rights,
Grand Remonstrance, Habeas Corpus, Act of Settlement, must
be fully alive to what their constitutional rights consist of ; and
when they remember that the stroke of the axe which deprived
King Charles I of his head, ended the theory of the Divine Right
of Kings in our fathers’ land, and the attempt to tax without a
Parliament, it is not likely that we will long submit to taxation
without representation.””®
On May roth the Prince Albert Times printed an article which was
translated into French, and distributed among the métis of the
district. The following is an extract :

“The people of Manitoba and the North-West Territories
have for a long time past been struggling by every legitimate
means in their power to impress upon the Eastern Provinces the
fact that they have been treated with deliberate and gross in-
justice, and that however anxious they may be to avoid extreme
measures, they will not shrink, should the worst come to the
worst, from taking any steps absolutely necessary for the vindica-
tion of their rights. The more patiently they have suffered the
more determined have they become, and it is with feelings of
joy they now see the immediate commencement of the battle
thrust upon them in the full assurance that God will defend the
right. The Dominion Government, possibly compelled by the
people of the East to act against its better judgement, occupies
the contemptible position of a greedy, grasping, overbearing
bully, who has, however, totally misjudged the fighting power of
the subject it has chosen to oppress.”

The article concluded with the ominous words :

“Where they get the information which induces them to
believe the people likely to submit much longer, we do not know ;
but we can answer them that they need not look for their friends
among the Canadians, half-breeds or Indians, as they are likely
soon to be made aware of in a manner at once startling and
unpleasant.”’®°

DISCONTENT IN NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES 267

During the spring of 1884 the agitation was in full flame
throughout the District of Lorne, the bellows being assiduously
applied from Prince Albert. Meetings were held and grievances
discussed, the principal agitators being whites. Early in May
a large meeting was held at the Pocha School House. A working
committee was formed and a list of complaints—non-representa-
tion, non-recognition of the half-breed claims, and alleged
discrimination against residents of the North-West Territories
in the filling of public offices—was drawn up. ‘‘ They seem,”
wrote the Times, ‘‘ to be fully alive to the fact that the farmers’
interests are all alike and that union is strength.”**

The most important development, however, was the co-
operation between the English and the French-speaking elements.
An article in the local newspaper of May 23rd said :

“We have every reason to believe that the half-breeds have

only been restrained hitherto from very active measures to
enforce redress of . . . grievances peculiarly their own, by a doubt
as to whether they carried with them the sympathy of the rest of
the population. But as they are now fully confident of this, they
do not intend to tamely submit much longer. The Government
must remember that to the numerical strength of this party must
be added the power at any moment to stir into a flame the
slumbering embers of discontent smouldering in the breasts of
our Indians,”
For the purpose of adopting a common policy a meeting was held
in the Lindsay School House on May 6th.8* Whites, English
half-breeds, and French métis were present. The resolutions
passed were similar to those agitated during the winter. The
most important point of discussion was, however, the advisability
of consulting Louis Riel! Objection was raised to this by some
of the English half-breeds, but some, at least, of the whites
present appear to have sided with the French. The Chairman,
Andrew Spence, criticized the English half-breed attitude and the
matter was finally referred to a committee. The result was the
adoption of the following resolution :

“We, the French and English natives of the North-West,
knowing that Louis Riel has made a bargain with the Govern-
ment of Canada, in 1870, which said bargain is contained mostly
in what is known as the ‘ Manitoba Act,’ and this meeting not
knowing the contents of said ‘ Manitoba Act,’ we have thought
it advisable that a delegation be sent to said Louis Riel, and have

268 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

his assistance to bring all the matters referred to in the above
resolutions in a proper shape and form before the Government
of Canada, so that our just demands be granted.’’#4

The invitation determined upon, a delegation of four was
chosen and a collection taken to defray the expenses of the journey
to Riel. It was indicative of the support that the whites were
giving to the movement that one of the “Canadians from
Ontario ” took “ the lead in opening his purse when subscriptions
were called for.”* The delegation was composed of James
Isbister, an English half-breed, Michael Dumas, Gabriel Dumont
and Moise Ouellette, French métis. Several days after this
meeting they set off upon their historic ride to Montana, seven
hundred miles distant, to seek out the quondam President of the
Provisional Government of Red River, and to invite him to
champion, once more, the alleged rights of the people of the
North-West.

CHAPTER XIII
THE GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG THE INDIANS

Wir increasing discontent manifest among the half-breeds it
behoved the Canadian Government to use the utmost caution in
dealing with the Indians of the North-West over whom the
mixed bloods were known to exercise great influence. The
Indians had only just entered upon the reservation phase of their
transition and were still in a state of flux. Sympathetic under-
standing and generous assistance were more than ever necessary
to help the Indians bridge the gap between the old and the new
order. But instead came a cruel policy of financial retrenchment
which almost wrecked the whole Indian experiment at a moment
when delicate handling was required, and which aggravated the
native distrust when their confidence was needed most. There
can be no doubt that the policy of economy adopted in 1883 and
1884 was the major cause which led to the active participation of
the Indian tribes in the Second Riel Rebellion.

Following the accession to power of Sir John A. Macdonald
and the introduction of the ‘‘ National Policy ” in 1878, economic
conditions in Canada showed a great improvement over the dark
days of the seventies. Prices rose strongly, the index number
mounting from 79.8 in 1878 to 93.1 in 1882.1. The last quarter
of 1882, however, saw a turn in the economic tide. 1883 was a
period of recession. Business activity slackened. Prices, both
of stocks and commodities, declined and confidence was shaken.
This decline continued until 1886. During this period the general
price level declined from 93.1 in 1882 to 75.3 in 1886. At the
same time the value of exports fell from $101,766,110 in 1882 to
$85,194,783 in 1886,? owing to the depressed economic conditions
in Great Britain and the United States, Canada’s two principal
customers. ‘These unfavourable conditions were reflected in the
finances of the country. The large surpluses of the early
"eighties were followed by a sharp decline and heavy deficits in
1884, 1885 and 1886. To meet this situation a reduction in

269

270 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

controllable expenditure was necessary and the Indian Depart-
ment estimates were among those which were reduced.

To reasons of national economy were added reasons of local
policy. When Vankoughnet, the Deputy Minister of Indian
Affairs, returned from his tour of the North-West in 1883, he
was convinced of the advisability of cutting down upon Indian
expenditure. Writing to the Prime Minister, the titular head of
the Indian Department, in December 1883, Vankoughnet
declared :

“IT sent you down the estimates to-day. You will observe
that in the N.W.T. we propose making a reduction of $140,000,
which I think may safely be done. There has been too much
reliance placed in the past upon agents’ reports on requisitions as
to the necessary expenditure. Careful consideration after person-
ally visiting localities has convinced me that there has been much
needless expenditure which works detrimentally in more ways
than the intrinsic money value involved, although that is serious
enough.’’8
Accordingly Vankoughnet ordered wholesale dismissals of clerks,
assistants and other employees of the Department in the North-
West, and a stricter supervision over the issue of rations to the
Indians.‘

The same parsimony was carried out in the Indian Industrial
School at Battleford. The rations were cut down from a pound
and a half of beef to a quarter of a pound per pupil per day.
The result was an outbreak of petty kitchen thieving. On the
reserves the rations were cut to the minimum. The Government’s
policy could be summed up in six words: feed one day, starve
the next.

To ensure a more rigid control over the expenditure, a policy
of greater centralization was enforced by the Indian Department.
Vankoughnet was firmly convinced that, prior to his visit to the
North-West, “ the contractors and agents had, in some instances,
suspicious relations with one another ”* and was determined to
put an end to any danger of peculation arising out of the free
exercise of local authority. Accordingly, the discretionary
powers of the Indian Agents, Farm Instructors, and even of the
Indian Commissioner were greatly diminished. Provisions were
to be issued only in return for work, and all vouchers were to be
approved by the Indian Commissioner before payment. The

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 271

result was, in some cases, greater inefficiency rather than greater
effectiveness. On one occasion an Agent complained that the
cost of stationery purchased for use in his office was charged to his
private account, in spite of the fact that he had requisitioned it
and had to make up his monthly account; while on another
occasion the Government storehouse at Fort Pitt went two months
without a padlock because the sub-agent had to write to Agent
Rae for authority to make the purchase, and Rae had to refer the
matter to Regina for approval. It was impossible for the Com-
missioner to supervise everything, and merchants repeatedly
complained of the “ vexatious delay,” “ the endless procrastina-
tion ” and the “‘ dangerous and unsatisfactory way in which the
Government do business.”””

For the Indians the application of this policy only increased the
distress and hardship which the tribes were experiencing. The
condition of the Stonies, in particular, was deplorable. Even
in 1883 Rac had described them as “ mere skeletons.” ‘I
thought,” he wrote, “my Carlton Indians were badly off, but
they are as kings in comparison with these Indians.”*® There is
little wonder that the Stonies proved to be the most implacable
enemies of the whites during the rebellion of 1885. At Qu’
Appelle the conditions were equally bad. There was a high
death rate among the miserable natives, “ accelerated,” wrote the
medical inspector, “if not immediately caused by the scant
supply of food served out.”® From the Touchwood Hills the
Interpreter reported a similar state of starvation: “I beg to
inform you that the Indians around here are starving very badly
. .. I fear that many of these people will not see spring.”?° It
had been to escape these very conditions of hunger, disease,
destitution and want, that the Indians had submitted to being
placed upon reserves, but an unthinking Department with its
economy, and an inconsiderate climate with its drought and
frost! only added to the Indian misery.

The Dominion Government were fully warned as to the
inadvisability of their policy. Opinion in the Territories was
unanimous in its condemnation. The Indian Agents on the spot
remonstrated. The Indians were far from self-supporting and
constant oversight was necessary. Herchmer at Birtle, A.
McDonald at Indian Head, and Anderson at Edmonton urged
upon the Department the inexpediency of the proposed course.

272 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Rae at Fort Carlton even went as far as to write a private letter
to the Prime Minister, stating :

“If Agents cannot be trusted to carry on their Districts, new
ones should be appointed ; but it is nonsense to think that Mr.
Vankoughnet or anyone else can run Indian affairs in this country
without having previously had a thorough knowledge of
Indians.”’!?

C. E. Denny, the Agent for the Blackfeet, tendered his resignation:

“T beg to inform you I cannot undertake to do this work, and
I therefore think it best to notify you of the same, as I have
always, and shall always, do my work thoroughly, and I do not
see my way clear to doing so in this instance. The work of a
clerk in my office takes all his time from one week’s end to the
other and I cannot do this and look after my Treaty. My work
has been difficult since I came here but I am glad to say that I
have everything in the Treaty now in perfect order and do not
wish, while I am here, to see it upset. I therefore beg that I be
allowed to resign my position as Agent of this Treaty as soon as
convenient to the Department.’’!3
It was illustrative of the extent to which the Department were
prepared to carry out their economy policy that Denny’s resigna-
tion was accepted, in spite of the fact that he had been one of the
Department’s most successful agents.

The Indian Commissioner, Dewdney, also bitterly complained
of Vankoughnet’s action, stating in a letter to Sir John A.
Macdonald that Vankoughnet had come to the North-West
“ with his mind made up to make several changes which I deemed
most unwise and impracticable, if we wished our work to be done
satisfactorily.”14 Dewdney also charged the Deputy Super-
intendent-General with acting over his head. Writing to
Macdonald he stated that he had, on more than one occasion,
issued instructions to Agents which could, at their discretion
and in exceptional circumstances, be broken; only to learn that
Vankoughnet had issued instructions which not only conflicted
with these, but were of such a positive nature that the Agents’
powers were curtailed more and more.5 “ Allow,” he wrote, “a
much larger share of responsibility to be exercised by the acknow-
ledged head in the country, but demand, if need be, full explana-
tions at all times for any deviation from the acknowledged rules
and you will find that matters will run smoothly ; just in the same
manner as I would not bind too tightly the hands of the Agents,

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 273

or they the hands of the Instructors . . . but when mistakes are
made pitch into the Officials, this has been found to work well.’””*

The officers of the Mounted Police argued likewise, advising
their headquarters that the local authorities should “ be given
discretionary power to some extent, at least, to feed and thereby
humour the unsettled Indians.”!” Superintendent Crozier, in
particular, was keenly sensitive of the defects of the Government’s
economy policy and saw in it the seeds of rebellion :

* Considering all that is at stake, it is poor, yes, false economy
to cut down the expenditure so closely in connection with the
feeding of the Indians, that it would seem as if there was a wish
to see upon how little a man can work and exist, and to refuse
those little presents of tea and tobacco so welcome to an Indian.
The Indian Department should congratulate itsclf upon the
splendid progress the Indians have made towards living a civilized
people, and having done so well they should be humoured a
little. ... Do not in any case be too economical at once, for such
a policy will be far the most expensive in the end. My firm
conviction is, if some such policy as I have outlined is not carried
out, there is only one other and that is to fight them.’”!8

The diminutive weekly press attacked the Government’s
policy with all the vigour of a metropolitan daily :

“ Does it not seem the most sensible view . . . to suppose that
the Agents who are in daily contact with the Indians should be
better acquainted with their requirements and when to feed them
and when to stop their rations. Their suggestions should be
promptly acted upon and not laughed at, criticized or treated
with contempt. . . . Give the Agents fair scope to execute the
general policy of the Department, but do not hamper them at
every step in the performance of their duty,’”!®

In spite of the manifest unpopularity in all quarters of the
North-West of the economy cuts, they were persisted in. The
Indian expenditure which had reached $1,106,961 in 1882, was
reduced in 1883 to $1,099,796, and in 1884 to $1,025,675." The
reduction in 1884 was greater than would appear from these
figures ; for, while the net cut was $74,121, the gross reduction
in the amount spent upon Indian provisions, annuities, education
and farm instruction was $111,649, the difference being made up
by an increase of $37,528 in the expenses of administration and
the Commissioner’s house and office. For 1885 the estimate
after much “ boiling down ” remained “ about the same as was

274 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

voted for the current year.”’#!_ That such a course should have
been persisted in in the face of the warnings which the Depart-
ment had received was indeed ill-advised: Sir John A. Mac-
donald and the Indian Department either considered the reports
of their western officers as unduly alarmist, or they were con-
vinced that such a course was necessary to force the Indians
to settle down upon their reserves and devote some of their
energies to practical agriculture. But, whatever the reason may
have been, this insistence upon strict economy was attended with
disastrous results. Economy may have been financially sound,
but it was politically inexpedient. The Indians were passing
through the crisis of their transition to the new order. Once
this difficult period was passed, they would be able to stand upon
their own feet and Government assistance might be dispensed
with, but, for the time being, such a niggardly policy was short-
sighted.

This becomes the more apparent when it is remembered
that discontent was inherent in the situation in which the Indian
found himself. The experience of the Western United States
was not without a lesson for Canada. There the military had
had no trouble with the Indians until the white settlers appeared
upon the scene. As long as the Indians were regarded by the
whites as partners in the chase and sale of furs, there were no racial
conflicts. The Sioux, when dealing with Kittson, Rice, Choteau
and the Missouri Fur Company, boasted that they had never shed
the white man’s blood. It was a different matter when immi-
grant trains crowded the Californian trails, and the buffalo
fled before the surveyor and the settler. Similarly in Western
Canada, trouble began with the coming of the white immigrants.
“The settlers,” wrote Colonel Irvine, urging an increase in
the Mounted Police force in 1880, “unaccustomed to the Indian
manner and habits, do not make due allowances and exhibit
that tact and patience necessary to deal successfully with Indians.”*?

The newcomers looked upon the aborigines with contempt.
In November 1877 a surveyor on the South Branch wrote to
Ottawa that “there is constant enmity between the Indians and
white settlers.”23 Illustrative of the difficulties and tension
arising out of the contact of the Indians with contemptuous
white settlers was an incident described by the Commissioner of
the Mounted Police in 1880. In September of that year a settler

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 2735

living near Fort Walsh struck an Indian in the face because he
found him leaning against his garden fence. This so enraged the
Indians of the tribe to which the assaulted man belonged, that,
notwithstanding the fact that the settler had been fined, they
proceeded in a body to his garden which they began to uproot ;
“and, but for the timely arrival of the Police . . . much more
serious consequences would have followed. Had this happened,
it is hard to tell where it would have ended.”*4 Acts of scorn
and contempt such as this were unspeakably humiliating to the
haughty spirit of the Indians. Colonel Irvine was seriously
apprehensive of the effect of a rapid influx of immigrants, ignorant
and disdainful of the natives, and feared that such incidents as
this might lead, in the long run, to outbreaks and native wars.

To add to the Indian resentment against the whites, a realiza-
tion of their fundamental error as to the real meaning of the
treaties began to penetrate the Indian mind. In few cases had
they understood the full import of the treaties to which they
had so readily affixed their totems. To them, as to many savage
tribes, the western notion of private property in land was
entirely foreign. Among the Indians the idea prevailed that the
white men had come to “ borrow ” their land, not to buy it.
Remarkable evidence of this fact is afforded by the following
Indian statement made at an Indian council in 1884 :

* The Indian was blind in regard to making the treaty. He
understood not the treaty when he heard of it. He did not see
what use he had for it. He was then rich, he had plenty to eat.
His food and clothing were in his hand. He could do what he
liked with it. The country was free to him wherever he wanted
to go. That was why the Indian thought himself rich. While
he was enjoying these things, a human, a Government came to
him without invitation. The Government makes the Indian
understand that he could make the Indian live better than he
was doing. If that was all we would not have been persuaded.
We looked further.

“ He first called the Great Spirit to witness the treaty. He
then invoked the name of the Queen. He thirdly mentioned
himself the Governor. After mentioning all these names, we
made a treaty, not for the sake of this Government, but on
account of God and the Queen. The Governor Morris comes
and tells the Indian we are not coming to buy your land. It is
abig thing. It is impossible for a man to buy the whole country,

U

276 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

we come here to borrow the country, to keep it for you. I
want my children to come here and live at peace with you, to
live like two brothers.

“The Indians therefore understand that the country is only
borrowed not bought.”

When the meaning of the treaty became clear to the Indians
they denied ever having sold their land. An emphatic assertion
of this denial is contained in a letter written in broken English by
a Cree Indian to Louis Riel in March 1885. The letter contained
the names of twenty Cree, Stoney and Saulteaux chiefs from the
Qu’Appelle, Crooked Lakes, Touchwood Hills and File Hills
districts, who declared that they had made “no bargin by the
white skin folks for their native country. . . . Even we did not
heard them our dicease parents to make bargin with them by such
a thing, neither our Grand Fathers. .. . And again the same way
to Hudson’s Bay Company use and Fathers and Grand Fathers
they did not make any kind bargin for our native country. We
can make oath that we did never such a thing. Government of
Canada I wonder they do not ashamed to going on this matters
of this our native country.”"* This misunderstanding between
the native and white conception of land tenure was one of the
underlying causes of the Indian discontent which broke out in
1885 into open rebellion.

Further disillusion followed the efforts to civilize the Indians
by weaning them from the chase to the cultivation of the soil.
Only the threat of starvation and the attractive promises of the
Government induced the nomadic Indians of the plains to
abandon their old life and settle upon reserves. In their inno-
cence the Indians were led to believe that self-sufficiency and
food in plenty from the soil were only a matter of a few years ;
that agriculture held more for them than the chase.”” But their
inherent restless disposition unfitted them as tillers of the soil.
They were, for the time being, unable to stifle their longing for
the “ good old days.” Only the hope of escape from starvation
kept their inexpert hands at work. The results were disappoint-
ing. The Indian crops were poor, and the Government rations
insufficient. The optimistic forecasts of success which marked
the early reports of the Indian Agents remained unfulfilled,
and the Government finally admitted that some of the means
taken for the advancement of the Indians “have not been

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 277

attended with as much success as one would desire.”** On the
other hand, the Indians regarded the failure of the Government
to advance them “to an equal footing with my children,” as
obvious evidence of the non-fulfilment of the terms of the
treaties by the whites, an opinion which was confirmed by the
application of economy to Indian rations in 1883 and 1884.
Bishop Grandin, who had spent many years among the Indians,
feared that this disappointment would lead to trouble.

“ Bien que le gouvernement ait fait de grandes dépenses pour
faire ces sauvages autant de colons, je doute beaucoup du succés ;
je sais méme pertinement que dans la plupart des réserves, les
résultats ne répondent point a ces sacrifices. Les sauvages, ceux
des prairies surtout, ne peuvent se résoudre au travail; ils ne
savent s’y résoudre que pressés par la faim, et la raison en est
qu’ils ne voient pas en cela comme dans la chasse, le résultat
immeédiat de leurs efforts ; cela les décourage. Ainsi, travaillant
peu et mal, ils consomment en quelques mois, et souvent en
quelques semaines, les patates qui sont leur principale récolte, et
alors, souffrant de la faim, ils ont recours aux agents du gouverne-
ment, aux missionaires, 4 tout le monde. Comme ils regoivent
rarement assez pour satisfaire leur appétit, ils se plaignent,
accusent les blancs et le gouvernement d’étre la cause de leurs
maux ... et qui sait si le besoin ne pourrait pas les pousser 4 des
exces regrettables.’’2°

Symptomatic of the growing unfriendliness of the Indians
towards the whites and the Canadian Government was the
increasing boldness of their front towards the Mounted Police.
The days when a Mounted Policeman might apprehend an Indian
single handed were rapidly disappearing. Defiance became more
pronounced and rebuffs more numerous. The Indian Commis-
sioner viewed this with alarm. “‘ The mind in reference to the
Police,” he wrote, “is changing so rapidly that no arrest should
be made unless it could be enforced by an efficient force.”

As early as 1882 the Mounted Police met with a serious reverse.
In January of that year Inspector Dickens*! at Blackfoot Crossing,
accompanied by a sergeant and two constables, attempted to
arrest Bull Elk, a minor Blackfoot chief, for firing upon a white
man. They succeeded in making the arrest, but the Indians
gathered in large numbers urging resistance. ‘‘ Come, what are
you afraid of, they are only four policemen,” cried the insolent
young braves.32 Squaws with axes and knives and men with

278 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

carbines appeared. The police were jostled, tripped up, and
their rifles snatched from them, while the Indians shouted and
fired their guns. Attracted by the confused din, police re-
inforcements, numbering nine men, arrived upon the scene, and
with great difficulty succeeded in lodging the struggling prisoner
in the neighbouring fort. The Indians, however, were deter-
mined that Bull Elk should be released. Seven hundred well-
armed, truculent braves surrounded the police quarters and cut
off the occupants from food and water. Dickens was helpless.
His party were greatly outnumbered and without adequate
defence. To have defied the Indians would have been sheer
bravado and suicide. Dickens finally sent for Crowfoot, the
head chief. Crowfoot arrived, declared Bull Elk innocent, and
stated meaningly that “‘ some of the white men had treated the
Indians like dogs.” In the end Crowfoot agreed to guarantee
the prisoner’s appearance when wanted for trial, and announced
to his excited tribesmen that Bull Elk was free: ‘‘ Such discharge
of firearms and such yelling was never heard.”*4 A week later
Crozier and a strong body of police secured the prisoner again and
carried him off to Fort Macleod for trial. A show of arms and
determination for the moment overawed the Indians, but the
moral effect of the previous failure had left its impression upon
the Indian mind.

An outbreak at Crooked Lakes in February 1884 was another
ominous event. It was the direct outcome of the Government’s
policy of economy. Up to December 1883 the Crooked Lakes
Indians had received adequate supplies from the Government to
meet their needs. Five hundred and sixty-seven out of nine
hundred and twenty Indians upon the reserve were in receipt of
Government rations. Consequent upon the adoption of the
new policy the Department expressed the opinion that “‘ provisions
had been for a length of time issued much too freely,”** and orders
were accordingly sent to the Farm Instructor to cut down upon
the issue of rations, and to feed only the aged and infirm. The
Hudson’s Bay Company trader on the reserve protested against
this ill-conceived order. ‘“‘ For God’s sake,” he declared to
Farm Instructor Keith, “do not reduce their rations any lower, or
there certainly will be trouble.”*’? These fears were amply
justified. ‘The Indians were in reduced circumstances. The
winter of 1883-84 had been severe. Rabbits were scarce, and

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 279

those Indians who had left the reserve to hunt, returned with little
or nothing. They were, moreover, in an unsettled frame of
mind owing to the dismissal of their previous Instructor.**
Throughout the month of January continual grumbling was
heard among the Indians and in February the matter came to a
head.

On February 18th, Yellow Calf and twenty-five armed Indians
came to Farm Instructor Keith and demanded an interview.
They talked “in a most vicious manner,” and threatened, unless
supplies of flour and bacon were given them, to break open the
storehouse and help themselves. The exercise of a little dis-
cretion might have obviated the difficulty, but Keith felt himself
bound by his instructions. The Indians contemptuously
refused his offer of ammunition and rushed upon the warehouse.
In the mélée Keith was knocked down, kicked and stabbed,
barely escaping with his life.°*

On hearing of the attack upon the Government storehouse
and the assault upon the Farm Instructor, Inspector Deane and
ten men were despatched to the reserve. Deane soon dis-
covered that the Indians were in an ugly temper and wired for
reinforcements which arrived quickly under Superintendent
Herchmer. On the reserve the Indians gathered inside their
dance house and awaited the arrival of the police. A stake was
driven about six paces from the door, and when Herchmer
appeared, he was warned that if he passed the stake the Indians
would open fire upon his men. Herchmer tried to bluff the
Indians in the approved Mounted Police fashion, but the Indians
were in earnest. As the police approached, an Indian sentry
presented his rifle full in Herchmer’s face, and every loop-hole
“literally bristled with muzzles.”*° Observing the determined
attitude of the Indians, Herchmer hesitated. “ Another step
forward,” he later declared, ‘‘ would have drawn their fire and
I do not believe one of us would have escaped.”4! A colloquy
ensued. The Indians were still very excited and “ one would
undoubtedly have fired into the police force had not Yellow Calf
held his gun.’’#?_ The parleys continued, but little progress was
made. The Assistant Indian Commissioner pointed out to the
Indians the gravity of their offence in resisting the Queen’s
authority, but the Indians argued they were justified in taking
what they considered was their own when they were starving.

280 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Yellow Calf informed Herchmer that “when they stole the
provisions their women and children were starving . . . and
that they were well-armed and might just as well die then as be
starved by the Government.’’#? Not until a week had elapsed
after the raid upon the storehouse was an agreement arrived at.
In the end four Indians voluntarily surrendered themselves.
The charge against the chief, Yellow Calf, was diplomatically
dropped, and the others, after pleading guilty, were discharged on
suspended sentence. This was a satisfactory ending to a difficult
situation, which, for the moment, threatened to develop into an
Indian war. Farm Instructor Keith had no illusions as to the
cause of the trouble. ‘‘ The instructions I received from Mr.
Assistant Indian Commissioner Reed,” he reported to Dewdney,
“ more especially the cutting down the rations to such a fine point,
so suddenly, then only to be given to a few, I fear accounts for
the raid. . . I fear ifsomething’s not done to punish the offenders
they will try the game again; they are very determined.’’44

That Vankoughnet was fully cognizant of the cause of this
outbreak is shown by a letter to Macdonald on March 12th, in
which he stated that the previous Instructor had been “ too
lavish” with his issue of supplies, and that the trouble was
probably due to “ the too sudden reduction in the supplies made
to the Indians.’’45

The outbreak proved to be a most dangerous precedent. The
Police, numbering about forty, had been successfully defied by a
similar number of Indians. The customary bluff had failed, and
the Police had lost in a large measure their most valuable asset,
their prestige. The news of the successful resistance spread
like a prairie fire through every Indian camp and wigwam in the
North-West, and there is no doubt that it contributed greatly
to the unrest and turbulent spirit displayed by Big Bear and the
North Saskatchewan Indians later in the summer.

Big Bear! The name already had a sinister ring in the ears
of white men throughout the Territories. Big Bear was a Cree,
a native of the Carlton district. In the early ’sixties he moved
from Fort Carlton to Fort Pitt, where, as a result of his natural
ability, determined resolution, self-reliance and native cunning,
he became the headman of a small band of twelve lodges. He was
never recognized as a chief until the occasion of Treaty 6, when
he assumed the leadership of those stubborn Indians who refused

Bic Brar

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 281

to sign away, for what seemed to them a few illusory promises, the
territorial rights of their forefathers. His objection to the
Treaty offered in 1876 was, oddly enough in view of the subse-
quent Indian rising of 1885, that the Commissioners would not
promise him immunity from hanging. Annual attempts to
persuade him to adhere to the Treaty were met with many excuses.
He did not think that the buffalo would disappear so quickly ; he
was afraid that the Treaty did not furnish enough for the Indians
to live on; he wished to see if the Government would abide by
the terms of the Treaty, and other reasons. Like Crowfoot he
recognized that the red man’s day of untrammelled freedom was
drawing to a close, but unlike Crowfoot, he was unwilling to
accept the consequences of the inevitable change. He sought
to postpone as long as possible the break with the past ; and then
to secure better terms for his people than the Government had
been willing to grant to other Indian tribes. From the moment
of his refusal to accept the Treaty, Big Bear and his small band
were joined by the most independent Indians of the plains. His
lodge became the rallying point for the “ die hards ” of every
band. While he may have lacked the diplomacy of Brant, the
bravery of Tecumseh, or the military genius of Sitting Bull or
Joseph, Big Bear was, nevertheless, one of the great Indians of
Canadian history.

Big Bear and the main body of recalcitrant Crees artived at
Battleford during the course of the summer of 1883, a date which
coincided with the introduction of the Government’s economy
cuts. The year being too far advanced for the Indians to begin
farming, Big Bear and his satellites, Little Pine and Lucky Man,
remained in the North Saskatchewan doing as little work as
possible, and subsisting upon the rations which the Government
doled out to them. Little Pine and Lucky Man accepted
their reserves upon the Battle river, but Big Bear remained
obdurate. He refused, for the time being, to select his reserve,
and spent his time in travelling from one place to another, in
complete defiance of the wishes of the Government. With such
a spirit of sullen independence and unrest prevalent among the
newcomers, it required all the tact and firmness of the Indian
Agents to maintain even the ground which they had gained with
the bands upon the reserves. The settled Indians were jealous
of the newcomers. They demanded why the recalcitrants should

282 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

be fed in idleness, while they, who had acceded to the Govern-
ment’s requests, should have to labour for their rations. The
bold actions of these newcomers also prompted the settled Indians
to make new and unwarranted demands upon the Government.
The result was to neutralize much of the good that had been
accomplished during the previous years. Crops were neglected,
the work of the Department was reduced to confusion, and
murmurs of discontent and unfulfilled promises were heard
around every Indian camp-fire and council. The local press was
very apprehensive of impending native troubles and urged the
Government to show a strong hand towards the malcontents :

“The importance of a speedy adjustment of existing diffi-
culties or differences cannot be over-estimated. Every unsettled
question is made an excuse for interfering with the bands already
settled, and trouble is always made by the new men prompting
the settled ones to resist the authority of those placed over them.
The unsettled bands always have a stock of grievances and a list
of what they call unfulfilled pledges to complain of. If promises
have been made, they must be kept; if none are left unfulfilled,
the grumblers must be taught that there are obligations on their
part as well as on that of the Government, and they must in all
things conform to the rules laid down for their guidance. The
bands already settled in this district have learned this lesson, and
it would be inflicting a grievous wrong to let it appear that
unreasonable or unjust demands would be conceded to the new
bands merely because they insisted upon them.””46

Vankoughnet was of the same opinion. During his visit
to the North-West in 1883 he met Big Bear at Fort Pitt and gave
him to understand that the Government had done more for him
than it had agreed todo. Big Bear was plainly informed that he
must go upon his reserve before November ist, otherwise all
rations would be withheld ; that he would get only what assist-
ance he was entitled to receive ; and that no amount of begging or
stubborn behaviour would extort a bribe to fulfil his share of the
treaty obligations.” Big Bear was not slow to take up the
challenge. He regarded Vankoughnet’s ultimatum as an insult
to his position and refused peremptorily to go upon his reserve
at the date set.

During the winter of 1883-84 the disaffected Indians from the
south, distributed as they were among the settled bands of the
north, kept up a continual agitation. Runners were despatched

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 283

throughout the Territories with the object of bringing about a
large gathering of Indians in the spring, to make demands upon
the Government, which they knew would not be acceded to
while they remained scattered upon their several reserves.*®
Previous attempts at concentration had been unsuccessful.
In 1881 dissatisfaction with the treaties led to several attempts to
bring about a united front, but nothing developed from them.”
The Indians at that time lacked the leaders with the prestige
necessary to secure a combined action, and the timely presence of
the Governor-General in the North-West allayed, for the
moment, the general discontent. With the arrival of Big Bear
these efforts were renewed. Big Bear was fully aware of the fate
which threatened the Indian race, but he did not, like many of
his people, entertain the absurd idea that the red men could
drive out the white men by force of arms. He, therefore,
adopted the only plan consistent with reason, a concentration of
all the Indian tribes of the North-West in one demand for better
treaty terms.

Closely associated with Big Bear in his efforts to secure better
terms was the Cree chief, Poundmaker. Although his band
numbered only about 165 followers, Poundmaker was, perhaps,
the most influential chief in the North Saskatchewan district.
He had been adopted as a son by Crowfoot, and with the prestige
accompanying that position, acquired a considerable reputation as
a mediator and negotiator. He was physically a magnificent
specimen of his race, “ tall and good looking, slightly built and
with an intelligent face, in which a large Roman nose was
prominent ; his bearing was so eminently dignified and his speech
so well adapted to the occasion as toimpress every hearer with
his earnestness and his views. Indeed, for the time being, I
believe, he impressed himself.”°° Poundmaker had taken a part
in the negotiations of Treaty 6, and signed his adhesion as a
headman of Red Pheasant’s band. When Red Pheasant settled
upon his reserve in the Eagle Hills, Poundmaker remained upon
the plains. He gathered about himself a band of truculent young
braves and joined the increasing number of discontents in the
Cypress Hills. Poundmaker, however, was one of the first
of those who clung to the old life to recognize the necessity of
accepting the new, and in 1879 he settled voluntarily upon a
reserve on the Battle river. He did not long remain quiet.

284 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The crops were poor, the assistance inadequate, and the outlook
dismal. In 1881 Poundmaker made an effort to secure a large
Indian gathering to press demands upon the Government for
further concessions. This proving a failure he again turned his
attention to the Cypress Hills. But conditions about Fort Walsh
were much worse than he had expected and he willingly returned
to his reserve the same year.5!

In 1883 Poundmaker again assumed the leadership of an
Indian agitation. He stopped work, left his reserve, and
endeavoured to persuade others to do likewise. He resented the
treatment meted out to him by the officials of the Indian Depart-
ment, and demanded, in deference to his position, that complete
control of matters upon the reserve should be turned over to
himself and his councillors. The Government refused. Pound-
maker was not sufficiently advanced to be entrusted with the
supervision of Indian agriculture, nor was it the Government’s
policy to strengthen the hands of the chiefs. The only reply he
received was that rations would be withheld from any of his band
who refused to work.®?

As the summer progressed Poundmaker’s unrest increased.
He repeatedly declared that he had fulfilled his share of the
compact entered into when he left the plains, but that the Govern-
ment had not fulfilled theirs.63 The arrival of Big Bear, Lucky
Man, and Little Pine added fuel to the growing unrest and the
Government’s drastic reduction in rations and supplies gave force
to his complaints. The Indians regarded the contraction of their
supplies as a deliberate deception upon the part of the whites,
and everywhere the charge was made that the Government had
not kept faith with the red man. The conditions were ripe for
united action. Indian runners were sent to all the chiefs of the
Territories. Piapot, who had been with Big Bear at Fort Walsh,
received a letter early in September asking :

“ Are you, Piapot, treated in the same way, not getting what
was promised you? I suppose we will all meet again. The
Indian is not to blame. The white man made the promises and
now does not fulfil them.”

Crowfoot in southern Alberta, and Peccan at Edmonton, also
received messengers from Big Bear. Everywhere plans were
laid for “ when the grass grows.”

The Indians concealed their designs with the dissimulation of

OUNDMAKER

P.

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 285

their race, but their actions, nevertheless, aroused the suspicions
of the Department. In December 1883 the Assistant Indian
Commissioner reported :

“ Big Bear and his followers were loth to settle on a reserve
and from what I could gather, and judging by the Indian nature,
I am confident these Indians have some project in view as yet
undisclosed, and it would not surprise me to find that they are
making efforts to procure a large gathering from East and West
at Battleford or adjacent thereto in the spring, in order to test
their powers with the authorities once more.”’55
To forestall any concerted action upon the part of the natives,
he urged that the numbers of the Mounted Police in the North
Saskatchewan district should be augmented, that the Agents
should remain constantly among their charges, and, if the slightest
pretext offered, that the ringleaders among the Indians should be
arrested. ‘“ The law,” declared Reed, “ might have to be strained
alittle to meet a particular case, but in the interests of the country
at large, as well as the Indians themselves, such a course, I think,
would be advisable.’®* In accordance with this advice, Van-
koughnet requested the Comptroller of the Mounted Police at
Ottawa to increase the force in the Battleford area, and to patrol
* such localities in the Territories as may be deemed proper by the
Indian Commissioner for the North-West Territories with a view
to prevent Indians from congregating in large numbers during
the coming spring, as there seems to be an indication on their
part to hold a meeting, with the object, it is thought, of concerting
plans with a view to discuss their relations with the Government
and of making larger demands.””*”

In June the Indians began to assemble. The annual “ Thirst
Dance” was the pretext for the gathering. A spot near the
northern boundary of Poundmaker’s reserve was named as the
meeting place, and by the middle of the month nearly two
thousand Indians had pitched their teepces in the neighbourhood.
Indians from every reserve in the district were present, Big Bear,
Poundmaker, Little Pine, Lucky Man, Moosomin, Strike-Him-on-
the-Back, and Red Pheasant. Only the Stonies, Lean Man and
Mosquito do not appear to have attended. Seldom before had
there been gathered so many fighting men for a dance, The
situation was pregnant with danger. The hysteria of the dance,
the thrill of the throbbing drums and the exciting reiteration of

286 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the glories of their past would work the natives into a state of
emotional intoxication. Rae, the Indian Agent, took what
precautions he might, and requested that a detachment of
police should be hastened to the reserve. However, before the
detachment had arrived, a crisis was precipitated by a most unto-
ward event.

On June 18th, Kahweechetwaymot, a member of Lucky Man’s
band, assaulted Farm Instructor Craig. The trouble arose over
the question of rations. The Indian requested an issue of flour.
Craig refused; his instructions were precise, to give out no
rations except “to the old and to the sick and to no others
unless they work.” Kahweechetwaymot was bitter in his reply.
“T suppose if a dog came along you would give to him rather
than to me,” he said to Craig.°® Under the circumstances a refusal
was impolitic ; the Indians were excited and Kahweechetwaymot
was a visitor of prestige. Craig, unfortunately, displayed a
complete lack of appreciation of the situation. He may have
understood farming but he did not understand Indians. Kahwee-
chetwaymot was not only refused his flour, but was “‘ pushed ”
out of the storehouse “on a spot where I was sore.”®° In a
burst of anger the Indian seized an axe handle and struck the
Farm Instructor over the arm. Craig was more frightened than
injured, but the matter was immediately reported to the Mounted
Police.

The handful of police, who had arrived upon the scene in
accordance with Rae’s request, were too few in number to make
an arrest. The chiefs refused to give up Kahwecchetwaymot
at their request, and the attitude of the Indians was so threatening
that the corporal in charge reported the difficulty to Superinten-
dent Crozier at Battleford. Crozier, accompanied by the Indian
Agent, the Police Surgeon and twenty-five men, proceeded at
once to the reserve where the Thirst Dance was by now in full
progress. In view of the frenzied excitement of the Indians
it was deemed advisable to wait until the dance was over before
attempting to make an arrest; meanwhile Crozicr sent for
reinforcements and proceeded to fortify the Agency buildings
on Poundmaker’s reserve. All night the police worked, and all
night the overwrought Indians danced and shouted to the heavy
thud of the tom-tom. On the zoth the dance was finished.
With his force now numbering about 86, Crozier moved towards

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 287

the Indian camp. In the town of Battleford preparations were
made for all eventualities ; a Home Guard was formed of the
local inhabitants and the neighbouring settlers crowded inside the
little fort for protection.** The situation was precarious.
Although they did what they could to persuade Kahwecchet-
waymot to give himself up quietly, the chiefs frankly admitted
that their influence was insufficient to induce the turbulent
young braves to consent to such a course, and warned Crozier
that any attempt upon the part of the police to use force would
result in bloodshed. It was obvious that the moral prestige
of the police was waning, and that the Indians were inspired with
a new intensity of antagonism against white authority. Many
were convinced that the “ Indians meant war,” and Crozier was
extremely apprehensive of the outcome. Writing to Colonel
Irvine he declared :

“T had no doubt as to the result so far as the force under my
command was concerned, for I had taken the advantage of
position and had my supplies and spare ammunition well pro-
tected; but what made me most anxious to avoid a collision
was the fear that the first shot fired would be a signal for an
Indian outbreak with all its attendant horrors. . . . From tribe to
tribe would the disaffection have spread until the whole Indian
population was against the white population.’”®

Finally the chiefs agreed to bring the prisoner to the Mounted
Police quarters, provided his trial should take place upon an open
plateau on the reserve. On reaching a point about half a
mile from the improvised fort the Indians halted. Another
parley followed; Crozier and the chiefs argued for several hours.
Losing patience with the dilatory proceedings, Crozier made a
bold move. Ordering his troops to advance, Crozier and the
Interpreter went forward, seized the surprised Kahwecchet-
waymot and dragged him struggling into their midst. In an
instant the police were surrounded with a whirling circle of
“intensely excited’ braves, “‘ making the most threatening and
indescribable noises.’’ In the background Big Bear vainly
shouted “ Peace! Peace ! ’’** while the Indians rushed upon the
whites. Poundmaker, clad only in a breech cloth, and armed
with a large club from which protruded three ugly knives, made
for Inspector Antrobus, crying “ I will kill you now.” Antrobus
was hastily pulled back into the ranks and Poundmaker was

288 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

covered with three or four rifles. The uproar increased. The
Indians rode at the police, charged their ranks, jostled the men
and stabbed their horses. Poundmaker and several others
laid hold of a Mounted Policeman, who had become separated
from the others, threw him down and stripped him of his arms.
Every imaginable effort was made to provoke the police into firing
in self-defence; but no shot was fired. With great difficulty
the struggling police column, with their prisoner still in their
midst, reached the little fort. Once inside they hurled provisions
of beef and flour over the walls to the howling Indians outside.
The effect was immediate ; the noise and angry clamour ceased
as if by magic, and the hungry Indians forgot their grievance in
an unexpected abundance of food. Under cover of this new
excitement the crestfallen Kahweechetwaymot was hurried off to
Battleford to stand his trial.°® “It is yet incomprehensible to
me,”’ wrote Crozier in his report of this event, “‘ how some one
did not fire, and it is more than fortunate they did not. Hada
shot been fired by either the police or Indians, I fear it would have
been the signal for an engagement, and when that had taken
place, it is hard to foretell what the consequences to the country
would have been.’%

This episode ended, for the time being, the proposed Indian
council. Big Bear had not anticipated an outbreak of this
nature, and, assisted by Lucky Man and Little Pine, made every
effort to restrain the wilder spirits among the hot-headed young
braves. Big Bear did not want an Indian rising. He knew the
power of the whites and realized that the Indians had all to lose
and nothing to gain by fighting. His efforts had been directed to
bringing about an Indian union and to force concessions by a
potential threat rather than by actual hostilities. On June 25th
he invited Crozier and Rae to the reserve and expressed his regret
for the unfortunate turn which events had taken. ‘“ The chiefs
and their bands who had taken part in this affair,’’ wrote the
Indian Agent after this meeting, “seem very much frightened
at what they have done, and I feel sure that if the proper power is
placed in my hands and supplies given me so that I can deal
liberally with these bands, there will be no more trouble, but I
do not think that Big Bear or any others are going to submit to
be starved out, and there is no doubt that these men are parti-
cularly hard-up. If, on the other hand, the Department are

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 289

bound to stick to their present orders, then full preparations
should be made to fight them, as it will sooner or later come to
this, if more liberal treatment is not given.”®

The idea of an Indian Council was not, however, abandoned.
Following the arrival of Louis Riel in the North Saskatchewan
district in July, and the rapid growth of a political agitation among
the métis and the discontented whites, proposals for Indian
action were once more revived. The Indians were well acquainted
with Riel’s reputation as an agitator and Big Bear was not long
in taking advantage of his presence. ‘Towards the end of July
he and several of the chiefs of the Carlton district interviewed
Riel at Duck Lake.** What transpired at this meeting is not
known, but it may be presumed that Riel encouraged Big Bear
in his determination to continue with his plans for another
council. In any event, Big Bear sent messengers among the
neighbouring tribes with invitations to attend a council of the
chiefs at Duck Lake. Once more the Indians became excited.
Rae declared pessimistically :

“TT... never saw the Indians mean business before, the thing
has to be looked at seriously and precautions taken before it is
too late,’’6®

The warnings of Cassandra never fell upon deafer ears. Even
the Indian Commissioner added his voice to those of the Agents
by asking that a show of force should be made to prevent the
Indians from moving about as they pleased; but Vankough-
net maintained that this “ would be the initiation by the Govern-
ment of a policy which has not hitherto been applied towards
any of our Indians—that of preventing them from moving about
at will throughout the Territories.’ He was apparently con-
vinced that Rae’s reports were unduly alarmist—a state of mind
which was encouraged by the reports of the Assistant Indian
Commissioner that the Indians were no more excited than in
previous ycars and that Rae was “ inclined to look upon the worst
side of things.””* Accordingly no action was taken by the
Government to prevent the gathering of the Indians at Duck
Lake.

The long-planned Council finally began on July 31st, 1884.
On that day several chiefs visited the office of the Indian Agent
at Fort Carlton, informed him of their intention of holding
a council, and demanded food.”* This demand was refused, but

290 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the Indians, nevertheless, continued to assemble. Although
rumours that Piapot from Qu’Appelle and Little Pine from
Battleford were to be present proved false, in addition to Big
Bear and Lucky Man,” all the chiefs of the Carlton district were
there, Beardy, Okemasis, One Arrow, Mistowasis, Ahtacka-
koop, Petequaquay, John Smith, James Smith, Badger and others.

The speeches were full of disillusion, disappointment and
resentment. Big Bear delivered a scathing denunciation of the
lack of good faith of the whites and urged united Indian action :

“Yes, Iam willing to speak. Since the leaves have begun to
come it is why I have been walking, walking, trying to make
myself understood. It is why I have come to Duck Lake. To
show you why I have been so anxious, it is because I have been
trying to seize the promises which they made to me, I have been
grasping but I cannot find them. What they have promised me
straightway I have not yet seen the half of it.

“We have all been deceived in the same way. It is the cause
of our meeting at Duck Lake. They offered me a spot as a
reserve. As I sec that they are not going to be honest I am
afraid to take a reserve. They have given me to choose between
several small reserves but I feel sad to abandon the liberty of my
own land when they come to me and offer me small plots to stay
there and in return not to get half of what they have promised
me. When will you have a big meeting. It has come to me as
through the bushes that you are not yet all united, take time and
become united, and I will speak. The Government sent to us
those who think themselves men. They bring everything
crooked. They take our lands, they sell them and they buy
themselves fine clothes. Then they clap their hands on their
hips and call themselves men. They are not men. They have
no honesty. They are an unsightly beast. Their faces are
twisted from the appearance of honest men.”74

Perhaps the most remarkable suggestion made at this Council,
—-and one which had been possibly inspired by Louis Riel—was
that of choosing an Indian representative every four years to act
as intermediary between the Indians and the whites.

“He has done. I wish to speak. I wish to stay on the land
that God has given me. I wish all the world to make my claim
good. Isee clearly the one who cheats me. I wait for the day
when we are united when I can speak to him straight. It is good
in one way that I am cheated for it is only now that I know what
a great good God has given me, how I appreciate the kindness of

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 291

God. ‘They play too much on me when they say ‘ you don’t
know anything.’ .. . It’s an idea that I have, if the whites
would choose an Indian from all the tribes to simplify the ques-
tion, in understanding that one they would understand all the
rest.

“ During four years that Indian could make the understanding
progress all the time between the Indians and the white man.
Let us work that good work every day without stopping as long
as earth will appear before us and we have a spirit. The sun he
has a spirit and he works every day, why ? to enlighten the world.
Let us do the same. Let our spirits work constantly to enlighten
those who are in the same land as we are.

*... Don’t allow any man to poison my words. The choice
of our representative ought to be given to us every four years.
Crowfoot is working for the same thing as I am.”’?6

After several days the Council took on a new development.
On the morning of August 6th, two of Beardy’s men arrived at
Fort Carlton and informed the Agent, J. A. Macrae, that the chiefs
required provisions. He replied that, as the Government knew
nothing of the object of their meeting, and as the Indians were
holding it entirely upon their own account, no food would be
supplied. The next day Mistowasis and Ahtackakoop renewed
the request in more respectful terms. Macrae acted wisely.
Instead of driving the Indians to exasperation, he informed them
that if they would move the Council to Fort Carlton and lay their
grievances openly before the Government, provisions would be
provided.”* The Indians hesitated. But a surfeit of speeches
did not fill empty stomachs and the chiefs finally accepted Macrae’s
offer, the whole Council moving to the new location. The
Indians were then supplied with food and their complaints were
fully aired before the Agent. Several days later the Agent
declared the Council at an end, and the Indians, their grievances
ventilated and their appetites satisfied, returned to their reserves,
temporarily pleased with what they had accomplished.

The general tenor of the complaints was indicative of the
Indian reaction to the Government’s native policy. The Indians
declared that the terms of the treaties were inadequate for the
needs of the aboriginal population and that, moreover, they had
not been faithfully observed by the Government. They com-
plained that the cattle given them were both insufficient to gain a
livelihood with and that they were too wild and intractable to be

x

292 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

cared for ; that many of the tools and waggons were of inferior
quality and should be replaced ; and that certain other provisions
of the treaties had in no way been complied with. Other
grievances were that the Government had failed to maintain
schools, to grant “ liberal assistance ”’ in time of distress, and to
place the Indian “in the same position as the white man,” as
promised by the treaties. They declared that “ at the time of the
treaty they were comparatively well off’? but “ were deceived
by the sweet promises of the Commissioners,” and that their
subsequent requests for redress of grievances had been ignored.
The Council concluded with a threat. The chiefs stated that
“while they are glad that the young men have not resorted to
violent measures . . . it is almost too hard for them to bear the
treatment at the hands of the Government after its swect
promises,” and that they would only “ wait until next summer to
see if this council has the desired effect, failing which they will
take measures to get what they desire.””””

Although the Indian Department considered that “ the
Indians have no good grounds for serious complaint in any
respect’ and instructed Dewdney “to keep this constantly
before the minds of the Indians, impressing them, as far as
possible, with the fact that they have been most generously
treated by the Government and far beyond any expectations that
they could have entertained under the most liberal interpretation
that could be put upon the treaties made with them,’’’® there
was much justification for the complaints formulated at this
council. Some of the treaty promises had been only partially
fulfilled, not through oversight or corruption, but because the
Indian Department considered that the Indians were not suffi-
ciently advanced to make the best use of the promised tools,
livestock or schools.”” It does not appear that the implements
and waggons were of inferior quality, but, owing to the hard
usage anything in the hands of the Indians received, an article
had to be particularly strong to withstand the wear and tear. In
regard to the treaty cattle and oxen, the Assistant Indian Commis-
sioner admitted that many were “ of a wild nature, and anything
but easily managed by the Indians.”*° The complaints relative
to the parsimonious issue of rations, too, were not without their
justification in fact as well as in theory. The Commissioners
negotiating the treaties had painted pictures of prosperity and

GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG INDIANS 293

contentment for the Indians—“ sweet promises” the Indians
called them—which, through faulty interpretation or misunder-
standing, the Indians construed into meaning Government
maintenance. Unfortunately the demands of the economic
situation outweighed considerations of native policy, a fact
which, as we have observed, aroused the fears of the Indians,
and gave force to the charge that treaty promises were being
disregarded. Too great an emphasis was laid upon the letter of
the law and too little foresight was applied to the larger political
aspects of the Indian problem.

The Carlton Council witnessed the partial success of Big Bear’s
efforts. A year before he had stood practically alone, but by the
close of 1884 the Indians from Fort Pitt to Fort 4 la Corne had
united under his influence to back his demands. The Craig
affair in June had ruined the first Council at Poundmaker’s, but
the Duck Lake-Carlton Council proved the unanimity of opinion
among the Indians of the North Saskatchewan district. “ An
answer in detail is expected by the Council,” wrote the Indian
Agent, ‘“‘which declared itself to be a representative one of the
Battleford as well as Carlton Crees. No doubt need be enter-
tained that the Indians regard it as such.”**

The next step lay with the Government. Following the
receipt of Macrae’s letter containing the Indian demands, the
Department ordered the Assistant Indian Commissioner, Hayter
Reed, to report upon them. Reed minimized the effect of the
Government’s policy upon the Indians and the determination of
the aborigines to secure better terms. In his report he admitted
that a few of the grievances were justified, but expressed it as
his opinion that ‘‘ many of the Indians, although they have
endorsed the list of complaints formulated on their behalf, would
not, if closely questioned by an official, feel inclined to assert
that all these were real ground of grievances.’ He attributed
the gathering of the Indians to the agitation of Big Bear and to
the subversive influence of Louis Riel :

“Big Bear is an agitator and always has been, and having
received the moral support of the half-breed community, he is
only too glad to have an opportunity of inciting the Indians to
make fresh and exorbitant demands.

“ There are Indian as well as white agitators and the hard
times make one and all, good and bad, only too prone to give any

294 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

assistance they can towards procuring more from the authorities
without having to work for it. Riel’s movement has a great deal
to do with the demands of the Indians, and there is no possible
doubt but that they, as well as the half-breeds, are beginning to
look up to him as one who will be the means of curing all their
ills and obtaining for them all they demand.”’8?

This view of the situation was a short-sighted one and misled
the Government into a false sense of security. Believing that
the Indian demands could be ignored and the policy of economy
carried on with impunity, Vankoughnet merely requested
Dewdney to inquire into the question of the wild cattle, and to
continue to impress upon the Indians “that they have really
received much more than the Government was, under the Treaty,
bound to give them.’

In the meantime, the Indians did not pause in their activity.
Plans were developed for a greater and still more representative
council during 1885, at which the Government’s answer to their
demands would be considered and a course of action resolved
upon. Early in the winter messengers and invitations were
again sent out among the different tribes. Little Pine was to
visit the Blackfeet and Little Poplar the Stonies, neither of whom
had attended the previous gatherings.** Big Bear himself
considered going to Duck Lake and Qu’Appelle,® and in January
messengers were reported by Superintendent Crozier to be on
their way to Red Pheasant and Edmonton.**

But, before the council could gather, time and circumstances
had taken the control of events out of the hands of the Indian
chiefs. 1885 saw, not an Indian council, but an Indian rebellion.

CHAPTER XIV

THE RETURN OF RIEL AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION

By the spring of 1884 unrest was general throughout the Sas-
katchewan valley. The Indians, as we have observed, were
restless and discontented ; the half-breeds, English and French,
wete in a similar state of disquietude ; and the white settlers were
dissatisfied with their political and economic conditions. To
co-ordinate these three groups and to bring about a united
political action was the task to which Louis Riel addressed
himself.

The events of 1869-70 had proven Ricl’s remarkable influence
over the half-breeds. Although he was not himself a fighter, he
had the power to stir others to fight. His hold over the métis
was extraordinary. To the present day the personal magnetism
which enabled this strange megalomaniac to command the
support of the métis in two uprisings still commands the admira-
tion of their descendants. Others, too, felt the power of his
personality. After mecting Riel for the first time in 1884, a
priest in the North-West wrote of him :

“ C’était la premiére fois que je voyais Riel; je fus enchanté de
sa conversation ct de son bon esprit; jadmirai la foi qui res-
pirait dans toutes ses paroles, la douceur qui caracterisait sa
physionomie et son élocution. Et cependant ce visage, oll se
peignent la bonté, l’humilité, et la modestie, s’anime parfois tout
4 coup et s’enflamme d’un feu terrible, et cela surtout quand on
fait quelque opposition aux idées exprimées par Vorateur. Les
droits de sa nation sont pour lui sacrés, et il jure de les défendre
jusqu’a la mort. Dans ces moments d’exaltation ce n’est plus
le méme homme. Son regard de feu, l’éclat de sa voix, l’agita-
tion de son épaisse chevelure, lui donnent un aspect qui vous
cffraie, et tout dans sa personne trahit l’éloquence. On ne
peut s’empécher de dire: ‘ Voila un homme convaincu.’ ’?

Nevertheless, Riel was, in 1884, totally unfit to undertake the
task for which he had been recalled. His career as a leader of the
half-breeds had culminated with his election to the Dominion

295

296 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Parliament in 1874, and his appearance at and flight from the
Commons Chamber at Ottawa. For the next ten years he
wandered aimlessly in the United States, bitter, disillusioned and
mentally unbalanced as a result of the events of 1869-70 and the
persecution which ensued. During 1876 and 1877 he spent
twenty months in the mental asylums of Longue Pointe and Beau-
port in the Province of Quebec, after which he drifted to Montana,
where he became a trader and subsequently a school teacher.
Obsessed with the idea of his “‘ mission ’’? he sought to assume
the role of leader of the half breeds of that state, hoping to con-
solidate them into a political force. His political efforts in
Montana were, however, without success. His egotism and
his lack of ballast handicapped him everywhere. But in spite
of this apparent lack of stability in his character, throughout
Riel’s actions and writings there is one constant theme, the
furtherance of the métis cause.

It is not surprising, therefore, that Riel kept himself informed
as to the progress of the agitation in the Canadian North-West.
In 1882 Philip Garnot of St. Laurent, while visiting a brother-in-
law in Montana, discussed North-West politics with Louis
Riel.§ It has been alleged that Riel also met Napoléon Nault in
St. Boniface in 1883 and arranged for his recall to the Saskatche-
wan,‘ but there is no corroborative evidence. In the spring of
1884 Riel received a letter from the troubled area, notifying him
of the delegation sent to invite his return and outlining the métis
view of the agitation:

“Hence, my dear cousin, we may say that the part of the
North-West in which we are living is Manitoba before the
troubles, with the difference that there are more people, that they
understand things better, and that they are more determined ;
you will form an idea as to the conditions upon which the people
base their claims, for the reason that there are many people in
the North-West whom the Government have recognized less
than Indians; and yet it is these poor half-breeds who have
always defended the North-West at the price of their blood and
their sacrifices for a country which is stirring up the whole world
to-day. They have been petitioning for the last ten years. I
suppose the Government have looked upon the matter as mere
child’s play ; despite formal documents and Acts of Parliament
as a guarantee, the whole matter has been a farce; the honor of
Parliament and of the Government has been trampled under foot

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 297

when justice was to be done to the poor half-breeds. My dear
cousin, I think the solemn moment has come. For my part, I
have closely watched the people of the North-West, as well as
the Indians, and the one cry resounds from all, it is the spark over
a barrel of powder. It is late, but it is the time now more than
ever, for we have right and justice on our side. Do not imagine
that you will begin the work when you get here ; I tell you it is
all done, the thing is decided ; it is your presence that is needed.
It will, in truth, be a great event in the North-West ; you have
no idea how great your influence is, even amongst the Indians.
I know that you do not like the men much, but I am certain that
it will be the grandest demonstration that has ever taken place,
and the English are speaking about it already. Now, my dear
cousin, the closest union exists between the French and English
and the Indians, and we have good generals to foster it... . The
whole race is calling for you! 775

On June 4th the delegation, which had been appointed by
the meeting in the Lindsay School House on May 6th, arrived
at St. Peter’s Mission in Montana, and consulted Riel. They
informed him of the state of the country and invited him to return
to the North-West. A refusal was hardly to be expected. Riel
was not only devoted to the métis cause, but he loved the adula-
tion of the crowd, and felt, moreover, that he had a claim upon
the Canadian Government for a share in the half-breed land grant
in Manitoba in which he had not participated. He was, also,
probably influenced by the assurance of the complete unanimity
of feeling in the North-West Territories among the métis, the
whites and the Indians, a situation which he had striven for but
failed to bring about during the insurrection of 1869-70. Accord-
ingly, on June sth, 1884, Louis Riel accepted the invitation to
lead the agitation in the North-West, with the qualification that
he would like to return to the United States “ sometime in
September.””*

Riel’s arrival on the banks of the Saskatchewan was hailed by
both the French and the English half-breeds. On July 1st,
Louis Schmidt, ex-secretary of the Provisional Government of
Red River and now secretary of the settlers’ committee which had
sent for Riel, wrote enthusiastically to the French newspaper at
St. Boniface :

“Jai apptis hier soir que M. Louis Riel devait se rendre
aujourd’hui a St. Laurent. Vous savez peut-étre, qu’aprés les

298 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

assemblées de ce printemps, une délégation des métis frangais et
anglais était partie pour se rendre auprés de l’ex-président du
Gouvernement Provisoire de la Riviére Rouge, alors au Montana,
pour lui exposer les besoins de ses nationaux (puisqu’il est métis)
et le prier de venir au milieu d’eux. Il faut croire que la délé-
gation a réussi au moins jusqu’a ce point. On dit que M. Riel
arrive avec sa famille. Que n/’a-t-il la bonne idée de se fixer
irrévocablement au milieu de nous. Cet homme ne peut faire
que du bien a ses compatriotes, et il est le seul qui réunirait tous
les suffrages dans n’importe quel contestation. Son nom est
grand parmi les métis francais ou anglais, et il est incontestable
que son influence, bien dirigée, leur sera d’un secours immense.
Le peuple devait hier se rendre en foule a sa rencontre.””?
On July 8th a meeting was held at the house of Charles Nolin at
Batoche. The delegation to Riel presented their report and
expressed their entire confidence in his leadership. Riel himself
made a speech which “fit une grande impression,” although
his insistence upon a peaceful agitation disappointed some of the
more belligerent métis “ dont les indispositions hostiles 4 ’égard
du governement leur auraient fait désirer une charge a fond contre
ce méme gouvernement.”®

Riel began his task of co-ordinating the white, half-breed and
Indian discontent on July 11th, by holding a large meeting in the
English-speaking settlement of Red Deer Hill.? He addressed
the people in both French and English and outlined the difficulties
under which the North-West was labouring. W. H. Jackson,
the Secretary of the Settlers’ Union, Thomas Scott and other
white settlers also spoke, condemning the administration of the
Federal Government in the North-West. The mecting then
proceeded to organize the agitation for the summer. Repre-
sentative committees were chosen for each district whose duties
were to call local meetings and to draw up lists of grievances
which would be embodied in one general petition to be forwarded
by the central committee to the Dominion House of Commons.
The meeting was orderly throughout, and the impression left
upon the whites and the English half-breeds present was entirely
favourable to Riel..° | He had spoken with moderation and
restraint, and made it perfectly clear that his agitation would be
conducted upon constitutional lines.

As a result of this meeting, Riel was invited to address a mass
meeting of the white settlers at Prince Albert. Riel hesitated.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 299

He was keenly sensible of the feeling which the execution of
Scott in 1870 had aroused among the English-speaking Canadians,
and felt that his appearance in a town which was inhabited
predominantly by settlers from Ontario, might stir up opposition
to the popular movement. Replying to the invitation he wrote :

“* GENTLEMEN, I know that as your guest I would be perfectly

safe from anything like discourtesy ; and with such a respectable
body of men as those who have signed the invitation I would feel
far above any insult that could be offered to me. But for the
sake of avoiding even the slightest trouble, in order to allow no
germ of division to weaken our basis of action, I beg leave to be
excused. Please consent to put off the mecting.”’
The people of Prince Albert were not disposed to accept a refusal.
A petition pressing Riel to hold the meeting was drawn up and
signed by eighty-four people representative of all walks of life,
only five or six being half-breeds.1* Father André, the Superior
at Prince Albert, also added his word of insistence :

“The opinion here is so pronounced in your favor; and you
are so ardently desired, that it will be a great disappointment to
the people of Prince Albert if you do not come. So you must
absolutely come; you are the most popular man in the country,
and with the exception of four or five persons every one awaits
you with impatience. I have only to say to you come, come
quickly.’’18

Pressed from all sides Riel consented, and on July 19th he
addressed a large gathering at Prince Albert. The meeting was
well attended. Riel was nervous, but defended his actions with
vigour. He pointed out the constitutional nature of the agitation,
stressed the necessity for concerted action among the people, and,
to win the support of the white settlers, urged responsible
government as the panacea for the ills of the North-West
Territories.14 Messrs. Miller, Slater, T. Scott and Jackson, the
leaders of the white agitation and the Settlers’ Union, also spoke,
and Riel concluded the meeting by replying to questions. The
meeting was a complete success. Those who had come in from
the surrounding country returned home “ struck with the quiet
and gentle way he spoke to them.’””® There had been no hint of
violence. The result was to give a stimulus to the progress of
the movement among the white settlers.

The work of carrying on and organizing the white agitation
was largely in the hands of William Henry Jackson, the Secretary

300 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

of the Settlers’ Union. Jackson was a young man, a graduate of
Toronto University, and a staunch partisan. His father and
brother, also living at Prince Albert, were Liberals in politics and
strong opponents of Sir John A. Macdonald. From the outset,
the Jacksons, William Henry in particular, were the foremost
protagonists of the North-West agitation and spared no effort to
make Louis Riel acceptable to the discontented white settlers.
It was difficult at first, owing to the prejudice engendered by the
events of 1869-70; but, when they realized that without Riel
they could not hope to secure the co-operation of the half-breeds
and Indians, they made a virtue of necessity and professed, even
if they did not feel, an admiration for and willingness to follow
the former insurrectionary leader. Jackson and others, including
Isbister and Scott, visited the various districts, organized local
committees, and secured the election of local delegates to the
central committee of the Settlers’ Union. There appeared to be
no lack of funds for the agitation.® On July 23rd Jackson
reported his activities to Riel :

“To-day, I shall finish up work in town, and to-morrow start
for the Lower Flat, etc. I will try and get out to your place
towards the end of the weck. Please be working up the petition
into shape, and we will get it in neat form before the committee is
called to endorse or alter it, as they see fit... . There is a big
work for us while the petition is waiting an answer, but I think
we will be ready for a stiff campaign when the answer does come.
A number of trimmers are waiting to see if the current in your
favor will last. By the time they are satisfied it will be too late
for them to bother us much, if disposed to do so.”’}?

The progress of the movement was sufficient to alarm the
adherents of the Government, and the Prince Albert Conserva-
tives considered the advisability of adopting Riel’s platform under
their party colours.’® Perhaps with the object of forestalling
such a move, W. H. Jackson issued a manifesto on July 28th,”
giving a clear statement of the object and purposes of the Riel
agitation and calling upon the people for their political support.

“* To the Citizens of Prince Albert :

“ GENTLEMEN—We are starting a movement in this settlement
with a view to attaining Provincial Legislatures for the North-
West Territories and, if possible, the control of our own resources,
that we may build our railroads and other works to serve our
own interests rather than those of the Eastern Provinces. We

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 301

are preparing a statement of our case to send to Ottawa as a
matter of form. We state the various evils which are caused by
the present system of legislation showing :

“y, That they are caused by the facts that the Ottawa legisla-
tors are responsible to Eastern constituents, not to us, and are
therefore impelled to legislate with a view to Eastern interests
rather than our own; that they are not actually resident in the
country and therefore not acquainted with the facts that would
enable them to form a correct opinion as to what measures are
suitable to North-West interests, consequently liable to pass
legislation adverse to North-West interests even when not
favorable to their own; lastly that they have not the greater
part of their immediate private interests involved in the interests
of the said Territories, and are therefore liable to have their
judgement warped by such private interests.

“2, That the legislation passed by such legislators has already
produced great depression in agricultural, commercial, and
mechanical circles, and will continue to increase that depression
unless the system is revised ; that is to say, unless our legislators
are chosen by and responsible to ourselves actually resident in
the country and having the bulk of their private interests involved
in the interests of the country.

“We give the complete list of our grievances, but instead of
asking the redress of each of them separately, we ask the remedy
to the root of the evil, i.e., Provincial Legislatures with full con-
trol over our own resources and internal administration, and
power to send a just number of representatives to the Federal
Legislature whatever and wherever that may ultimately lie.
Possibly we may settle up with the East and form a separate
federation of our own in direct connection with the Crown.

“ Louis Riel of Manitoba fame has united the half-breed element
solidly in our favour. Hitherto it has been used largely as the
tool of whatever party happened to be in power in the East,
but Riel has warned them against the danger of being separated
from the whites by party proposals. The general impression is
that Riel has been painted in blacker colors than he deserves ;
that in regard to his public attitude it is better to accept his
services as long as he works for us ; while as to his private record
it would be well to suspend judgement until his side of the case
has been heard, especially as his general bearing is frank and
straightforward, indicating sincerity of purpose and assurance of
his convictions. As long as both elements work on the square,
doing justice to each other, there will be no clash, but a marked
advance toward our end, i.e., justice in the North-West.

302 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“It is by force of right that we hope to win our cause and
any inconsistency on our part will greatly damage our cause, as
it will lose us the moral support of Great Britain and the United
States. Restrain any tendency toward the forcible taking charge
of our own affairs before we have used all constitutional means.

** We are in communication with other parts of the North-West
Territories, and we hope to hold a general convention of the
North-West before Autumn, in order to arrange a common
basis with Manitoba, and join with her in taking the matter to
the Privy Council.

** Our local press is not to be relied on. It is in the hands of
a few governmental favorites who inspire its editorials which are
anonymous. It is, accordingly, circulating wild reports about
impending rebellion and Indian troubles, secking a pretext for
placing the country under martial law and so goad the people
into a false step. Riel will do more toward pacifying Big Bear
than could be accomplished by twenty agents in a month of
Sundays. Had the Eastern Government looked at our interests,
they would have shown such fair play toward the decent Indians
that the turbulent ones would have had no moral sympathy as
pretext, and would have caused us no apprehension. However,
there is no danger of Indian troubles as long as we can keep Riel
in the country.

** WILLIAM H. JACKSON,

Secretary, Lixecutive Committee.”

As stated in the manifesto above, Riel exercised a strong
influence over the Indians. They regarded him as “‘ a man skilled
in obtaining what he desires from the Government by means of
agitation,”®° and the Indian Agent at Carlton was correct in
believing that “to a greater or lesser extent their future action
will depend upon the counsel that he may see fit to give them.”
The discontented aborigines were not slow to seek his advice.
On July 26th, Sir John A. Macdonald was informed by telegram
that Big Bear had left Battleford to see Riel at Duck Lake. An
interview was held between Riel and the Indian chicfs, and the
demands of the Duck Lake-Carlton Council showed unmistakably
the influence of the métis leader. It was also reported that
Indians from Qu’Appelle, including Piapot, were coming north
to consult Riel, but a deputation of Saskatchewan Indians
persuaded them to return so as not to prejudice white opinion.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 303

The northern Indians, however, kept in close touch with Riel.
Another interview between the leader of the North-West agitation
and Big Bear was reported in August. On the 2ist, Sergeant
Brooks of the N.W.M.P. wrote to Superintendent Crozier that
Big Bear and Riel had met at Jackson’s house at Prince Albert.?
T. E. Jackson, later describing the interview, stated that Big Bear
complained that the conditions of the treaty had been violated by
the Dominion Government and asked that when the whites and
half-breeds had secured their rights they would assist the Indians
to win theirs.4 That Riel and Jackson agreed to do so is
shown by the fact that more liberal treatment for the aborigines
became one of the principal planks of the North-West party’s
platform. On August roth, Riel stated at Batoche that “ the
Indians’ rights should be protected as well as their own 25 and
later Jackson, speaking before a meeting which included whites as
well as half-brecds, declared that the North-West belonged to the
Indians and not to the Dominion of Canada.”

Assured of white and Indian support, Riel then turned his
attention to the métis. His object was to consolidate them into a
single political force by the formation of a national métis society,
after the model of the St. Jean Baptiste Society of the French
Canadians. The idea was not a new one. At Red River he
had seriously considered the founding of a similar organization to
bear the name “ L’Union Saint Alexandre” in honour of his
benefactor, Archbishop Taché, but the opportunity to do so passed.
Early in September 1884, Riel revived the project, and taking
advantage of Bishop Grandin’s presence at St. Laurent, secured
episcopal approval of his plan. The Bishop suggested St. Joseph
as the patron saint; the new organization hence took the name,
“T/Union Métisse de Saint Joseph.”?’ The inauguration was
conducted on September 24th at St. Antoine de Padoue (Batoche),
Riel utilizing the occasion to address a gathering, which
included almost the entire population of the métis settlement of
St. Laurent, upon North-West politics.

The métis continued to give evidence of affection for their
leader. They looked upon him, remarked Father Fourmond in
December, as “un Josué, un prophéte, et méme un saint.’
On January 6th, 1885, a public banquet was held in his honour at
St. Antoine. All the neighbouring. parishes were represented.
The banquet was presided over by the Honourable Charles Nolin,

304 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

who emphasized the debt which the métis owed to Riel and
reproached the Canadian Government for their treatment of the
ex-president of the Provisional Government of Red River.
During the course of the banquet Riel was presented with a small
purse of money as a token of the métis esteem. Riel replied in
a moderate tone, which gave no hint of the troubles to come,
declaring only that “‘ Dieu m’a donné une cause a défendre.”””*

Although Prince Albert and St. Laurent were the centres of
Riel’s political actions among the whites, métis and Indians,
other sections of the North-West Territories were also carrying
on an agitation for North-West rights. At Qu’Appelle a
“ Settlers’ Rights Association ” had been pressing for the reform
of the land laws and for legislation in the interests of the settlers.
During the summer of 1884 a series of meetings were held
throughout Assiniboia to discuss the commercial and political
situation of the Territories. Demands were forwarded to
Ottawa for representation in the Dominion Parliament and for
the construction of a railway to Hudson Bay. In December a
meeting was held at the town of Wolseley, and a committee
appointed to take the necessary steps to organize a deputation to
press their case personally before the Dominion Cabinet. Com-
menting on this meeting the Nor’ Wester of Calgary declared that
it was a “‘ war-whoop which it was determined should be heard in
Ottawa,” while the Edmonton Balletin added ominously, “ If
that particular whoop is not heard, its echoes, or other similar
whoops evidently will be. All along the C.P.R. line in the
Territories mass meetings are being held which unanimously
and emphatically adopt the principle” of North-West rights.*°
In Alberta similar meetings were held, Frank Oliver and his
Bulletin contributing to the growing agitation. On November
1st Oliver outlined his demands in a leading article entitled “‘ Our
Platform,” namely: provincial status, the abrogation of the
Canadian Pacific Railway monopoly and construction of the
Hudson Bay Railway, the reduction of the tariff, the modification
of the terms of Confederation in the interests of complete
provincial autonomy, and a toleration of the British connexion
only “ as long as it is found profitable and generally advantageous
as at present, with a view to independence when that connection
shall be dissolved.’’

Even beyond the boundaries of the North-West Territories

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 305

the manifestations of discontent must have encouraged Louis
Riel and his co-agitators in the Saskatchewan valley. In Mani-
toba the Farmers’ Union, disappointed in its efforts to secure
redress of alleged grievances, indulged in fiery memorials and
wild threats of annexation, secession and rebellion !32_ In other
provinces the depression brought out inevitable expressions of
discontent with the Government. At a meeting in St. John,
New Brunswick, a number of business men advocated annexation
to the United States as the only means of escaping financial ruin.
The Edmonton Bulletin related the details of this meeting and,
with manifest satisfaction, attributed it to the same policy which
was allegedly oppressing the North-West.

Economic conditions in the North-West showed no improve-
ment during 1884, and the repeated crop failure in the autumn
proved a useful ally to the agitators. Conditions were particu-
larly bad in the neighbourhood of Prince Albert. The Hudson’s
Bay Company reported to London that many farmers were
cutting for fodder the acres which had been under crop. The
métis of St. Laurent were in a desperate condition, and
the Mounted Police authorities viewed the situation with
apprehension :

“The crops here are almost a total failure and everything
indicates that the half-breeds are going to be in a very straitened
condition before the end of the coming winter, which, of course,
will make them more discontented, and will probably drive them
to an outbreak, and I believe that trouble is almost certain
before the winter ends unless the Government extends some
aid to the half-breeds during the coming winter.’

Although this prediction of a half-breed rising proved prema-
ture, the fears of the Mounted Police were well founded. The
métis and Indians were discontented, and many whites likewise.
But, up to the present, there had been no open advocacy of
violence by any of the discontented elements. The leaders had
always stresscd the peaceful character of their agitation and
Riel had only sought to unite all parties in one common purpose,
the constitutional redress of grievances. That his efforts were
not without success is shown by a letter from T. Getting Jackson
to the Toronto Globe :

“there is a thorough understanding between the French and
the English half-breeds and Canadian settlers, and all are pledged

306 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

to unite in one common brotherhood until all grievances are
redressed.”’54

The first tangible result of the combined efforts of the white
and half-breed discontents was the forwarding of the long-
agitated petition to Ottawa. On December 16th, 1884, W. H.
Jackson addressed the following letter®> to the Honourable J. A.
Chapleau, Secretary of State for the Dominion of Canada.

** Sir,

“T have the honour to transmit to you herewith for the
consideration of His Excellency in Council, a copy of the petition
which the people of this district have decided to forward under
present circumstances. From your knowledge of the matter
referred to, you will perceive that the petition is an extremely
moderate one. I may say, in fact, that, to the Canadian and
English wing of the movement, a more searching exposition of
the situation would have been more satisfactory. The opinion
has been freely expressed that our appeal should be directed to
the Privy Council of England and to the general public, rather
than to the federal authorities, on the ground not only that our
previous petitions would appear to have gone astray, but that
even the benefit of federal representation might be largely
neutralized by the placing of obstacles in the way of our choice of
leaders, or the disregard of those leaders even when elected, as
was done in the case of Manitoba.*

“Tt is, therefore, to be hoped that His Excellency and advisers
will not fail to appreciate the attitude which our people have
adopted on the assurances of the more moderate councillors, and
that a speedy and satisfactory response will be accorded to our
present appeal.

*<] have, etc.
“W. H. Jackson, Secretary General
Committee.
* By order of
** ANDREW SPENCE, Esq., Chairman.
“ District of Lorne,
** Grandin P.O.,
s<St. Laurent,
“North-West Territory,
“December 16, 1884.”

The petition®” embodied the grievances of all parties in the
North-West Territories. It demanded more liberal treatment for
the Indians: scrip and patents for the half-breeds: responsible

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 307

government, representation in the Dominion Parliament and
Cabinet, provincial control of natural resources, modification of
the homestead laws, vote by ballot, a railway to Hudson Bay and
reduction in the tariff for the white settlers. It also contained
a long complaint, obviously prepared by Louis Riel himself, of
the treatment of the North-West delegates in 1870 and the non-
promulgation of the promised amnesty. In view of the above
letter and this petition, it is interesting to note that Sir John A.
Macdonald boldly declared in the Dominion Parliament in
March 1885 that no North-West “ Bill of Rights ” had ever been
“ officially, or indeed in any way, promulgated so far as we know,
and transmitted to the Government.”** The Government not
only received the petition and forwarded it to the Colonial Office,
but apparently acknowledged the receipt of the petition, for,
on January 27th, Jackson wrote to Riel that the reply from the
Under-Secretary of State was a “ good sign” in view of “ the
bold tone of my letter, and our audacious assumption that we
are not yet in Confederation, an assumption which, it seems to
me, they have conceded in their letter . . . It is evident that they
are prepared to communicate with us on something like equal
terms.”*? In anticipation of an invitation to send delegates
to negotiate at Ottawa, as had been done in 1870, Jackson
advised Riel to postpone the meeting of the central committee,
and in the meantime to forward another letter to the Government
“ hinting at the nature of the document we will address to Parlia-
ment, and thus place in the hands of the Opposition as a weapon
if they do not treat with us in earnest.” ‘* That, I think,” he
wrote, “will fetch them to terms, for there is every prospect of
a stormy session.”

The agitation which led to the drafting of this petition had
not been carried on without considerable opposition. The
North-West movement had assumed a definite party tone with the
adhesion of professed Reformers like the Jacksons and others,
and the supporters of the Macdonald Government became
suspicious of its bona fides. Against the agitation was directed
the full force of the pro-government press in the Territories.
The Prince Albert Times, which had, up to the recall of Riel,
openly espoused the demands of the settlers, made a sudden volte-
face’ It denied ever having expressed sympathy with the
Colleston School House programme and condemned, in no

Y

308 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

uncertain terms, Riel’s leadership of the new movement. Doubts
were cast upon Riel’s pacific professions, and it was suggested
that “ he has been merely trying to feel the public pulse, and would,
did he find the symptoms favourable, proceed to raise a row.’’4!
The Times also turned its journalistic batteries upon the Jacksons
and other white leaders, calling them “cranks and rebels,” whose
“ frothy utterances must inevitably ruin all our hopes of sympathy
from those who have the power to help us.”’4?_ At Battleford the
Saskatchewan Herald was equally denunciatory of the agitation.
An editorial of August 9th stated :

“Instead of sending a deputation to a foreign country to bring
in an alien demagogue to set class against class, and to mar the
harmony between the races under which the country was growing
prosperous and happy, they should have sent a representative
to Ottawa to lay before the Government a statement of their
claims ; and, as the complaints of her citizens have always been
listened to in the past, so would they be now. But we cannot
believe the Government will seriously entertain any claims or
propositions put forward by or through Riel.’’48

The Herald, however, failed to remember that the very measures
suggested had been attempted and that the indifference of the
Federal Government to the settlers’ demands was responsible for
Riel’s presence in the country.

Of greater significance than the subsidized denunciations of a
partisan press, was the reluctance of many, who were in genuine
sympathy with the demands of the settlers, half-breed and white,
to accept the leadership of Louis Riel. The bitter racial and
religious passions engendered by the execution of Scott during
the Red River Rebellion had not subsided, and Riel’s name was
anathema to many of the English-speaking whites. Some were
able to sink racial prejudice in a common struggle, but many
remained aloof. Frank Oliver, who had been the leading expo-
nent of North-West rights for several years, and who had urged
through the columns of the Edmonton By/letin the same demands
put forward by Riel and the Settlers’ Union, was frankly doubtful
of the advisability of the selection of Riel as leader of the North-
West movement. Writing to Jackson, he said:

“TY am glad to hear that Prince Albert is likely to shake loose

from the ring control henceforth. But I fear you are too
forward with your preparations for the forthcoming elections and

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 309

that the ardour of to-day may cool before June next.... A word
privately about Riel. He may be a man of the greatest influence
and the most high-minded patriotism but he is political dynamite,
or may be a political boomerang. In endorsing Riel you will
be held up as endorsing his whole course, and your enemies will
have thus put in their hands the best possible weapon they can
have against you. I don’t say don’t endorse him, you must
judge for yourself as to that, but I warn you that it is a ticklish
thing to do, and one that I would not from my slight acquaintance
with the case, care about doing until he has done something to
wipe out the blot that stands against him.’’44

The most serious opposition, however, with which Riel had to
contend came from the Roman Catholic clergy. From the
beginning they had been opposed to Riel. Father André
believed that Riel ought not to have been allowed to cross the
frontier, and Bishop Grandin wrote to Macdonald in June
expressing his regret that the métis had been associated in the
movement to bring Riel into the country.‘

On his arrival in the North-West Riel made every effort to
secure the influence of the Church in the support of his movement,
but without success. Although he impressed André for a short
time with his peaceful demeanour, it is evident that the Roman
Catholic clergy at St. Laurent were by no means in sympathy with
the growing agitation, fearing, possibly, that it might get beyond
their control. In September the métis openly charged the clergy
with opposition to their movement and expressed a failing
confidence in their leadership. Bishop Grandin replied that the
Church had always been the foremost advocate of the métis
cause, but refused to countenance the secrecy with which Riel
cloaked his actions among them. The breach was temporarily
patched, but Bishop Grandin remained apprehensive concerning
the future. “ Je ne puis m’empécher,” he said of Riel, “de
redouter l’influence de cet homme, et de craindre pour l’avenir.”**
The bishop’s fears were justified. Relations between the
Catholic clergy and the malcontents became more strained as
time went on. Father André was branded as “a man sold to the
Government,”*” and discussions between Riel and the priests
were marked by bitter passages.

Realizing that their influence was rapidly waning and that the
movement might assume a less moderate tone once their restrain-
ing influence was removed, the clergy endeavoured to secure

310 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Riel’s removal from the country. Father André wrote to this
effect to Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney :

“Now, Governor, I think it is really the duty of the Govern-
ment to get Riel out of mischief as soon as possible. As I told
you from the beginning there has never been any fear of an
outbreak, but the presence of that man in the country will be a
source of anxiety to the Government, and we do not know what
may happen at last . . . Riel and some other agitators are the only
ones who have interest to excite the mind of the people. Riel
disappearing everything will quiet down.”

Like the clergy, the Government of the Territories were
inclined to view Riel’s actions with suspicion. Lieutenant-
Governor Dewdney had endeavoured to forestall Riel’s return by
visiting St. Laurent early in June, but his efforts met with an
“uncordial reception.”** Following the arrival of the meétis
leader in the Territories the local Government took precautionary
measures to prevent any possible outbreak. The Mounted
” Police force at Prince Albert was reinforced and a detachment was
stationed at Fort Carlton. No attempt was made to interfere
with Riel’s freedom of movement, but a close watch was kept
upon the progress of the agitation throughout the summer.

In September alarming rumours reached Dewdney that a rising
of the métis and Indians was imminent. The Lieutenant-
Governor hastily despatched Charles Rouleau, the French-speak-
ing stipendiary magistrate, and Hayter Reed, Assistant Indian
Commissioner, to the scene of the expected trouble. They found
that the report was grossly exaggerated, but Rouleau wrote that
Riel “ cannot be relied upon, he is a hot-headed individual who
has nothing to lose and everything to gain. . . he can doa great
deal of harm to this part of the country if the half-breed reclama-
tion is not settled.”*° Another report upon the agitation was
made by Amédée Forget, Clerk of the North-West Council.
Forget accompanied Bishop Grandin to St. Laurent in September,
and observed the situation carefully. He wrote that the métis
were determined to protect Riel from arrest, that the clergy were
rapidly losing the confidence of their people, but that, neverthe-
less, there appeared to be little danger of a rising. It is interesting
to note that Forget considered the principal danger to the peace
lay with Riel’s white supporters :

“ The agitation is not, at present, as noisy as in the beginning,

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 311

but none the less serious, I believe. It comprises nearly all the
French and English half-breeds and a number of unprincipled
white settlers at Prince Albert. These latter are opponents
politically of the present party in power and would delight in
causing troubles that might embarrass the present Government.
... Mr. Riel, while in conversation with me defending his
conduct said, that were it not for his presence there, serious
complications would already be existing, and added having ~
received that very day a letter from a certain party in Prince
Albert reproaching him with being too slow and casting suspicion
upon his intentions.’’®!

In December Father André renewed his efforts to bring about
Riel’s withdrawal from the North-West. Accompanied by D. H.
MacDowall, member of the North-West Council for the District
of Lorne, he interviewed Riel on the 22nd to persuade him, if
possible, to quit the country. Riel admitted that he had origin-
ally intended to return to Montana, but argued that he had just
claims of his own against the Canadian Government “ which he
hoped to press at the same time as he advocated the claims of
the British half-breeds.”5? He stated that in the autumn of
1873, the Reverend J. B. Proulx had been sent by Sir John A.
Macdonald to offer him $35,000 to leave the country, and that
when Mackenzie came into office the same offer was renewed
through Father Lacombe and Dr. Fiset of Rimouski. Mac-
Dowall was convinced by this meeting that governmental action
was necessary and urged upon Dewdney that to grant Riel a
small indemnity in satisfaction of his claim would be the best
way to conciliate the half-breeds. Riel’s claims amounted to the
large sum of $100,000, “but he will take $35,000,” wrote
MacDowall, “. . . and I believe myself that $3,000 to $5,000,
would cart the whole Riel family across the border.”5* Father
André’s advice relative to Riel was similar :

“ He has certainly certain claims against the Government and
those claims must be settled in some way... he has much in-
fluence for good or bad with the half-breeds . . . obtain for him
four or five thousand dollars and I am bold in saying Mr. Mac-
Dowall and I will make him agree to any conditions.’’*#

In January MacDowall again pressed upon the Government
the urgency of satisfying Riel’s personal claims. Writing to
the Lieutenant-Governor on the 28th he stated :

312 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“ If red tape can be abolished for one month, I can tell you how
to settle the whole of this half-breed row at the expense of some
$6,000. Get the Government to give you full power as com-
missioner and I can have all cut and dried, but I must have $5,000
for Riel, one thousand more will do for the rest.’55
No action was taken to carry out this advice, and Louis Riel was
left to use his powerful influence over the métis for good or evil
as circumstances should decide.

Not only were Riel’s personal claims ignored; the petition,
upon which the discontented elements of the Saskatchewan had
pinned their hopes of redress, met a similar fate. The optimistic
anticipation expressed by Jackson, that the Government would
yield to their threats and invite delegates from the North-West,
was not borne out in fact. As a result, the half-breeds became
more exasperated than ever at Federal indifference. On February
znd, MacDowall telegraphed to the Lieutenant-Governor :

“ Riel and leading half-breeds have been here to hear intention

of Government respecting Breeds matter—great discontent at no
reply to representation. Nolin and Lépine have been compelled
by Riel’s supporters to withdraw tender for telegraph poles on
Battleford line at great personal sacrifice. . . . I anticipate no
immediate danger but urge Government to declare intention
immediately.”5*
Superintendent Crozier of the Mounted Police also telegraphed,
“TI urge immediate action in the matter and settlement if
possible.”®’ On February 6th, André reported “ great indig-
nation”? on the part of the half-breeds at the Government’s
silence, and expressed his fears that “such excitement might
easily lead them to extreme acts.””*

These warnings fell upon deaf ears. The utmost the Govern-
ment did was to inform Dewdney on February 4th that they had
decided to investigate the claims of those half-breeds who had
not participated in the Manitoba scrip. But statements such as
this had been made as early as 1878, and the half-breeds, seeing
no evidence to support the statement, put little faith in the
Government’s promise. Their attitude was such that Dewdney
wrote to Macdonald relative to Pearce’s proposed visit to the
North Saskatchewan: “I don’t anticipate a very cordial recep-
tion for him unless he has power to go into all their grievances at
the South Branch,””*

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 313

It is not surprising, therefore, that when Louis Riel suggested
to the métis that he should return to Montana, they protested,
and prevailed upon him to continue to champion their rights.
On February 24th Riel laid this question before the métis at
Batoche. He claimed that, having completed the task for which
he had been summoned to the country by drawing up and
forwarding the petition to Ottawa, he desired to return to the
United States. The meeting clamoured for him to remain.
The same proposal was put before a gathering of the English
half-breeds on March 2nd, with the same result, an emphatic
demonstration of personal loyalty to Riel. Following the meeting
at Batoche Superintendent Crozier sent the following confidential
warning to Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney :

“T have the honour to request that matters concerning the
half-breeds be settled without delay—could not a surveyor be
sent now, if it is intended to allow the half-breeds their land as
they wish to have it laid out in place of the regular blocks as
surveyed throughout the country.

“ Then there is the question of the half-breeds being allowed
scrip as granted in Manitoba. I must strongly urge that these
and other matters already reported upon be attended to at once.
Delay causes uneasiness and discontent which spreads not only
among the half-breeds but the Indians. There are, as you well
know, among the latter those who are only waiting for any
opportunity, no matter how unimportant or unreasonable, they
can get, to do all in their power to unsettle the working of affairs
and bring a repetition of the unpleasantness of last summer, or
even a condition of things worse, with its attendant evil con-
sequences in the country.

“Tt would be only wise then, in face of former experience, to
have all causes that may predispose to discontent or agitation
removed from among the half-breeds if at all possible. If such
causes were removed I anticipate but little trouble in the other
quarters or in this section of the country, but if an effort is not
soon made and settlement come to one way or the other, that is,
either as they wish or the contrary, then it would not be surprising
if the whole country were kept in a continual commotion, if not
worse, during the coming spring and summer. What is required
is a settlement so that there may be no misunderstanding as to
the intention of the Government.’

Croziet’s warnings might have been redoubled had he realized
the mental change which had come about in Louis Riel since the

314 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

early days of the agitation. By the end of February 1885 Riel
was fully determined to hold no longer to constitutional methods.
The constitutional agitation and the petition had been an acknow-
ledged failure, and the only possible hope of arousing the
Government’s attention seemed to be in the adoption of a bold
policy. Accordingly Riel decided to follow the tactics which he
had employed in 1869 and 1870.%% He determined to form a
Provisional Government for the Saskatchewan, take possession
of the country and force the Canadian Government to revise the
terms of the entry of the North-West into Confederation. It
was the scheme of a mad man, but Riel was no longer sane. The
obsession of his ‘“‘ mission,” the turmoil of the agitation and the
disappointment at the ineffectiveness of his political efforts,
brought on a return of the mental trouble which had sent him to
Longue Pointe and Beauport in 1876. He suffered from
delusions of greatness, and his mind was dazzled by the memory
of his former success in Manitoba. The methods which had
proved so successful there could not fail to work in Saskatchewan.
Riel had no intention of fighting the Dominion with arms; it
had not been necessary in 1869; it would not be necessary in
1885. Philip Garnot, the Secretary of the Provisional Govern-
ment of 1885, stated in his evidence that the half-breeds had only
risen to force the attention of the Government to their needs,
that every day they expected that the Dominion of Canada would
send commissioners to negotiate with them.®* But instead of
commissioners came troops. Riel, in his weakness, made one
great mistake ; the situation in 1885 was vastly different from
that of 1869. In 1869 the North-West had not belonged to
Canada, there were no military forces in the country, and Red
River was effectively isolated from Canada by the formidable
barrier of geography. In 1885 everything had changed. The
North-West had been transferred to Canada and was now
Canadian territory, there was a strong force of Mounted Police
in the country, and the barrier of geography, which had made the
North-West the “ Great Lone Land,” had been penetrated by the
Canadian Pacific Railway.

There had been rumours as early as September 1884, that
something more than constitutional action was being advocated
by the North-West party.“ It was not, however, until after the
failure of the petition that the movement definitely assumed an

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 315

unconstitutional character. On March 2nd, Louis Riel, in one
of his constantly recurring moments of excitement, urged upon
Father André the necessity of an immediate formation of a
Provisional Government. Father André refused, and the matter
ended in a dispute between the priest and the demagogue. On
the following day a meeting was held in the English half-breed
settlement of Halcro. Riel attended the meeting accompanied
by sixty armed men. He stated that the police wished to arrest
him, but, pointing to the men with him, declared “ These are the
real police.”** Two days later Riel and Dumont interviewed
Charles Nolin and informed him, “ We are going to take up arms
for the glory of God, the honour of religion and for the salvation
of our souls.”** They showed him a document with nine
signatures attached and requested his,*’ but he refused. He
urged, instead, that a Novena, nine days of special prayers, should
be held in the Catholic Chapel, to learn the will of God in the
matter. This proposal was discussed at Riel’s house on March
6th. Napoléon Nault considered that two days of prayer
should suffice, but finally Nolin’s suggestion was adopted. The
Novena was then fixed for March roth, to carry on until the r9th,
the celebration of the feast of St. Joseph.

It was on March 18th that Riel resolved to form a Provisional
Government. The Novena was not yet completed, but Riel
probably realized that the métis, as a whole, were not disposed to
go to extremes, and that Nolin’s influence might be sufficient to
destroy the necessary unanimity of opinion among them. There-
fore, following the precedent of 1869, he determined to take time
by the forelock by securing hostages and immediately setting up a
Provisional Council. On the same evening Riel’s men made
several arrests among the inhabitants of the neighbouring settle-
ment, including among others the Indian Agent and the Farm
Instructor from Beardy’s and One Arrow’s reserves. They had
hoped to secure Inspector Gagnon of the Mounted Police, but a
mistake was apparently made in his identity.°* These arrests
were carried out by a small determined minority led by Riel and
Dumont. It is doubtful if the majority of the French métis had
any idea as to what was happening.

On the following day, March 19th, the métis met at St.
Antoine (Batoche). It was an occasion of importance. Not
only was it the feast of their patron Saint, St. Joseph, but it

316 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

concluded the Novena, and was to be celebrated by the baptism
of W. H. Jackson into the religious faith which now inspired
Louis Riel. The métis were armed ; a volley was to be fired at
the conclusion of the proceedings in honour of St. Joseph. The
moment was opportune for a bold action and Riel took advantage
of it. With all the fire and spirit of his eloquence, which so
fascinated his hearers, Riel declared to the assembled multitude
that a strong force of Mounted Police were on their way to the
settlement to attack the métis.°° The métis were aware of the
movement of the Mounted Police and of Crozier’s efforts to raise
volunteer troops at Battleford, and feared the worst. The alarm
spread like a prairie fire and preparations were made for an
immediate defence. Riel took prompt advantage of the panic.
A Provisional Government was immediately proclaimed, Riel
nominating the members and the people signifying their approval.
Pierre Parenteau was elected President; Charles Nolin, Com-
missaire; Gabriel Dumont, Adjutant-General; and Bapt.
Boyer, Donald Ross, Damase Carriére, Amb. Jobin, Norbert
Delorme, Moise Ouellette, Bte. Parenteau, David Tourond,
Pierre Gariepy, Maxime Lépine, Albert Monkman, Bte. Boucher,
members of the Council; and Philip Garnot, secretary. The
Council chosen, one of the first acts of the newly-formed “ Pro-
visional Government of the Saskatchewan ”’ was to place Gabriel
Dumont “ 4 la téte de ’armée ” with Joseph Delorme and Patrice
Tourond as his assistants.”°

By this time Riel had definitely broken with the Roman
Catholic clergy. His religious unorthodoxy had long been
suspect. Even prior to his return to Canada, he had given
evidence of religious peculiarities. In the Saskatchewan his
proposals to change the Mass and the liturgy and to establish
Archbishop Bourget as the Pope of the New World, added to the
growing violence of his agitation, gained him the complete
disapproval of the clergy. Finally the priests met together and
decided that Riel was non compos mentis and therefore should not
be admitted to the sacraments.”) On March 1st, Father Four-
mond preached against Riel, who replied with the accusation
that “‘ the priests are spies of the Police.””* During the Novena
Father Fourmond declared that the sacraments would be with-
held from any who took up arms, a proposition which led to
another dispute between Riel and the clergy. Notwithstanding

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 317

the efforts of the clergy to win over the métis they continued to
remain loyal to Riel.

On March 15th the clergy made a determined effort to bring
about a division in the métis ranks. Charles Nolin, who had
fostered the agitation in the beginning but who was not in favour
of a recourse to arms, was selected to counter Riel’s inflammatory
agitation. Nolin met with no success. On the 19th, when the
Provisional Government was formed, Riel felt strong enough to
demonstrate his authority. He seized the Catholic Church as
his headquarters and ordered the arrest of Nolin. Towards
midnight Nolin was brought before the Council and charged
with discouraging the movement to take up arms. He defended
himself with vigour and accused Riel of working more for
his own ends than for those of the métis. In the end he was
acquitted but the counter movement had been broken, and
Nolin, to save himself, promised to throw in his lot with the
Provisional Government.”

Mote significant to Riel than the alienation of the clergy was
the attitude of neutrality now assumed by the English half-breeds
and white settlers. From the beginning Riel had been assured
of their co-operation.”* They not only contributed to the agita-
tion which brought about Riel’s return from the United States,
but openly supported him and acknowledged his leadership of
the new political movement on the prairies. Jackson’s letter to
Chapleau even implied that the English-speaking elements were
only holding themselves back from more radical action. Had
the Settler’s Union not encouraged Riel by their attendance at
his meetings, their collaboration in drawing up the petition to
Ottawa, and by supplying him with money, thus misleading him
into the belief that the whole of the white population of the
North Saskatchewan was behind him, his actions might have been
restrained and the rebellion avoided. But in spite of the fact that
they had encouraged Riel politically and financially, it is question-
able whether any of the whites or English half-breeds anticipated
for a moment that their agitation would end in a resort to arms.
They were disinclined to proceed to extremes, and although
many continued to sympathize with Riel, the majority regarded
desperate actions with apprehension.

With the English-speaking element hanging in the balance, both
the rebels and the police made every effort to win them to their

318 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

respective sides. Following a meeting at the Lindsay School
House on March 2oth, at which a delegation had been appointed
to interview the French half-breeds, Riel addressed the following
appeal to the Engiish half-breeds and white settlers for their
co-operation”®

** DEAR BROTHERS IN Jesus CHRIST :—

“The Ottawa Government has been maliciously ignoring the
tights of the original half-breeds during fifteen years. The
petitions which have been sent to that Government on that
matter and concerning the grievances which our classes have
against its policy are not listened to: moreover, the Dominion
has taken the high handed way of answering peaceable complaints
by dispatching and reinforcing their Mounted Police. The
avowed purpose being to confirm in the Saskatchewan their
Government spoliation and usurpation of the rights and liberties
of all classes of men, except their resident oppressors the Hud-
son’s Bay Company and land speculators, by threatening our
liberty and our lives. The aboriginal half-breeds are determined
to save their rights or to perish at once. They are supported
with no doubtful energy by a large number of able half-breeds,
who have come to the Saskatchewan, less as emigrants than as
proscripts from Manitoba. Those of the emigrants who have
been long enough in this country to realize that Ottawa does not
intend to govern the North-West so much as to plunder it, are
in sympathy with the movement. Let us all be firm in the sup-
port of right, humane and courageous, if in him to fight, just
and equitable in our views, thus God and man will be with us,
and we will be successful.

“Dear Brothers, the Council of the French Canadian half-
breeds, now under arms at St. Anthony, and in the Saskatchewan,
have been most happy to receive your friendly communications
through your Messrs. Scott, Ross and William D. . .

“« Justice commands to take up arms.”

On March 22nd another meeting of the English-speaking
settlers was held at the St. Catherine’s Church. The meeting was
instigated by Superintendent Crozier with the object of counter-
acting the influence of Riel’s sympathizers among the English
half-breeds. The meeting was undoubtedly sympathetic to
Riel,’* and resulted in the adoption of a series of resolutions
which stated “that the members of this meeting continue to
sympathize, as they have always done, with the French half-

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 319

breeds in their desire to obtain their legal rights, by all constitu-

tional means,” but that “ they do not approve of the resort to

arms or the rising of the Indians, and wish to remain neutral.”””
Riel replied with another request for assistance.”

“€ GENTLEMEN :—The Councillors of the half-breeds now under
arms at St. Anthony have received your message of the zznd of
March, 1885. They thank you for the sympathy with which you
honor them, even in this crisis, and ‘of which you have given
ample proof before. Situated as you are, it is difficult for you to
approve immediately of our bold, but just uprising, and you
have been wise in your course. Ottawa has followed with us
neither the principles of right nor constitutional methods of
government. They have been arbitrary in their doings. They
have usurped the title of the aboriginal half-breeds to the soil,
and they dispose of it at conditions contrary to equity in every
manner, and which are already weighing very hard on all classes
of the North-West people. They deprive their own emigrants
of their franchises, of their liberties, not only political, but even
civil, and as they respect no right, we are justified before God and
man to arm ourselves, to try and defend our existence, rather
than to see it crushed.

* As to the Indians, you know, Gentlemen, that the half-
breeds have great influence over them. If the bad management
of Indian affairs by the Canadian Government has been fifteen
years without resulting in an outbreak, it is due only to the half-
breeds who have up to this time persuaded the Indians to keep
quiet. Now that we ourselves are compelled to resort to arms,
how can we tell them to keep quiet? We are sure that if the
English and French half-breeds unite well in this time of crisis,
not only can we control the Indians, but we will also have them
weigh on our side in the balance.

“Gentlemen, please do not remain neutral. For the love of
God help us to save the Saskatchewan. We sent to-day a
number of men with Mr. Monkman, and help to support, as it is
just, the cause of the aboriginal half-breeds. Public necessity
means no offence. Let us join willingly. The aboriginal half-
breeds will understand that if we do so much for their interests
we are entitled to their most hearty response. We consider it
an admirable act of prudence that you should have sent copies of
your resolutions to the Police in Carlton and to the men of St.
Anthony. If we are well united our union will cause the Police
to come out of Carlton as the hen’s heat causes the chicken to
come out of the shell. A strong union between the French and

320 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

English half-breeds is the only guarantee that there will be no
bloodshed.”

On the 23rd another meeting was held at the Lindsay School
House, to hear the report of the delegates. Riel had been
assured that the people were prepared to join him and sent Monk-
man and Nolin to enrol recruits. The English half-breeds were
not convinced that every constitutional measure had been
exhausted, and addressed a petition to the authorities expressing
their sympathy with the métis and urging “ the Government to
do justice to the settlers, treat with them and save the effusion of
blood.””? Immediately following this meeting Scott sent the
following letter to Riel :°°

“* At a meeting held at the Lindsay School to-night, which was
largely attended, the voice of every man was with you, and we
have taken steps which I think will have a tendency to stop
bloodshed and hasten a treaty. We will communicate with you
inside of forty-eight hours after you get this. Notify us of any
step, if any is liable to take place.”

Riel was disappointed. The success of his plans depended
upon the active assistance of those English-speaking settlers who
had hitherto supported him. In desperation Riel sent a final plea
to his erstwhile adherents.

“If the police could be isolated from the people at Prince
Albert, we would make them surrender easily. I think we could
keep them as hostages until you join us, without endorsing our
taking up arms if you feel too much repugnance to do it; but
send us delegates to meet outs, we will discuss the conditions of
our entering into confederation as a province.

“Let us unite in those interests which are common to the
English and French half-breeds and to the emigrants and we
will celebrate in peace and in success the 24th of May.

“ But if we cannot unite, the struggle will grow. Indians will

come in from all quarters; and many people will cross the line
early this Spring; and perhaps our difficulties will end in an
American fourth of July.”
This last appeal, however, met with no greater response than
ptevious appeals, The great majority of the English half-breeds
and white settlers who had participated in the political agitation
held aloof from the Provisional Government, unwilling to assume
the responsibilities which Riel’s plans involved.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 321

In the meantime the authorities had been taking precautions.
Ever since Riel’s arrival in the North-West the Mounted Police
had kept a close watch upon him and his adherents. Riel’s
movements were the subject of numerous reports, the police
headquarters being kept constantly informed as to the progress
of the agitation. Moreover, during the course of the year, the
numbers of the police in the North Saskatchewan District were
increased from 78 to 200.8* The force at Battleford was doubled
owing to the Indian unrest and new posts were established
at Frog Lake and Carlton. Crozier wrote constant warnings
to the Government during 1884. He urged the advisability of
redressing the half-breed grievances and the necessity of sending
additional Mounted Police, “or some other force,” into the
Saskatchewan. ‘ Nothing,” he wrote early in July, “ but seeing
a large force in the country will prevent very serious trouble
before long. If matters are allowed to drift, or if it is felt that no
greater, or only a slight increase to the force at present here is
made, I am strongly of the opinion we shall have the Manitoba
difficulties of 1869 re-enacted with the addition of the Indian
population as allies to the half-breeds.”** Owing to the manifest
unrest in February 1885 at the failure of the long-agitated petition,
the Government seriously considered adding to their armed
forces in the Territories. Commissioner Wrigley of the Hudson’s
Bay Company was informed at Ottawa, “ that more Mounted
Police were to be sent to Carlton,’”’ and that “ the Government
would ask for the possession of Fort Carlton for a longer time
than the year for which it was leased.”’**

On March roth the first report that Riel was definitely
planning a resort to arms was forwarded from Duck Lake. On
that date Inspector Gagnon sent two telegrams to the Commis-
sioner of the N.W.M.P. The first read :*°

“* Half-breeds excited. Moving about more than usual.
Preparing arms, do not know cause nor object of these prepara-
tions.”
and the second :*°

“Reported that half-breeds purpose preventing supplies
coming in from 16th inst.”

On the 11th Superintendent Crozier sent an alarming report from
Fort Carlton :*”
“ Half-breeds greatly excited. Reported they threaten attack

322 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

on Carlton before 16th. Half-breeds refuse to take freight or
employment from Government. Will stop all freight coming
into the country after 16th of this month. Getting arms ready.
Leader will not allow people to leave home as they may be
required. Origin of trouble I think because letter received
stating Riel not recognized British subject. They expect arms
from the States. Have ordered 25 men from Battleford and one
gun to come here at once. Some whites I think favourable to
movement.”

Dewdney was alarmed at the sudden turn which events had
taken. He privately informed Sir John A. Macdonald of the
“ disquieting ” telegrams, and, although he considered it might
possibly be “ the first part of a game of bluff they are playing,” he
urged an increase in the force in the North Saskatchewan :

“Tf the half-breeds mean business the sooner they are put
down the better. They are like Indians, when they gather and
get excited it is difficult to handle them, but if they are taken
unawares there is little difficulty in arresting the leader.’’®®
Macdonald replied that the responsibility for maintaining the
peace of the Territories rested with the Lieutenant-Governor, but
asked if a visit to the troubled centres by Father Lacombe or
Father Hugonard would be of any value. This suggestion was
not adopted, but it is doubtful whether the two priests, in spite
of their influence over the métis, could have prevailed against
Louis Riel. On the 13th Crozier reported that a half-breed
rebellion was “ liable to break out any moment ” and called for
reinforcements. Hence, on the 15th, Commissioner Irvine, at
Regina, was instructed to proceed north as quickly as possible
with all available men up to one hundred.

Crozier made every preparation for the trouble which he so
accurately foretold. At Battleford he organized a body of
volunteers, or special constables, to defend the town and took
with him to Carlton fifty men of the regular force, one gun and
the arms of the disbanded Prince Albert militia. On March 15th
he proceeded to Prince Albert where he arranged with Captain
Moore, a former militia officer, to sound quietly the feeling of
that settlement and report if, in the event of an emergency, a
volunteer force could be readily enrolled. The association of
Prince Albert with the Riel movement had caused Crozier some
uneasiness, but Moore’s report was favourable, and four days
later Crozier appealed for assistance. Riel had made his arrests,

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 323

cut the telegraph wire and formed his Provisional Government.
His men were now patrolling the country in armed bands seizing
stores. The citizens of Prince Albert responded to the call.
A mass meeting was held, eighty men enrolled in a volunteer
corps and immediately set off to join Crozier at Fort Carlton ;
others formed a home guard and stationed sentries about the
town as a precaution against a surprise attack.

Crozier had no desire to precipitate hostilities. He was not
yet certain of the feeling of the English half-breeds of the
surrounding country, and desired to await the arrival of Colonel
Irvine with reinforcements from the depot division. ‘Therefore
the next few days were occupied with last minute efforts to bring
about a peaceful solution of a very critical problem.

On March 18th, Hillyard Mitchell, a trader at Duck Lake,
interviewed Riel. He was a recognized friend of the half-breeds
and told them “I have come over here as a friend. . . not asa
spy, but to give you all some good advice. For God’s sake don’t
go any further. It’s going to be something terrible if you go on
with this.”°° Riel replied with a long account of the métis
grievances and declared that he “‘ would bring Sir John Macdonald
down at his feet yet.” Mitchell tried to reason with him, but
without success. Mitchell, however, wrote to Crozier to make
no move :

“In my opinion there is no cause for alarm as long as these
fellows are not interfered with, but the presence of a few Police
just now would have the same effect as waving a red flag at an
enraged bull, and I am afraid would cause trouble with the
Indians who so far (except a few) have kept aloof.’

On the zoth Mitchell again saw Riel and the métis council. His
arguments were fruitless. Riel was determined to capture the
police, and told Mitchell, “If we take Fort Carlton we will be
able to bring the Government to terms and get our rights.”’”*
He was, however, willing to meet Crozier or Gagnon and to
discuss the situation with them. Mitchell therefore returned to
Carlton, made his report to Crozier, and set out again for the rebel
headquarters accompanied by a Scotch half-breed, Thomas
McKay. At Duck Lake they met two French _half-breeds
bearing a letter from W. H. Jackson, who expressed himself as
neutral but desirous of bringing about a pacific understanding
between the “ participators of the present movement” and

Zz

324 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

“Inspector Crozier as representing the Canadian Govern-
ment.” His terms were hardly a basis for compromise :

“IT must state that the only understanding possible between

Major Crozier and the leaders of the movement is the prevention
of bloodshed by an immediate surrender.’’**
Ignoring this letter Mitchell and McKay continued on their way
to Batoche. On meeting McKay, Riel became violent. He
accused the English-speaking half-breed of being a traitor and
threatened that if hostilities should break out, his would be the
first blood shed. Riel then dictated his reply to Crozier’s
mission :**

* Major :—The Councillors of the Provisional Government
of the Saskatchewan have the honor to communicate to you the
following conditions of surrender :—You will be required to
give up completely the situation which the Canadian Govern-
ment have placed you in, at Carlton and Battleford, together
with all Government properties.

“In case of acceptance, you and your men will be set free,
on your parole of honor to keep the peace. And those who will
choose to leave the country will be furnished with teams and
provisions to reach Qu’Appelle.

“In case of non-acceptance, we intend to attack you, when
to-morrow, the Lord’s Day, is over ; and to commence without
delay a war of extermination upon all those who have shown
themselves hostile to our rights. Messrs. Charles Nolin and
Maxime Lépine are the gentlemen with whom you will have to
treat.

“ Major, we respect you. Let the cause of humanity be a
consolation to you for the reverses which the governmental
misconduct has brought upon you.”

A postscript added :

“To Mzssrs. CHARLES Noutn and MAxIME LEPINE.

“ GENTLEMEN :—If Major Crozier accedes to the conditions of
surrender, let him use the following formula, and no other:
‘ Because I love my neighbour as myself, for the sake of God, and
to prevent bloodshed, and principally the war of extermination
which threatens the country, I agree to the above conditions of
surrender.’ If the Major uses this formula and signs it, inform
him that we will receive him and his men, Monday.

* Yours,
“ Lours ‘ Davip’ RIEt,
“« Exovede.”

SUPERINTENDENT L. N. F. CROZIER

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AGITATION 325

It is possible that had Crozier’s force surrendered in accord-
ance with this demand, he and his men would have suffered the
fate of the Portage party in 1870, arrest and imprisonment as
hostages. But Crozier was not the man to be intimidated by a
threat. McKay and Captain Moore met Nolin and Lépine and
replied to Riel’s terms with the demand that the leaders and
instigators of the rebellion should be delivered up to the police ;
this done an amnesty would be granted to the rank and file of
the métis.

Thus the matter rested until the morning of March 26th.
Riel had not attacked. He was still far from his “ war of
extermination ” and his own situation, in view of the defection of
the English half-breeds and the approach of Colonel Irvine, was
daily becoming more impossible. The police had refused to walk
into his trap, and the possibility of repeating the success of 1870
was rapidly disappearing. On the 26th, however, circumstances
almost gave Riel the opportunity which he was awaiting. On
that day Crozier despatched a small party, under Thomas McKay
and Sergeant Stewart, to secure a quantity of provisions and
ammunition which were stored at Mitchell’s trading establish-
ment at Duck Lake. About three miles from Duck Lake they
were stopped by Dumont and a band of mounted métis. The
rebels “‘ behaved in a very overbearing and excited manner,”
and Dumont demanded the surrender of the party. McKay
refused. The métis endeavoured to provoke the police party
into firing and a few Indians present jeered and shouted, “ If you
are men, now come on.” Nevertheless the police refused to be
drawn into unequal combat. The métis were afraid to press
the engagement and the police retired to Fort Carlton.

Crozier was thus placed upon the horns of a dilemma. To
remain at Fort Carlton would mean the acquisition by the
rebels of much needed supplies and ammunition, and a fall in the
prestige of the Mounted Police among the wavering Indian
tribes. To risk an encounter at possibly unfavourable odds
when Colonel Irvine was only a few hours distant was equally
inadvisable. Crozier did not hesitate to take the bolder course.
His men were eager for “the picnic” as it was termed, and
unwarranted insinuations of cowardice roused his Irish blood.*®
Moreover, Crozier fully believed that the few hours were “ of
vital importance.”*” Hence, with an impetuous nature fortified

326 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

by a reasonable excuse he gave the order to sound the “ Boots and
Saddles.” Preparations were quickly made and Superintendent
Crozier with “ Inspector Howe, Surgeon Miller, 53 non-commis-
sioned officers and men (N.W.M.P.) with one 7-pounder gun,
Captains Moore and Morton, and 41 Prince Albert Volunteers,””®
marched out of Carlton on Thursday, March 26th, to assert
the authority of the Dominion of Canada in the North Saskatche-
wan valley.

CHAPTER XV
THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION. PART ONE

GasriEL Dumont and his men returned to Duck Lake after their
meeting with McKay’s party ; but scarcely had they dismounted
when the cry “ Voila la Police” was heard. Springing to their
saddles Dumont and twenty-five horsemen dashed forward,
followed more slowly by a number of men on foot, to meet the
force which Crozier was leading through the crusted snow.

The two forces met at a point about a mile and a half from
Duck Lake. From the half-breed point of view the position was
decidedly favourable. Crozier’s line of march was commanded
from two angles. Across the road extended three elevations of
land separated from each other by dips of varying degrees of
steepness. On the one side the hollow behind the centre
elevation extended to the left of the road and then bent around
running parallel in the same direction. On the other side a small
ravine offered a natural cover for a flanking force. In addition
ample shelter was afforded by thick clumps of brush and willow.

As Crozier’s party advanced, they were unaware of the
position of the métis until they had descended the first hill and
were within one hundred and fifty yards of the second. The
advance scouts gave the first warning as they galloped back
closely pursued by the half-breeds, and Crozier immediately gave
the order to halt. At that moment an Indian accompanied by
Isidore Dumont, Gabriel’s brother, approached waving a white
blanket. Crozier, believing that the half-breed wished to hold a
parley, advanced with his interpreter to meet them. In the mean-
time, the small force of half-breeds, which had been joined by a
few Indians from the neighbouring reserves of Beardy and One
Arrow, extended under cover of the trees and high ground to
outflank the Government force. At the same time the Mounted
Police constructed a barricade across the road with their sleighs,
withdrew their horses to the rear, and prepared for hostilities.
As the parley began the Indian seized the interpreter’s rifle. A
short hand to hand struggle ensued. Crozier, who had watched

327

328 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

with apprehension the movements of the half-breeds upon his
flank, became convinced that the parley was merely an excuse
to place him in an impossible position, and gave the order to
“Fire away, boys!” Isidore Dumont and the Indian who had
advanced to parley were immediately shot and the firing became
general.

On the right the rebels had taken possession of a log house,
which, partly obscured from view by the banks of snow and
brushwood, was an excellent point of vantage. From it they
poured a hot fire upon the Prince Albert Voluntcers who had
extended their formation to the right and were without cover of
any description. To relieve the pressure upon that flank,
Crozier ordered the cannon to be directed upon the brush, but,
owing to the position of the volunteers, this was impossible.?
The gun was accordingly trained upon another section of the field,
but with little result, the shots “ flying far over the enemies’
heads.”? To make matters worse, after several discharges a
shell was rammed home before the powder charge was inserted,
which rendered the cannon useless for the remainder of the
engagement.

Finally, after thirty or forty minutes, Crozier, recognizing the
inevitable, gave the order to retire. His position was untenable.
The half-breeds had all the advantage of position and, Crozier
believed, of numbers.4 The casualties in the small Government
force had been heavy. Ten men lay dead upon the field; two
more were at the point of death and eleven had been wounded.
All but surrounded, exposed to the fire of an enemy they could
not see, and with five of their transport horses killed or disabled,
retreat was the only sensible move. Under fire the remaining
horses were brought to the sleighs. Confusion reigned every-
where ; nevertheless the retreat was effected. The métis were
anxious to complete the rout of their enemies, but Riel, who
had viewed the battle armed only with a crucifix, declared, “‘ Pour
V’amour de Dieu de ne plus en tuer. . . il y a déja trop de sang
répandu.”® Accordingly the shattered column, thus saved from
annihilation, slowly made its way back to Fort Carlton, leaving
behind nine of their dead and a trail of blood-sodden snow.

Crozier’s defeat was a great shock to Colonel Irvine who
arrived at Fort Carlton with 108 men shortly after the defeated
column returned to the Fort. He had covered the distance

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 329

between Regina and Carlton, over three hundred miles through
the heart of the enemy country, in eight days, and had informed
Crozier from Prince Albert of his approach. A few hours’
delay upon Crozier’s part would have meant all the difference
between victory and defeat. ‘‘ I cannot but consider it a matter
of regret,” wrote Colonel Irvine in his official report, “ that with
the knowledge that both myself and command were within a few
miles of and en route to Carlton, Superintendent Crozier should
have marched out as he did, particularly in the face of what had
transpired earlier in the day. I am led to the belief that this
officer’s better judgment was overruled by the impetuosity
displayed by both the police and volunteers.’”®

The question which now demanded Colonel Irvine’s attention
was the defence of Fort Carlton. The fort had been built for
trading purposes and as a military post was quite indefensible.
Immediately behind the fort was a bank three hundred feet high,
which commanded everything in the square of the fort from two
sides. The slope of the hill was thinly covered with scrub
brush and on the top at the south side with heavy timber.
Moreover, the line of retreat passed through a country which
provided ample opportunity for an enemy ambush. To make
matters more difficult, the ground was still covered with snow,
and progress could only be made by proceeding in file.

The Volunteers were anxious to return to Prince Albert. With
a number of its men and nearly all its arms at Carlton, the settle-
ment was defenceless. Irvine, too, was in favour of the evacua-
tion of Fort Carlton. Prince Albert was the strategical centre of
the Territory of Saskatchewan, while Carlton was of little import-
ance, either from the point of view of situation or supplies.
Moreover, Prince Albert, surrounded as it was by the English
half-breed settlements of St. Catherine’s, Red Deer Hill and Halcro,
which had been centres of the Riel agitation during 1884, was
believed to be in danger of attack from the victory-flushed
rebels. To discuss this question, Colonel Irvine called a council
of the commissioned officers of the Police and Volunteers. The
decision was unanimous in favour of evacuation and the destruc-
tion of such stores as could not be taken away.’

The evacuation was catried out during the night of the 27th
and the morning of the 28th. Every available vehicle was
loaded with goods. Those supplies which could not be taken

330 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

were sunk beneath the ice in the river or emptied into the snow.
While these preparations were in progress a fire broke out in the
quarter occupied by the non-commissioned officers, some hay
used in making mattresses for the wounded men having been
scattered in too close proximity to the stove. The fire spread
with great rapidity, and after the first few moments, no effort was
made to extinguish it. This fire, of course, destroyed the
secrecy of the evacuation, which was pushed forward with all
possible speed. By 4 a.m. the last sleigh had left Carlton.
They drove half-way before stopping to water the horses, and
then, without waiting to feed them, pushed on to Prince
Albert, where they arrived about eight o’clock in the evening.®
The evacuation was thus speedily and effectively carried out ;
but it must be admitted that, had the métis attacked under cover
of the darkness and during the confusion of the fire, nothing
could have saved the police column from annihilation.

At Prince Albert Irvine’s force was received with expressions
of relief and welcome. Wild rumours had been circulating
throughout the settlement, and the fear of an Indian or half-
breed attack had caused great alarm. Following the news of
Riel’s victory at Duck Lake, no time was lost in putting Prince
Albert into a position to withstand attack. A stockade was
erected around the Presbyterian Church and the nearby buildings,
into which the people from the surrounding countryside were
packed. Father André in his daily journal gives an interesting
account of the situation.

“C’était une confusion et un encombrement dont il serait
difficile de se faire une idée. L’Evéque anglais était la avec sa
famille et ses ministres et le danger rapprochant les coeurs, |’union
et Paccord régnaient parmi tous les membres des diverses reli-
gions. L’Evéque anglais me pressait affectueusement les mains
et me remerciait avec émotion, cet aprés-midi, de V’intérét que
je lui avais témoigné dans ses anxiétés. Voila deux nuits que
nous n’avons pas dormi. Nous nous attendions a étre attaqués
a chaque moment par Riel et ses alliés, les sauvages.””®

The arrival of Irvine’s force inspired the settlers with confidence,
and many returned to their homes outside the improvised walls.
Nevertheless, on the first rumour of the approach of the enemy,
the whole settlement was thrown into a panic. Nothing was too
wild to be credited as truth. The following incident, related by

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 331

André, is vivid testimony of the fears which pervaded the whole
of the North Saskatchewan as a result of the métis rising.

“On a renoncé 4 se refugier de nouveau au fort. Nous étions
assis tranquillement, Ambroise Fisher, Damase, mon jeune
homme et moi, et nous nous réjouissions ensemble de nous voir
sortis de cette situation critique, lorsqu’en regardant par la
fenétre, je vois un cavalier et une bande de chevaux se précipi-
tant comme poursuivis par lennemi. Je sors pour demander
la cause de ce mouvement ; les hommes arrivent pales et les yeux
hagards ct passant devant moi ils me crient: ‘Come on! they
are coming, the French and the Indians!’ Aussitdét de dehors je
crie aux Soeurs de sortir au plus vite et de se sauver car l’ennemi
arrive. Les pauvres Soeurs étaient au lit, et pendant qu’elles
s’habillaient je courus vers le fort pour chercher un wagon.
J’arrive hors d’haleine au fort ot déja M. Clarke commande un
wagon pour elles. Le plus grand désordre et la plus grande
confusion régnaient dans la ville. Les familles, tout éplorées et
affolées de terreur, sortaient de leurs maisons. Ce n’étaient
partout que des cris de terreur et de désespoir. J’attendais les
Soeurs ; elles arrivent 4 moitié habillées et tremblantes de peur.
Il est difficile de tracer une peinture exacte du spectacle que nous
avions sous les yeux: les hommes commes les femmes étaient
dans les transes et s’attendaient 4 voir les sauvages et les métis
fondre sur nous pour nous égorger et mettre tout a feu et a sang
... peu a peu les esprits se réassurérent en voyant que l’ennemi ne
paraissait pas; mais quelle terrible nuit les femmes passérent
dans le fort, pressées et serrées qu’elles étaient les unes contre
les autres! Sous l’influence de la chaleur et de la peur les mal-
heureuses tombaient sans connaissance, plusieurs furent
sérieusement malades, cing femmes accouchérent; les Soeurs
me racontant le lendemain les impressions de cette nuit horrible
me disaient qu’il s’était passé des scénes déchirantes. . . . Ce
dimanche il n’y eut aucun service public dans aucune église a
Prince Albert. On était trop fatigué pour prendre part aux
offices,”?10

Thus in the space of three days and with the loss of only five
men 1 the métis had defeated the Mounted Police in a pitched
battle, captured what remained of Fort Carlton and its supplies
after its evacuation, completed the destruction of the fort?
and forced the terror-stricken whites to seek shelter behind the
improvised stockade at Prince Albert.

Nevertheless Riel’s plans had not met with complete success.

332. THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

He had hoped to forestall actual hostilities by capturing Crozier’s
whole force and holding them as hostages. It was with this
purpose that the half-breeds had surrounded Crozier at Duck
Lake while engaging him in a parley. Riel’s plan was defeated
by the fact that Crozier observed the métis’ movements and
ordered his men to open fire. Evidence that such was Riel’s
intention is afforded by his statement to Captain George Young
after Batoche. Riel declared “that his object had been to
capture Major Crozier and his force and then say to the Canadian
Government, consider the situation. As he was attempting to
surround Crozier, Crozier fired, he then said, in the name of
God the Father who made us reply to that, and his men fired.”!8
The fact was that Riel was drawing too largely upon his experience
in 1870, and thought that with Crozier and his men prisoners
he could force the Canadian Government to negotiate with the
insurrectionists. Garnot, the Secretary of the Provisional
Government, agreed at the trial of White Cap that there had been
no “serious expectation that they would be able to drive the
Dominion Government out of the country,” but that they rose
to “force the Dominion Government to attend to them” and
expected daily that “ some one would come from the Government
and treat with them.”!4

The métis were in no position to conduct a successful rebellion.
At the most Riel could only call upon four or five hundred
meétis, many of whom were definitely opposed to fighting and
took up arms only under pressure. Moreover, they were poorly
armed, and smooth bore shot-guns were no match for service
rifles. Supplies, too, were insufficient and ammunition was
scarce. Riel was not blind to these disadvantages but staked his
all upon the coup which he had planned. Thus Duck Lake,
while a tactical success was, from Riel’s point of view, a strategical
failure.

The immediate effect of the métis victory was to bring the
Indians into the rebellion. No better occasion for a native
outbreak could have been selected by Riel than the early spring.
The winter had been severe, and in any event the Indians were
always in a more desperate condition in the spring than at other
times. This was the season when the Agency supplies were
most likely to fall short and the uncongenial spring work was about
to begin. Moreover, the Indians were in an ugly mood owing

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 333

to the indifference displayed by the Government towards the
petition which they had put forward on the occasion of Big
Bear’s council in August.

As we have noted earlier, the Indians had taken advantage of
Riel’s presence, as early as July and August 1884, to consult
him upon their grievances. His advice had been moderate in
character and the Indians had proceeded by constitutional methods
to place their demands before the Federal Government. Thence-
forward they continued to look to Riel for guidance. In January
1885 Crozier wrote confidentially to the Indian Commissioner
that many of the Indian bands were prepared to follow Riel’s
leadership :

“* Some of the half-breeds report that the Indians are quite in
accord with them, even the Sioux, and will act at any time and
manner they wish. I do not, however, believe that there is
universally with the Indians such an understanding, though there
are undoubtedly bands and individuals among other bands who
look to Ricl and the half-breeds as their champions, and who, I
think, have promised to join or act with them as they bid, and
the greater the chances may be of the half-breeds and malcontent
Indians accomplishing whatever object they have in view so
many Indians proportionately would join them.’’®

Throughout the spring of 1885 Riel was in constant touch with
the Indians of the North-West, and his runners were despatched
to every reserve. The Indians placed implicit confidence in the
métis chief, so much so that one Indian, Antoine Lose Brave,
wrote to Riel stating that his son was at the Mission School at
Qu’Appelle and asked “ I want you to tell me, if I done good or
wrong, and if I done wrong I will go and him out (sic).” The
letter also gave a list of the Crooked Lakes, Qu’Appelle, File
Hills and Touchwood chiefs who denied that they had ever made
“a bargin by the white skin folks ” for their country, and asked
“* now we want from you to open us thouroly or make us clear
understand to us which way you are going to commence at
present, because we want to let them understand all our Kine
Tribe, and therefore we want to open us everything what is
going to be after this.”** Typical of the means used by Riel to
incite the Indians were those employed by his runners among the
Battleford Crees and Stonies. William Lightfoot, a Cree of Red
Pheasant’s band, stated that Trottier and another half-breed came

334. ‘THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

to the reserve with tobacco from Riel and Dumont, and declared
that those Indians who would not join them would be forced to
do so. They told Red Pheasant that Riel was a god and was in
communication with heaven.’? The same emissaries informed
the Indians on the Stoney reserves that Riel “ said if we smoked
the tobacco he wanted us to join him, that he had lots of soldiers
and if we did not join him he would send them after us, that the
Americans were going to help him.”"* On another occasion
Riel wrote to the métis of Battle River and Fort Pitt instructing
them to “rouse up the Indians. Do what you can to put
the Police of Fort Pitt and Fort Battle in an impossible
position.”

As a result of their own grievances and these incitements the
Indians were wrought to a dangerous pitch of excitement. Into
this electric atmosphere came the shock of the victory of the half-
breeds and the Indians at Duck Lake. The police had been
defeated in battle! Upon several occasions during 1884 the
Indians had been upon the point of rebellion ; only their fear of
the white men’s power had restrained them. This fear was now
removed and the exciting news spread like a quick grass-fire across
the prairie. Scarcely more than twenty-four hours elapsed
before the Indians at Frog Lake, two hundred miles from the
scene of the battle, were aware of the result. From one end of
the North-West to the other the possibility of an Indian rising
was imminent.

One of the principal points in danger was the town of Battle-
ford. Situated in close proximity to the disaffected bands of
Poundmaker, Little Pine, Red Pheasant and the Stonies, it was
an obvious point of attack. That Riel urged the Indians to
assault the fort is shown by the following letter :”°

* DeAR BRETHREN AND KINSMEN—-Since we wrote to you
many important things have taken place. The Police came to
attack us. We met them and God gave us the victory. Thirty
métis and five Indians sustained the combat against one hundred
and twenty men, who, after thirty-five or forty minutes’ fighting,
took flight. Praise God with us for the success He has granted
us. Arise. Face the enemy. If you can take Fort Battle,
destroy it. Save all the merchandise and provisions, and come
and join us. Your number will probably permit you to send us
a detachment of forty or fifty men. Whatever you do, do for
the love of God. Under the protection of Jesus Christ, the

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 335

Blessed Virgin, St. Joseph and St. John the Baptist, and be
certain that faith works wonders.
* Lours ‘ Davip’ Rret, Exovede.”

On March 27th, following the repulse of the whites at Duck
Lake, vague rumours began to float about of impending
trouble and that there was likely to be a rising of the Indians,
and on the following day word was received at Battleford that
the Indians of Poundmaker, Strike-Him-on-the-Back and Little
Pine were on their way to make demands upon the Indian Agent.
Great excitement prevailed in the town. In spite of the fact that
the local magistrate considered “ the Riel business ” would prove
to be only “a bit of political bluster,”?* many of the settlers
abandoned the unprotected town and sought shelter behind the
walls of the Mounted Police barracks upon the north side of the
Battle River. On the 29th the Indians camped about seven miles
from the town, having brought with them only a sufficient
number of squaws to do camp drudgery—a significant indication
as to their hostile intent. That evening the remainder of the
citizens took refuge in the fort. During the night a few of the
Indians raided several of the abandoned farms and houses, and on
the following day two hundred savages belonging to the bands of
Poundmaker and Little Pine arrived at Battleford “ all armed and
in war paint.”’2¢

Indian Agent Rae agreed to meet the Indians half way between
the barracks and their camp, but, as he and the Farm Instructor
approached, they were fired upon.** Rae then returned to the
fort, while the Indians made known their demands to William
McKay, an officer of the Hudson’s Bay Company. They
expressed a willingness to return to their reserves if their demands
for clothing, sugar, tobacco, powder and shot were complied
with. Rae immediately telegraphed to Dewdney urging that he
be given “full authority to deal with them as we are not in a
position at present to begin an Indian war. . . Answer at once as
answer must be given to-night.”*5 Dewdney immediately replied :

“You have full authority to deal with Indians. Use discretion
and ask Poundmaker to meet me Swift Current with copy of any
atrangements you make. He can bring a couple of his best
Indians with him. His expenses will be paid and I guarantee
his safety,’’26
This overture came too late. The Indians, their cupidity

336 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

aroused by the unprotected stores, had broken into and pillaged
the Hudson’s Bay Company and the other buildings in the
town.*?

On the following day the Stonies of the Eagle Hills joined
Poundmaker before Battleford. The latter, probably, had not
contemplated anything more than a show of arms to force
concessions from the Department; but the Stonies, who had
already murdered their Farm Instructor and a white settler, set
up a “ soldiers’ lodge ” over which the civil chief exercised little
authority. No assault was, however, attempted against the
fortified barracks. The Indians were not accustomed to that
mode of warfare and were content to play a waiting game. As
a result they concentrated on Poundmaker’s reserve, while small
wat parties prowled about the neighbourhood of the town to
ambush patrols from the fort. From the end of March until the
relief of Battleford by Colonel Otter late in April, the Indians were
practically in possession of the town, and the police and settlers
to the number of five hundred were besieged in the barracks.”

The most serious situation arose at Frog Lake, a small hamlet
situated about thirty miles from Fort Pitt. It had been estab-
lished in 1883 as a trading post and was at this time not only the
centre of a Roman Catholic mission, but also a sub-agency of the
Indian Department. Here, in the neighbourhood of a Wood
Cree reserve, Big Bear passed the winter of 1884-5.

Big Bear’s band was in a wretched condition, destitute of
both food and clothing. Even their horses were suffering, and
in February the Indian Agent reported that they had only twenty
miserable animals which were rapidly dying.7® No game was to
be found at Frog Lake, and to satisfy the barest needs of existence
the Indians were compelled to submit to the Government’s
dictum of “no work no food.” Hence, in January 1885
Inspector Dickens wrote to the Officer commanding at Battleford :

“T have the honour to report that Big Bear’s Indians are
working being engaged in drawing logs, cutting wood, etc. As
long as they work they will receive rations, all quiet at present.’
In view of their wretched condition and the scarcity of game, it
was indeed an ominous sign that the Indians had for some time
past been buying ammunition. This did not pass without notice
from the Mounted Police. After arresting a half-breed for
selling ammunition without a Government permit, Sergeant

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 337

Martin at Fort Pitt notified Inspector Dickens that Big Beatr’s
band “ had a large quantity of fixed ammunition in their posses-
sion,” and declared his opinion that “ considering the unsettled
state in which this band is at present, it would be advisable not to
sell or to allow them to obtain so much ammunition, as I believe
it to be dangerous to the public peace for them to have such large
quantities in their possession.”*! Inspector Dickens added his
word of warning in a report to Superintendent Crozier :

“ This ammunition has not been used for hunting as there has

been no big game killed near Frog Lake this winter. The cart-
tidges have been hoarded by the Indians and arc still in their
possession. These Indians do not require fixed ammunition ;
powder and shot are all that they want for killing rabbits and
ducks in the spring; and considering the untrustworthy and
fickle character of these Indians I think that the issue of these
permits should at once be put a stop to.”’S?
This recommendation had been voiced as early as the spring of
1884 after the Crooked Lakes affair, but it was not until late in
February 1885 that the Government realized the urgency of these
solicitations and printed two hundred copies of a proclamation
forbidding the sale of fixed ammunition or improved weapons to
the Indians. These were forwarded to Commissioner Dewdney,
who distributed them throughout Treaty 6 early in March. But,
like Macdonald’s proposal to the Indians in 1882 to exchange
their rifles for fowling pieces, the proclamation was ignored.

Notwithstanding his warlike preparations, Big Bear finally
capitulated to the Government’s ultimatum, In February he
definitely promised Indian Agent Quinn that he would take his
reserve in the spring. Quinn attributed this change of front to
the fact that “‘ ever since I offered to let Indians from his band
join other bands in the District they are stirring themselves about
areserve. The chief asked me not to try to break up his band by
allowing them to join other bands because I (sic) will go on a
reserve.”’°3 On March 18th the site was chosen at Dog Rump
Creek, but Big Bear, still loth to abandon his former freedom,
expressed his intention of seeing the Commissioner once more
before settling down. The outbreak of the half-breed rebellion,
however, took the control of events from Big Bear and thrust it
into the hands of the extremists.

Throughout the winter, Big Bear’s authority over his band had

338 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

been diminishing. The old chief had consistently striven to
better the lot of his people by peaceful methods, fully realizing
that the Indians had nothing to gain and all to lose by fighting
the white man; but, unfortunately, at this critical moment, his
authority, never more than influential, was undermined by the
activities of Wandering Spirit, the war chief, Little Poplar, an
Indian agitator, and Imasees, Big Bear’s eldest son.*4 Riel’s
agents had been at work among these Indians, and, when the
news of the métis rising was received, the wilder spirits among
them, led by the war chief, were ready to take any action. To
make matters worse, Big Bear, who alone might have exercised
any moderating influence over his men, was absent on a hunting
trip during the critical days of the latter part of March, and the
more turbulent element held full sway.

On March 28th Big Bear’s Indians were decidedly restless and
engaged in a council with the Wood Crees. W.B. Cameron, the
Hudson’s Bay Company agent at Frog Lake, observed the meeting
and was apprchensive of its meaning :

“ The talk was of ‘news.’ Wandering Spirit, the war chief,
rose and spoke earnestly in his low, impassioned voice and with
that transfixing look in his dark eyes that I have never seen in
those of any other Indian. Then he drew his shirt over his
head and presented it to Longfellow, brother to a Wood Cree
chief. Longfellow followed, and he in turn handed his shirt to
Wandering Spirit. And all the while the camulet of compact
continued to pass from mouth to mouth around the circle. Big
Bear’s band, it was evident, was making proposals of some kind
to the Wood Crees. ... As I walked home... I had a premonition
of evil days at hand and I felt uneasy and depressed.’’%

The “ news ” which had excited the Indians reached the white
population at Frog Lake on March 30th. On that day Inspector
Dickens at Fort Pitt received word from the Indian Agent
at Battleford that the country was in a state of rebellion, with
the request that every effort should be made to prevent Big
Bear’s Indians from joining Poundmaker. Inspector Dickens
at once informed Indian Agent Quinn at Frog Lake of the situa-
tion and advised him tocome to Fort Pitt at once “ if he considered
that there was serious danger.” Quinn replied that the Indians
were “‘ perfectly quiet,” and that “ he felt perfectly confident that
he could keep them at Frog Lake by feeding them welland treating

IMASE

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 339

them kindly.”** Nevertheless, it was deemed advisable by the
whites at Frog Lake to dispense with the small Mounted Police
detachment at that post as their numbers were too few to be
any protection in the event of an outbreak and their presence
only tended to exasperate the Indians.*” The police were des-
patched from Frog Lake to Fort Pitt on March 31st. The
following day passed without any hint of future disturbance : but
the attempt of Imasees to murder the Indian Agent during
the night*® was an ominous portent of what ‘was to follow.

On the morning of April znd the Indians appeared in full
war paint, having forestalled any possibility of escape or resistance
on the part of the white people by the removal of their horses
and rifles. At the Hudson’s Bay Company shop a number of
Indians demanded ammunition. Cameron asked them for the
required permit from the Agent, but received instead the reply,
“ This is no time for idle talk! If you don’t give it to us we’ll
break the shop open and take it.” The Indians then proceeded
to take complete possession of the village and ordered the whites
to proceed to the Indian encampment as prisoners. Quinn, the
Agent, refused. Whereupon Wandering Spirit, addressing him
in an insolent tone, shouted, “‘ Kapwatamut, you have a hard
head. You boast that when you say no you mean no. To-day,
if you love your life, you will do as I tell you. Go to our camp.”
Quinn again refused. Wandering Spirit repeated the order.
“ My place is here,”’ Quinn replied, “ Big Bear has not asked me
to leave. I will not go.” The war chief then raised his rifle,
“T tell you—go!” he shouted, and fired point blank at the Agent.”
This was the signal for an outbreak of shooting, Wandering
Spirit shouting to the Indians to kill all the whites. Big Bear,
hearing the crack of the rifles, rushed upon the scene, shouting
“ Tesqual Tesqual (Stop! Stop!)” It was too late; the
smouldering embers of racial hatred had burst into flame and a
general massacre was but the work of a few moments. The
Indian Agent, the Farm Instructor, two priests and five others
including a French half-breed, were shot down in cold blood.
Only Cameron of the Hudson’s Bay Company and two women
escaped death, to be taken prisoners by the Indians. Another
white man, Henry Quinn, having been warned by a friendly
Indian only a few minutes before the shooting, escaped to carry
the news of the tragedy to Fort Pitt.

2A

340 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Throughout the winter Inspector Dickens at Fort Pitt had
been aware of the unrest and uneasiness prevalent among the
Indians, but was scarcely prepared for an Indian rising. In the
middle of February he wrote to Crozier assuring him that such a
contingency was extremely unlikely. “It is evident,” the letter
read, “‘ that these Indians have no intention at present of com-
mitting any hostile act. In the summer when their horses are
fat and the lakes are covered with ducks, they may give trouble
on some of the reserves as they did last year.”4° On March zoth,
however, W. J. McLean of the Hudson’s Bay Company intimated
to Dickens that the situation on the reserves was becoming
very grave indeed. He urged that all the Government employees
and white people should be ordered to take refuge in the fort.
Dickens and Quinn treated the matter lightly, remarking that the
Indians were no more aggressive than in previous years.“
The news of Duck Lake and the Indian rising at Battleford and
on the South Branch of the Saskatchewan quickly aroused the
people to a sense of their dangerous position. Dickens hastily
warned the whites in the neighbourhood and posted extra guards
about the fort. On March 31st the police detachment from
Frog Lake arrived, and on April znd, the date of the massacre,
rumours were prevalent, “about something having happened
at Frog Lake.’”4? Early on the morning of the 3rd, the Farm
Instructor and his wife, from the Onion Lake reserve in the
immediate vicinity, reached Fort Pitt, having been warned by
friendly natives “ that Big Bear’s Indians were close at hand.”
They brought ‘“‘ the dreadful news that the Indians were up in
arms, and had massacred all the white people at Frog Lake and
that it would be only a matter of a few hours until they would be
upon us ;’** news which was fully confirmed by the arrival of
Henry Quinn a few hours later.

The inhabitants of the fort, civil and military, immediately set to
work to strengthen their defences. The windows and doors
were barricaded with sacks of flour, of which there was a large
quantity in the fort. Outlying buildings, which might possibly
afford shelter to the Indians, were torn down. Every available
civilian was sworn in as a special constable, and even the women
took their turn at sentry duty. In spite of these efforts the
position of the fort was, from the point of view of undergoing a
siege, a weak one. Battleford was already beleagured, and little

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 341

assistance could be hoped for from that quarter. The fort itself
stood four hundred yards from its water supply, which was fully
exposed to the enemy. Food supplies were abundant, but
ammunition was short, only sufficient to distribute forty rounds
to each Mounted Policeman and eighteen rounds to every
civilian. Moreover, the total population of the fort numbered
only about seventy, twenty-four of whom formed the police
garrison. The defenders had no illusions as to their ability to
withstand a siege; if anything, they underestimated their strength.
Thus, recognizing that retreat might become necessary, the
defenders began the construction of a large scow on April 11th.“
During the ten days following the news of the massacre of Frog
Lake the inhabitants of Fort Pitt went about their tasks “in
constant fear of being attacked at any moment.’

On April 7th Little Poplar and nine teepees arrived from
Battleford. Their appearance was not of a hostile character,
but the police, mistrustful of their pacific professions, ordered
them not to cross the river towards the fort or they would be
fired upon. The Indians remained quiet, and it was not until the
13th that Big Bear and his men arrived from Frog Lake.*® On
the morning of that day, Dickens, who had been without news of
Big Bear’s whereabouts for ten days, despatched three police
scouts to locate the Indians. McLean and others protested
against this action, the former pessimistically prophesying that
“the Indians would add three horses and as many rifles and
revolvers with a quantity of fixed ammunition to their strength
whilst we would be weakened to that extent, besides the almost
certainty of the loss of three men.”*” McLean’s words proved to
be correct. Scarcely had the scouts disappeared by one road than
Big Bear’s band, numbering about 250, appeared by another.

On their arrival at Fort Pitt the Indians peremptorily demanded
that the police surrender their arms and ammunition and give up
the fort. Dickens refused, but considered it advisable to placate
their tempers by acceding to their demands for tea, tobacco,
clothing and kettles. A blanket was also sent to Big Bear who
had declared that ‘‘ he was very cold.” The Indians, believing
that an assault upon the fort might prove too costly, thereupon
adopted fresh tactics. Towards evening three of the leading
Indians sent a message to McLean who went out to parley with
them. At the same time Little Poplar, who had remained upon

342 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the opposite bank since the 7th, crossed over the river, ostensibly
to assist McLean.“* The result of the parley was an agreement
upon the part of McLean to resume the parley the following
day, the Indians undertaking not to attack the fort during the
night. On returning to the fort, McLean discussed the question
with Dickens and others, and with their approval,*® went out to
continue the negotiations with the Indians on the following day.
The Indians reiterated the usual grievances, grievances which
were, unfortunately, only too real to them. McLean described
the parley as follows :

“ Their chief spokesman was then directed to come forward
and speak. He commenced by telling me that they were all very
much dissatisfied with their conditions since the Government
had taken them in hand, and, that owing to the changes that were
going on in the country, they regarded their own future and that
of their children with great alarm. He referred to the extermina-
tion of the buffalo that they relied so much upon for their support
and that the influx of white men would lead to the extermination
of many other animals and fish which helped them to live. He
said that the Government had made many promises to them,
which were not productive of any good, and that instead of their
conditions improving they were becoming worse every year
since the Government people came into the country, and, very
much excited, he said that they had now arrived at a determination
to drive the Government and the white people out of the country,
and for which they would get plenty of help as there were twenty
ox trains loaded with rifles and ammunition with ten thousand
Americans to join them, and they also had all the half-breeds to
fight with them. Continuing he said that they did not want to
drive the Hudson’s Bay Company people away, as they and
their forefathers before them had been receiving many useful
supplies and help from the Company and their people, and they
did not want them to leave the country under any circumstances.
... He was frequently applauded during the harangue.’’®°
McLean pointed out to them that “ any endeavour on your part to
drive the Government and the peaceable white men out of the
country is not only a hopeless but a most dangerous undertaking
for you to attempt,” but Wandering Spirit was in no mood to
listen to advice. Loading his gun as he spoke, the war chief
replied, “ You have spoken enough. We are in a hurry...
you have said too much about the Government, we do not want
to hear anything about him. ... We are tired of him and of all

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 343

his people and we are now going to drive them out of our
country.”

At this moment the police scouts, who had been despatched
the previous day, returning, suddenly came upon the Indian
encampment. The Indians at once gave chase. One scout was
killed, another wounded, but the third managed to escape, only
to fall into the hands of the Indians the following day. McLean
attempted to reach Fort Pitt during the mé/ée, but was prevented
from doing so by the Indians, who not only made him a prisoner
but ordered him to write to the fort urging the civilians to throw
themselves upon the mercy of the savages and informing
Inspector Dickens that unless the police withdrew from the fort
the Indians would attack it. Dickens was placed in a difficult
position. The police were prepared to fight, but the civilians
preferred to accept the Indians’ offer. Hence, with the respon-
sibility for their protection removed from his shoulders, Dickens
ordered the abandonment of the fort.5t The evacuation was
carried out under adverse conditions. The police destroyed
what arms they could not remove, collected their ammunition, and
embarked in the leaky scow upon their perilous and indefinite
journey down the river ; perilous because they might be attacked
from the banks by hostile Indians, and indefinite because they
had no idea how long it would be before they reached safety.
Finally, after seven days of hardship and suffering from the cold
and water, Dickens’ detachment arrived at Battleford on April
22nd, In the meantime the Indians pillaged the fort and, after
removing everything of value, set fire to it.

Frog Lake and Fort Pitt marked the culmination of the rebel
successes. Nearly half of the Indians who eventually surren-
dered, joined Big Bear after the fall of Fort Pitt. Had it been
possible to hold this fort it is more than probable that the whole
campaign north of the Saskatchewan would have been unneces-
sary, and that Big Bear’s following would have melted away at the
first determined show of force. It was the surrender of Fort
Pitt which provided the Indians with the supplies to carry on, and
which finally destroyed any lingering doubts as to the invincibility
of the white men. The fame of these exploits spread throughout
the North-West and Big Bear’s name carried terror wherever it
went. Following Big Bear’s success many of the Indian bands
in the Territories demonstrated the insincerity of their

344. THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

professions of loyalty by sporadic raids upon isolated trading
posts where resistance on the part of the whites was unlikely.

The first of these minor outbreaks occurred at Battle River
Crossing between Calgary and Edmonton. The news of the
métis rising at St. Laurent arrived in this region about the end of
March and the Indians immediately became excited and restless.
To add to their excitement came rumours that the Frog Lake,
Saddle Lake and Lac Ja Biche Indians had risen for Ricl.5? There
is no doubt that the chiefs of this district were in communication
with Big Bear. Bobtail had sent messengers to all the bands in
the vicinity, and, the Indian Agent reported, had received
promises of support from the Stonies at Lac Ste. Anne and Riviére
qui Barre. Feeling that the situation warranted the step, the
Indian Agent finally abandoned the reserve on April 8th, to seek
safety at Edmonton. On the oth the remaining whites, with
the exception of the Roman Catholic priest, followed his example
on the advice of friendly Indians,®

Many of the Indians, including the chief Ermine Skin, were
only lukewarm in their sympathies with the Indian rising, but, as
had occurred at Frog Lake, the more turbulent spirits took
matters into their own hands. The flight of the whites only
increased their assurance. They “ supposed the white men had
bad news.”54 A pow-wow was held, followed by a dance, and
on the r1th, the Indians led by Ringing Sky raided the Hudson’s
Bay Company store at Battle River and took possession of the
buildings and property abandoned by the whites. The lack of
support from other bands, added to the non-appearance of Big
Bear and the failure of the southern Blackfeet to rise, dampened
their ardour for rebellion, and a few days later they expressed their
regret for what they had done. Nevertheless there was reason
to fear that further trouble might arise. The Indian Agent wrote
to Dewdney :

“As it now stands the Bears’ Hills Indians are afraid of the
consequences of their actions and will not move until they are
joined by Indians from Battleford, the Blackfeet or Stonies from
Lake St. Ann’s. Should they receive help from these sources
they will be joined by most of the Indians in this District, except
perhaps Peccan of White Fish Lake, who may remain quiet. I
have no confidence in the promises made by Beats’ Hill band.
Ermine Skin admits that he cannot even control his own men.”’55

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 345

At Lac la Biche, north-west of Frog Lake and north-east of
Edmonton, another raid was carried out. As the rumours of the
Indian and half-breed rising reached the Indians about Lac la
Biche they became restless. They complained of want of food
and declared that they had not been furnished with their usual
spring supply of seeds.°*° The people in the neighbourhood
were terrified at their insolent attitude, and everywhere rumours
spread that Big Bear was on his way to the fort. A meeting was
held of the whites and half-breeds of the district. ‘‘ Tous ces
messieurs étaient terrifiés,”” wrote Mgr. Faraud, “ et leur visage
était decomposé par la peur.”®? Young, the Hudson’s Bay
Company clerk, pointed out that Big Bear was on the war path
and had on two occasions urged Peccan to attack Lac la Biche.
The métis present agreed to defend the fort and the mission,
while Young offered to go to Edmonton to see what could be
done to secure supplies for the Indians.

Young departed on April 19th. At Edmonton he was
appointed Deputy Indian Agent and received a supply of food for
the Indians. On the eve of his return, however, his freighters,
having heard of the atrocities at Frog Lake and the fall of Fort
Pitt, refused to go north. Young accordingly returned alone to
find the post completely gutted of its goods and furs and the
buildings wrecked.

Several days after Young’s departure from Lac la Biche,
emissaries from Big Bear arrived at Beaver Lake. They quickly
persuaded the Crees of that district to take up arms, and on April
26th, Ka-Qua-Nam and the Beaver Lake Crees raided the post
at Lac la Biche. The raid was carried out with typical Indian
strategy. At first the Indians asked the Hudson’s Bay Company
employee, whom Young had left in charge of the post, if they
might remove the goods to “‘ protect them from Big Bear’s
men.” This offer being refused, one of the Indians then asked
for a little “debt °° in order that he might go on a hunting
expedition. As the trader opened the door of the buildings, the
Indians crowded inside and helped themselves to the goods on
the shelves. Mgr. Faraud described the scene :

“Tl s’ensuivit une scéne indescriptible : hommes, femmes et
enfants se précipitérent dans le magasin, envahirent la maison.
En moins d’un quart d’heure il ne restait pas une épingle. Objets
de commerce, comestibles de toutes sortes, fourrures, tout avait

346 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

disparu. Puis 4 V’instar de tous les révolutionaires, ils brisérent
les vitres, les portes, les tables ; les chaises volaient en morceau
sous la hache ; les livres de toutes sortes, déchirés en mille piéccs,
étaient emportés par le vent. Les femmes s’amusaient 4 déchirer
les tapisseries et 4 se partager les robes de Mme Young, coupées
au préable avec des ciseaux. Ils avaient ordre de ne pas bruler,
ils ne brélérent donc pas; mais tous ceux qui ont vu ce petit
fort aprés cet exploit disent qu’il présente Pimage de la plus
grande désolation.’’®°

During the evening two large fires were built, and the Indians
passed the night dancing, singing and firing their rifles.

On the following day one of Big Bear’s Indians in full war
regalia arrived at the mission which was situated a short distance
from the fort. The place was defended by some thirty métis.
The Indians demanded that they should join the rebels, but the
métis, restrained by their clergy, refused. Then, with the threat
that Big Bear would march against them in a week’s time, the
Indians departed, leaving the inhabitants of the mission in a state
of terror. The métis garrison had expended their courage in
their bold reply and a panic became general. Everybody fled
to the woods: “ Tous affolés par la peur,” wrote Mgr. Faraud,
“ partaient sans savoir ov ils allaient, sans provisions, sans secours
d’aucune sorte, abandonnant leurs maisons aux voleurs, ne pensant
plus a leurs semences.” Such was the universal terror which Big
Bear’s name inspired. The next few days were “ journées
pénibles” for the mission. Finally, on April 30th, Young
returned bringing the news of the advance of the Government
troops. After several days he managed to bring together
twenty-seven men to guard the mission, while the Indians, their
boldness evaporating, came in with regrets for their part in the
pillage. As the month of May advanced the settlers began to
doubt the probability of Big Bear’s appearance, but precautions
were not relaxed. A false rumour of the 17th almost precipitated
another panic; a sense of security was not restored until the
news of Big Beat’s flight had reached the settlement.

Green Lake, north-west of Prince Albert, was the scene of
another Indian raid. Here the news of the rebel outbreak on the
Saskatchewan reached the post about the middle of April through
a priest accompanied by two métis deserters from Riel’s ranks.
The trader in charge of the post at once began to move the

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 347

ammunition and the stores from the post to a cache on the
Beaver River. This action was well advised. Riel’s agents had
been active among the neighbouring Indian bands and Green
Lake was an important post as the half-way station to the far
north. Once in command of it, the rebels would be in possession
of the only store of arms and provisions north of the Saskatche-
wan river. At Prince Albert the Chief Factor realized the danger
in which Green Lake stood and wrote to Colonel Irvine to send
a force of men to protect the stores. “ We have at Green Lake,”
he stated, “‘ the complete outfits for the Districts of Athabaska
and Mackenzie River, there are in this outfit over two hundred
stand of arms, and a very large amount of gunpowder, bail and
shot, as well as fixed ammunition, together with a large quantity of
provisions. If these goods are taken by the rebels it will very
much add to their resources, as well as give them a free access by
the Beaver River to Ile a la Crosse. Riel’s success at Green Lake
would prove to the Indians to the north that he had taken posses-
sion of the whole country and create a very undesirable
impression.”*? Irvine, however, refused to send any force to
Green Lake. He believed that Prince Albert was still in danger
of a half-breed assault, and was unwilling to risk weakening the
garrison for the sake of a few stores.

On April 26th, the greater part of the stores having been cached,
the whites at Green Lake prepared to abandon the post. But no
sooner had they embarked in their boats when the Indians
appeared. The savages were intent upon plunder rather than
slaughter and, without molesting the whites, only forced the
Hudson’s Bay Company trader to open the Company’s shop.
The Indians then gave themselves over to pillage while the trader
escaped to overtake the bateaux with their terrified human
cargoes. Constantly fearing an attack the bateaux pushed on
until they arrived at Ile a la Crosse, over one hundred miles
distant. An attempt was later made by an armed party from Ile
a la Crosse to return to Green Lake, but reports of the presence
of large numbers of hostile Indians quickly dissuaded them. At
the same time Lawrence Clarke at Prince Albert despatched a
small volunteer force to the Lake, but it found the post looted
and the Indians in command of the situation. ‘To make matters
worse the party from Prince Albert were made prisoners by a
band of Indians from Fort Pitt. They were, however, soon

348 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

released, the Indians keeping only their horses while the dis-
comfited relief party made their way back to Prince Albert on
foot.** In the meantime the looting continued. The outpost at
Waterhen Lake was raided and the trader made prisoner. Taken
to Green Lake he was forced to open a depot at the north end of
the Lake and supplies amounting to over $40,000 were lost to
the Company. Fortunately few of the arms and little of the
ammunition was discovered by the raiders.

These minor events, while they were strategically unimportant,
did demonstrate the general temper of the Indians. There were
few bands in Treaty 6 who did not long for a return to the old
days and the old ways; who did not desire to see the pale-
skinned strangers driven from the land; and who did not take
advantage, in some way or another, of the half-breed rising to
strike a blow against the white man. Those on the plains waged
a war of revenge; those in the woods, less warlike and less
affected by the revolutionary social and economic changes of
civilization, confined themselves to raids upon small trading
posts. But in each case the underlying desire was the same ; to
recover their freedom, their independence and their country.

Thus the situation stood during the month of April. The
rebels had met with surprising success at every hand. At Duck
Lake, Carlton, Frog Lake, Fort Pitt and elsewhere the métis
and Indians had defeated the white men and the Mounted Police.
The line of the North Saskatchewan was practically in their hands
and the white men were beleagured in Prince Albert and Battle-
ford. These successes had been entirely spontaneous efforts.
There had been no clearly devised plan of action. Indeed Riel
had hoped to carry everything by one spectacular coup at Duck
Lake and, supported by the potential threat of an Indian rising,
to force the Canadian Government to accede to his demands.
Tnstead, he brought an Indian rising with all its attendant horrors
of pillage and murder upon a virtually defenceless country.
Riel’s position was now desperate. The half-breeds were unable
to carry on a prolonged war, while the Indians, held together by
no strong principle of cohesion and with no central authority to
combine their strength, were incapable of sustained effort, and
could act with little efficiency against the disciplined force which
the Government was sending against them. Had Riel been a
student of English history, he might have repeated the words of

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 349

the Duke of Manchester, the pessimistic leader of the Parlimentary
forces during the Civil War, with a much greater degree of truth :

“If we beat the King ninety-nine times yet he is King still,
and so will his posterity be after him, but if the King beat us once
we shall all be hanged and our posterity made slaves.”

CHAPTER XVI

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION. PART TWO

On the evening of March 27th the people of Eastern Canada
were startled by the news that the Mounted Police had been
defeated in battle by a mixed force of métis and Indians. That
the Riel agitation should have developed into a serious rebellion
was totally unexpected. During 1884 few of the complaints from
the North-West plains had filtered into Old Canada. News of
Riel’s reappearance was announced, but not discussed, of so
little importance was it deemed. Throughout the winter the
embers of discontent smouldered unsuspected. Early in March
a few despatches and private letters, referring to the growing
discontent among the half-breeds, Indians and whites, appeared
in the eastern press, but the possibility of revolt was never
seriously considered. Following the news of the seizure of certain
stores and the retention of prisoners by the métis the Gazefte
of Montreal expressed the general feeling when it wrote :

“That this rebellion will assume any serious proportions or
cause any difficulty in its suppression is not for a moment to be
supposed .. . the incident cannot attain proportions of serious
significance, being merely local in its character and of no more
consequence than a petty riot in any well settled part of old
Canada.”

The Government, however, had already taken steps to suppress
the incipient rising by force. On March 14th, following the
information that the half-breeds intended preventing settlers from
entering the country after the 16th, the Prime Minister telegraphed
to the Lieutenant-Governor: ‘ You must assume responsibility
for peace of District as Governor.” He also suggested that the
Lieutenant-Governor, or Hayter Reed, the Assistant Indian
Commissioner, should visit the locality, and asked “ Would
Lacombe or Hugonard be of any service ?”’? Five days later a
reinforcement of police was despatched to Prince Albert under
Colonel Irvine, but as the situation appeared to grow worse,
Dewdney appealed to the Prime Minister for military support.

35°

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 35

On March 22nd, four days before the disaster of Duck Lake,
Dewdney wired Macdonald :

“Situation looks very serious. Think it imperative able
military man should be on staff in event of militia going north.’’
Macdonald replied with a promptitude which had scarcely
characterized his previous dealings with the North-West
Territories :

“General Middleton to proceed to Red River to-night.
Order sent to Winnipeg Militia to be ready to move.’’4

In accordance with this order Major-General Frederick Middleton,
commanding the militia of Canada, at once departed for the
North-West. On the 25th, one company of the goth militia
battalion of Winnipeg proceeded to Troy and two days later the
remainder of the battalion followed with the Major-General.
March 28th, 29th and 30th were spent in arranging the transport
and commissariat services, and by April 2nd the whole force
had reached Qu’Appelle which had been chosen as the base of
operations.

In the meantime the métis victory had altered the whole situa-
tion. What had been up to Duck Lake little more than a
riotous assembly, then became open rebellion against constituted
authority. Middleton, realizing that the Mounted Police were
insufficient in number to cope with a rebellion which threatened
to develop into a general native rising, asked for an immediate
force of 2,000 men. Troops were accordingly summoned from
every province of the Dominion. Eastern Canada provided
3,324 men, composed of the following :

Quebec.—“‘ A” Battery, 120; the Cavalry School, 48; the
9th Voltigeurs, a French-speaking regiment, 230, from Quebec
City ; the 65th Rifles, a French-speaking regiment, 315 ; and the
Montreal Garrison Artillery, an English-speaking regiment
acting as infantry, 299, from Montreal—Total, 1,012 men.

Ontario.—‘“ B ” Battery, from Kingston, 120; the Infantry
School, 92; the Queen’s Own Rifles, 280; and the Royal
Grenadiers, 265, from Toronto; the 7th Fusiliers from London,
263; a company of Sharpshooters from Ottawa, 51; two
composite regiments drawn from different parts of the province,
the Midland Regiment, 382, and the York and Simcoe Battalion,
346; the Governor-General’s Bodyguard of cavalry, 80 ; and the

352 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Dominion Land Surveyors Intelligence Corps, 50. Total—
1,929 men.

Nova Scotia.—the Halifax Battalion, 383.

Western Canada furnished 2,011 troops, exclusive of the
Mounted Police. Winnipeg alone provided a small cavalry
corps, 32, and a field battery, 62, in addition to the infantry
regiments, the goth, 317; the gist, 432; and the Winnipeg
Light Infantry, 327. In the North-West, mounted units were
formed at Qu’Appelle—the Moose Mountain Scouts, French’s
Scouts and Boulton’s Scouts; Calgary—the Rocky Mountain
Rangers and Stecle’s Scouts; and St. Albert—the St. Albert
Mounted Riflemen. Infantry units were organized at Yorkton,
Birtle and Battleford. In addition to these there were numerous
companies of “home guards.” The total number of soldiers
officially mobilized during the North-West Rebellion amounted
to 5,334, added to which were 2,648 Staff, Transport, Com-
missariat, Medical and other corps, totalling in all 7,982 men.®
The Mounted Police, who are not included in this total, numbered
about 500. The artillery consisted of nine guns and two
machine guns.

The eastern regiments were despatched to the North-West with
great rapidity considering the time of year, the absence of a
standing force, and the lack of stores and equipment for the
citizen soldiery. Moreover, the Canadian Pacific Railway line
was not yet completed from east to west. North of Lake
Superior there were several gaps in the line, aggregating nearly
one hundred miles, over which men and supplies had to be
transported by sleighs. Nevertheless “A” and “ B” Batteries, the
only corps constituting a permanent military force in Canada,
arrived at Winnipeg on April 5th, ten days after the battle of
Duck Lake. Several militia regiments followed within a few
days, having been mobilized, equipped and despatched over two
thousand miles, in less than a fortnight.

While the mobilization was being carried out precautions were
taken to guard against the possibilities of incursions by Indians
or half-breeds sympathetic to the rebels from south of the inter-
national boundary. The Governor-General immediately put
himself into communication with the British Minister at Wash-
ington, requesting that the necessary steps be taken to prevent
men ot munitions of war being sent across the frontier.® In

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 353

contrast to 1869-70, the Government of the United States, in
this instance, co-operated loyally with the British authorities.
Secretary of State Bayard at once replied to Sackville-West’s
request :

“T shall use every endeavour to obtain the earliest knowledge

in relation to the revolt in Winnipeg (sic) and this Government
will take all available precautions to prevent the dispatch of
hostile expeditions, or of arms and munitions of war, from within
the jurisdiction of the United States to aid the insurgents in the
North-West provinces.”?
Thus, although there were constant rumours of Fenian invasions
and Indian incursions, nothing ever came of them. On April
11th Bayard assured the British Minister that the military
authorities in Dakota discredited the truth of reports of move-
ments towards Canada by hostile Indians, stating :

“The Commanding General adds that he has enjoined the
utmost vigilance upon the commanders of the posts along the
boundary, and that the reports which he has received indicate
that they are zealously carrying out their instructions.’
Constant vigilance was thus maintained throughout the rebellion
by the American authorities, and Canada, protected from the
danger of any serious attack from the south, was free to concen-
trate her efforts in the north.

The seriousness of the rebellion lay not in the actual numbers
which the rebels were able to bring into the field against the
forces of the Federal Government, but in the potential danger of
a general native rising. Although the rebels who took up arms
numbered scarcely over 1,000, the number of Indians in Treaties 4,
6 and 7, totalled about 20,000. There were, moreover, numerous
métis settlements scattered throughout the North-West from
Wood Mountain to St. Albert, which might easily provide
nuclei for revolt. The first abject of the Government was,
therefore, to localize the rebellion. This was accomplished by
the immediate despatch of men to Qu’Appelle, even prior to the
fight at Duck Lake. The rapidity with which these and subse-
quent troops were thrown into the North-West from Eastern
Canada kept quiet the disaffected Indians and métis in the
Qu’Appelle valley who might otherwise have joined the insur-
gents after their initial success. The early and rapid movement
of the troops was one of the decisive actions of the campaign ; it

354 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

practically settled the issue of the rebellion before it had fairly
begun.

At the same time the Government took steps to remove the
grievances of those who had not yet risen in arms. Extra
supplies were immediately rushed to the wavering Indian bands.
Two car loads of flour and 15,000 pounds of bacon were ordered
to Indian Head. The allowances of rations were increased.
Tea and tobacco were given to working Indians and requests for
oxen and cattle complied with. The cost was considerable,
but the Indian Commissioner realized that the extra expense
would probably prevent a general Indian rising. ‘‘ We are
impressing upon all our officials,”’ he wrote to Macdonald, “ the
necessity of economy, but at this time it is essential that the
Indians be kept busy and contented, and it would be false economy
to be too sparing of provisions and other articles that tend to that
end.’’® It was to be regretted that the wisdom of this advice
had not been recognized during 1883 and 1884 and the unfortu-
nate Indian rising of 1885 thus, possibly, avoided.

As far as the half-breed claims to patents and scrip were
concerned, the Government, having ignored the métis petitions
for ten years, virtually admitted their culpability for the rebellion
by hastily appointing a Commission to investigate these claims.
The Commission had been decided upon as early as January
1885,°° but it was not until eleven days after Riel had formed his
* Provisional Government of the Saskatchewan,” that Messrs.
Street, Forget and Goulet, the last-named a métis from Manitoba,
were instructed to report upon the claims preferred by the North-
West half-breeds, and not until April 6th, that the Commissioners
were authorized to issue scrip in extinguishment of the half-
breed title.11. Had this action been taken during 1884 or earlier,
it is more than probable that the métis rising would never have
been precipitated. But belated justice though it may have been,
it was an expedient move to localize the half-breed rising to the
district of St. Laurent, by removing elsewhere the grievances
which had contributed so powerfully to Riel’s rising on the
North Saskatchewan.

The object of localization achieved, the second object was to
crush the armed resistance of the métis and the Indians by
military force. The original intention of the Major-General had
been to move against St. Antoine or Batoche, the rebel head-

2B

WNVLINOW

no

vey
XV

yi

ar1aeav.no CTE
Ni
s1a6év,10 aq MNEs

*; $4
VIOGIN ISS V |

VWIOLINV
JO JONIAOUd

> i
SEQ HINA in]
‘qos,

sinods 1WI01

SONYELS ni i 2aH
JONVULS yor Wiy 1
Sho SSS S
HOLIT0GIN ee
SNWNTOD AYLI

CAWOLUAML ISSA HIION JH1

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 355

quarters, with two separate columns, but with the rising of
Poundmaker and Big Bear it was deemed advisable to despatch
three different columns against the three principal centres of
disaffection, Batoche, Battleford and Fort Pitt. The three bases
of operations were fixed at Qu’Appelle, Swift Current and
Calgary. From the first General Middleton planned to take
Batoche, thus relieving Prince Albert; from Swift Current
Colonel Otter was to relieve Battleford; and from Calgary
General Strange was to move against Big Bear via Edmonton
and the valley of the North Saskatchewan, effecting a junction
with Middleton at Fort Pitt.

The general strategy of the campaign was well conceived but
poorly carried out. The movements of the troops were slow,
their disposition inadequate, and their principal success fortuitous.
The General in command had seen service against the Maoris in
New Zealand and in the Indian Mutiny, but, in spite of the
plaudits heaped upon him at the time, his management of the
North-West campaign was marked by undue deliberation and
hesitancy. His was not the nature to descend to consultation and
his lack of confidence in his men was apparent at every engage-
ment. ‘Trained in the theory of the impregnable British square
he relied entirely upon infantry, thus forfeiting the advantage of
mobility in a country which lent itself to rapid movement. His
cavalry were stationed in the rear to protect the line of com-
munications when they should have been at the front. More-
over, when cavalry were finally summoned to the front they
were ordered there in inverse order of training! For mounted
troops Middleton relied solely upon local corps, such as French’s
Scouts and Boulton’s Scouts; even summoning to the critical
centre at Batoche a hastily improvised mounted corps known
as the Dominion Land Surveyors Intelligence Corps in prefer-
ence to the Governor-General’s Body-Guard—a well-trained
cavalry corps under the command of Colonel G. T. Denison,
one of the foremost cavalry officers of this time—the Quebec
Cavalry School or the Winnipeg Cavalry, who remained in
the rear doing the work ordinarily allotted to infantry. Had
it not been for the fact that Riel overruled Dumont’s plan to take
advantage of the superior mobility of the métis, Middleton’s
lack of horse might have proved an expensive blunder.

On April 6th Middleton set out from Fort Qu’Appelle, having

356 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

halted there four days “‘ to enable the 90th Battalion to fire blank
and ball ammunition, as I found that many of the men had never
pulled a trigger.”2* ‘Ihe march proceeded slowly. The weather
was unfavourable. The winter snow was beginning to melt and
the nights were “ fearfully cold.” On the first evening “ the
thermometer . . . fell tremendously, and at sunrise it was 23
degrees below zero, and all the tent pegs had to be cut out of the
ground with axes next morning.’!? Moreover, Middleton’s
column was not yet complete in numbers, and the transport
services, having been hastily improvised, left much to be desired.
Finally, on the 17th Middleton reached Clarke’s Crossing on the
South Branch of the Saskatchewan river, about forty miles from
the rebel headquarters, having covered approximately 180 miles
in eleven days. Here he was overtaken by the Royal Grenadiers,
bringing the total strength of the column to about 800 men.

At this point Middleton halted, and the next few days were
spent in executing what later turned out to be an unnecessary and
inadvisable manceuvre. The force was divided into two
columns, the second of which was transported with difficulty
across the river to march parallel with the first column down the
South Branch towards Batoche. Middleton was perfectly
acquainted with the geographical position of Batoche, and the
policy of dividing a small force on approaching the enemy coun-
try and placing an effective barrier between the two wings was, to
say the least, questionable. If the left division was intended to
carry out a flanking movement against the rebel stronghold its
action would have been rendered useless by the impossibility of
effective co-operation across an unbridged river. This move, in
the end, not only served to delay the advance of Middleton’s
force thus giving valuable days to Riel to strengthen his position,
but it deprived Middleton of the service of nearly half of his
troops at the battle of Fish Creek on April 24th.

In the meantime the métis were making every preparation to
resist the troops. They had been in touch with Middleton’s
force ever since it had left Fort Qu’Appelle, by means of Indian
and half-breed scouts, one of whom, Jérome Henry, accompanied
the troops as a Government freighter |! In view of their reports
Dumont, the métis military leader, determined to harass the
infantry column by a series of attacks under cover of the darkness.
In his account of the campaign Dumont wrote :

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 357

“ Une vingtaine de jours aprés,!® on a appris, par nos éclaireurs
qui étaient allés jusqu’4 Qu’Appelle, 4 260 milles environ de
Batoche, que Middleton était en marche.

“Nous étions alors 350 hommes en tout, dont 200 étaient
armés. J’ai proposé d’aller au devant des troupes et de les
harceler pendant la nuit, en les empéchant surtout de dormir,
persuadé que c’était un bon moyen de les démoraliser et de leur
faire perdre tout courage. Mais Riel n’y a pas consenti, disant
que c’était trop sauvage et que d’ailleurs on s’exposait ainsi 4
tirer sur nos amis canadiens. Moi, j’aurais été déterminé a le
faire sans scrupule, et méme j’aurais volontiers fait sauter les
chemins de fer, car je ne considérais pas comme des amis ceux
qui s’unissaient aux Anglais, pour nous tuer et nous piller. Riel
me disait ; si vous les connaissiez, vous ne chercheriez pas 4 les
traiter ainsi.

* Quoiqu’il en soit, nous avons dd renoncer au projet d’aller
rencontrer les ennemis sur un terrain avantageux pour nous, et
jen suis sir, nous les aurions tellement abrutis qu’au bout de
trois nuits ils se seraient entretués les uns les autres.’’!6

Thus, in spite of his better judgment, Dumont gave in to Riel,
such was his confidence in the former President of the Provisional
Government :

“* Jai cédé au conseil de Riel, quoique persuadé que humaine-
ment mon dessein était meilleur; mais j’avais confiance dans sa
foi et dans ses priéres, et que Dieu l’exaucerait.”!”

Riel, however, feared to weaken Batoche by allowing Dumont
to carry out his plan of night attacks. The Mounted Police under
Colonel Irvine were stationed at Prince Albert only forty miles
north of Batoche, and constituted, in Riel’s mind, a constant
threat to the métis capital. Riel had, moreover, been shaken by
the fact that Dumont had been wounded at Duck Lake, and was
loth to permit his military leader to expose himself unduly to
danger. Ina memorandum on the defence of Batoche, written
on April 22nd, Riel stated :

“Tf anything happened to Dumont, it would not only be a
misfortune for his friends, but an irreparable loss for the army
and to the nation. If my Uncle Gabriel were cured of his wound
I should be more willing to see him start on an expedition of this
kind. If we get reinforcements I might change my opinion, I
think, to a certain extent. Under present circumstances, I know,
I understand, that it would be of great benefit to us to go and

358 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

attack and harass the Mounted Police on the other side of the
river, at Clarke’s Crossing ; but that would weaken us here, and
I am afraid that in the meantime there might come from Prince
Albert or elsewhere a force which would take all ours to repel.’’!
Such advice, although not unreasonable under the circumstances,
was fatal to the métis cause. Their chief hope of military success
lay in taking advantage of Middleton’s immobility by a series of
rapid demoralizing thrusts against an untried column of infantry,
not in the attempted defence of a single position against un-
favourable odds.

Finally, however, Dumont could no longer be restrained. He
informed Riel “que je ne pouvais plus suivre ses conseils
humanitaires, et que j’étais decidé d’aller tirer sur les envahisseurs,
et en cela, j’étais approuvé par mes gens.”** On April 23rd,
with a mixed force of two hundred métis, Crees, Saultecaux and
Sioux, he advanced towards Middleton’s position. Riel accom-
panied the force, conducting religious services during the halts.
No sooner had they proceeded a few miles from Batoche when the
news reached them that the Mounted Police from Prince Albert
were on their way to make a sortie against the rebel headquarters.
Riel at once returned with fifty men to reinforce the small
garrison which had been left at Batoche. On the following
morning Dumont with twenty men advanced to within half a mile
of Middleton’s camp. The main body, numbering 130, he stationed
in a small ravine or coulée known as Fish Creek, which cut
directly across Middleton’s road and emptied into the river on his
left. Dumont’s plan was to draw the troops into the coulée
and then to fire on them from behind the shelter of the trees.
“* Je voulais les traiter comme on traite les buffles,” he declared.”

In many respects the half-breed tactics were similar to those
used by the Boers. The rolling prairie, like the South African
veldt, offered extensive cover to the defending force which
invariably appeared to be much stronger than it really was. Like
the Boers, the métis kept to the valleys, coulées and hollows, thus
placing their adversaries against the skyline whenever they
attempted to advance down the slopes. Silhouetted against the
sky the troops were admirable targets for the métis marksmen,
many of whom were old buffalo hunters and all of whom were
familiar with every foot of the ground upon which they fought.
The wonder is, not that the small numbers of half-breeds and

L DuMont

ABRIE

¥

C

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 359

Indians were able to check Middleton and Otter, but that the
casualties of the citizen militia were not more numerous.

On the morning of the 24th General Middleton broke camp and
resumed his deliberate progress towards Batoche. As the
troops were entering what was recognized to be the enemy
country, added precautions against surprise were taken.
Boulton’s Scouts were thrown out well in advance of the main
body. Middleton, attended by his staff officers, accompanied
them. As they approached the ravine the scouts discovered
traces of camp fires ; at the same time some of the métis among
Dumont’s advance party betrayed their presence by firing upon
the scouts. Boulton’s men dismounted and returned the fire,
while Dumont’s force hastily retreated towards the edge of the
coulée.21_ Middleton ordered the troops to advance and a heavy
fire was exchanged. Although they had lost the inestimable
advantage of surprise, the métis had, nevertheless, the advantage
of position. From behind the trees and brush of the ravine they
were able to fire upon the enemy as they came over the horizon.
As the battle progressed, however, the métis became hard pressed.
They attempted to drive back the troops by setting fire to the
prairie but without success.22 The pressure of numbers and
the heavy fire of the soldiers, particularly from the artillery,
discouraged many of Dumont’s men and deserters from the
métis ranks became numerous. At the conclusion of the engage-
ment the métis numbered only fifty-four men.?* Nevertheless,
they were able to check effectively Middleton’s advance, and at
the end of the day remained in possession of the coulée. The
half-breed success was due largely to the unorthodox tactics
employed ; although, according to Maxime Lépine, “ We prayed
all the day, and J think prayer did more than the bullets.”24

On the whole the result of the battle was indecisive. Middle-
ton was by no means defeated but he had failed to gain a victory.
Only the eagerness of the half-breeds had prevented him from
walking into a serious ambush. Had Middleton’s left wing been
in a position to participate in the battle and turn the métis flank,
in place of remaining helpless within the sound of the guns on
the opposite side of the river, it is possible that Dumont’s force
might have been surroundedand captured. Instead, Dumont was
given the opportunity to administer a severe check to Middleton
which delayed for over a fortnight the attack upon Batoche.

360 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

While the first column under Middleton was thus engaged
against the métis on the South Saskatchewan, the second column
under Colonel Otter succeeded in relieving the town of Battleford.
Superintendent Herchmer of the Mounted Police had been
ordered as early as March z9th to proceed north, but, un-
fortunately, the ice in the river having given way at Saskatchewan
Landing, no further progress was possible for the time being.
Herchmer then proceeded to Medicine Hat, where the steamer
Northcote was being prepared to carry troops to the troubled
area, On April 11th Colonel Otter, the Officer commanding the
second column of militia, was ordered to relieve Battleford ‘‘ with
as little delay as possible.”*® Herchmer then joined Otter, and
the combined Mounted Police and Militia force, numbering 543
men with three guns, left Swift Current on the 13th. Consider-
able difficulty was experienced in crossing the river at Saskatchewan
Landing and it was not until the 18th that the march was
definitely begun. The progress made by Otter’s column was
rapid and contrasted favourably with Middleton’s deliberate
movements. The country traversed in each case was rolling
prairie presenting no serious obstacles ; but Otter added a waggon
train of some 200 men to his force and was thus able to provide
transport for the greater number of his troops. The column
averaged over thirty miles per day, and on April 23rd, five days
after leaving Saskatchewan Landing, Otter camped within three
miles of his destination. On the following day the troops
marched into Battleford amid the shouts of welcome of five
hundred inhabitants who had been, for nearly a month, pent up
inside an enclosed stockade some two hundred yards square.

The object of the third column, which was formed at Calgary,
was to overawe the Indians of Alberta, to protect the outlying
settlements, and to move via Edmonton and the North Saskatche-
wan valley against Big Bear. The protection of southern
Alberta was important. Here the Blackfoot confederacy,
composed of the strongest and most warlike tribes of the North-
West, held the balance of peace and war. If these Indians elected
to join the rebels, a general Indian rising from Manitoba to the
Rocky Mountains was not an improbability. Although the
Blackfeet were treated with greater consideration on account of
their warlike tradition, they too, like the other Indians of the
plains, were embittered by the grim experience of civilization.

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 361

As early as 1877-8 the head chief had been in communication
with Louis Riel in the United States.** During 1884 the Indian
Agent reported that Riel’s half-breed emissaries were again
among the Blackfeet Indians, and that, as a result, their former
friendly demeanour had given way to one of sulkiness and
hostility. A half-breed, suspected of inciting the aborigines,
was arrested by the Mounted Police but managed to escape and
sought refuge in Crowfoot’s lodge. The man was re-arrested
but only in the face of manifest hostility of Crowfoot and the
Blackfeet chiefs.”

When the news of the rebellion reached Ottawa the Canadian
Government, realizing the absolute necessity of placating the
southern Alberta Indians, acted promptly. On March 24th,
two days before Duck Lake, Macdonald telegraphed to Father
Lacombe, a missionary greatly beloved by the Indians, asking him
to see Crowfoot and endeavour to ensure the loyalty of the
Blackfeet."* Lacombe went to the reserve, and on the 31st,
replied to the Prime Minister that Crowfoot “‘ promised me to be
loyal no matter how things may turn elsewhere.””* To assist
Father Lacombe in his efforts, and to remove any possible cause
for complaint among the Indians, Macdonald advised Dewdney
that extra rations should be issued to the Indians.*° In addition
to complying with this request, Dewdney also recalled Agent
Denny, who had resigned as a result of the economy cuts, and
himself visited Blackfoot Crossing for assurance as to the sin-
cerity of Crowfoot’s professions. On April 12th he forwarded
the following message from the Blackfoot chief :

“On behalf of myself and people I wish to send through you
to the Great Mother the words I have given to the Governor at
a Council held, at which my minor chiefs and young men were
present. We are agreed and determined to remain loyal to the
Queen. Our young men will. go to work on their reserve, and
will raise all the crops we can, and we hope the Government will
help us to sell what we cannot use.

“Continued reports are brought to us, and we do not know
what to believe, but now that we have seen the Governor and
heard him speak, we will shut our ears and only listen to and
believe what is told us through the Governor.

“‘ Should any Indians come to our reserves and ask us to join
them in war we will send them away. I have sent messengers to
the Bloods and Piegans who belong to our treaty to tell them

362 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

what we are doing, and what we intend to do about the trouble.
I want Mr. Dewdney to be with us and all my men are of the
same mind. The words I sent by Father Lacombe I again send.
We will be loyal to the Queen whatever happens. I have a copy
of this, and when the trouble is over will have it with pride to
show the Queen’s officers, and we leave our future in your hands.
“We have asked for nothing, but the Governor has given us
a little present of tea and tobacco. He will tell you what other
talk we had at our Council; it was all good, not one bad word.”34
It was not, however, a deep sense of loyalty which inspired
these words, but rather the fact that the Indians, realizing their
powerful position, were determined to usc it to extort concessions
from the Government. Father Lacombe, who had lived for
many years among them, and who fully understood Indian
character, wrote confidentially after the rebellion was over:

“ For my own part what I have seen of the Blackfeet and their
kindred since last spring makes me believe, that, if they have been
quiet and have made loyal promises during the Cree rebellion, it
was purely out of self-interest in order to get more and more out
of the Department. From the beginning of the war any one
who knows the Indian character could very carly perceive that
they were not pleased when told of the victories of the whites ;
on the contrary they were sorry and disappointed. Crowfoot
received into his camp and fed for months many Cree families,
and was very much displeased when we tried to send away these
Crees, and it was very generally believed that a great many of
our soldiers were killed by their Cree friends.’’8?

To discourage any inclination upon the part of the Blackfeet to
go back on their word and to reassure the panic-stricken settlers,
troops were quickly despatched to southern Alberta. Calgary
had already formed a troop of scout cavalry and a home guard
under the command of Major-General Strange, a retired Artillery
officer ranching near the town, and on April 8th Strange was
appointed to command the third column to move against the
rebels. The local force was soon reinforced by the arrival of
the 65th Rifles of Montreal, the Winnipeg Light Infantry and the
gth Voltigeurs of Quebec. Provision was made for the defence
of the southern part of the territory by volunteer companies and
later by the 9th Voltigeurs, andon April 2oth Strange proceeded
north to Edmonton with the first division of his force.

Every precaution was taken against attack. Father Lacombe

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 363

and the Reverend John McDougall of Morley went in advance of
the troops to reassure the Indians, and to inform the settlers at
Edmonton that the troops were advancing with all speed. The
cavalry scouts under the command of Major Steele were detailed
to protect the convoy. Nothing that caution could dictate was
neglected.

The march was not without its difficulties. The horses, with
few exceptions, had seldom been ridden and bucked whenever
mounted. At Red Deer Crossing the river was in flood
and only one small skiff available as a ferry. To cross the
swollen ford the waggon boxes had to be raised to prevent the
supplies from getting wet and their contents damaged, and some
of the carts were swept away. The cannon presented the most
formidable problem. Finally a raft was constructed to carry the
gun with picket ropes to serve as a ferry cable. The cable parted
and the raft was salvaged with the greatest difficulty.33

On May ist the first division of the column reached Edmonton,
having covered about 210 miles in ten days. The other divisions
followed in the course of the next few days. Small garrisons
were placed on the line of communications at Red Deer and at
Government Ford near Edmonton. Another force was sent to
overawe the Indians on the Bears’ Hill reserve, while the remainder
advanced down the North Saskatchewan towards Big Bear and
Fort Pitt.

While Otter and Strange were leading their respective columns
against the Indians on the line of the North Saskatchewan, Louis
Riel was endeavouring to bring about a concentration of those
who had taken up arms against the Government. The check
administered to Middleton at Fish Creek enabled Riel and
Dumont to despatch urgent appeals for help to Poundmaker and
Big Bear. Immediately after the engagement, runners were
despatched to the reserves to urge upon the Indians the necessity
of joining the métis force at Batoche. McLean stated in his
Reminiscences that towards the end of April Big Bear received a
letter from the half-breeds asking him to join Poundmaker without
delay and promising, in the event of his agreeing, to send 100
waggons and horses to assist him to move quickly. This
junction was to be followed by an assault upon Battleford, after
which the combined forces of the Indians would join Riel at
Batoche.*

364 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

This plan was excellent strategy. The union of the three
rebel forces would have brought their numbers to nearly 1,000
and would have enabled Riel to prolong the rebellion, if not to
inflict a decisive defeat upon the Canadian troops under Middleton.
It was, however, rendered ineffective by the procrastination and
lack of purpose which characterized the Indians as a fighting
force. The demands of their savage democracy rendered them
incapable of rapid decision and much valuable time was lost in
factional disputes.

Big Bear’s band, it will be remembered, was composed of the
allied forces of the Wood Crees and the Plain Crees. The former,
less warlike and less affected by the advent of the white man, were
well satisfied to have secured a large quantity of provisions in
the pillage of Frog Lake, Cold Lake and Fort Pitt. The Plain
Crees, harbouring a greater resentment against the whites, were
determined to carry on a war of extermination. Thus the latter
were anxious to move towards Battleford to join forces with
Poundmaker, while their allies consistently opposed the plan.
In this they were abetted by the white prisoners in the camp who
fully realized the importance of preventing the junction. The
result was a continual bickering and disputation after the Indian
fashion. The Plain Cree chiefs, however, made every effort to
preserve the alliance and to convince their reluctant allies of the
advantage to be gained from the half-breed proposal, and finally,
about May 1st, Big Bear’s camp began to move, by short marches,
from Frog Lake towards Fort Pitt and Battleford.

In Poundmaker’s camp a similar dissension prevailed. The
chief himself, like Big Bear, was by no means heart and soul in the
rebellion ;35 but the Assiniboines or Stonies, who had murdered
their Farm Instructor and a neighbouring farmer before joining
the Crees at Battleford, were inveterate in their hatred of the
whites. Like Big Bear’s Plain Crees they were strongly in favour
of joining the métis. Poundmaker was unwilling to move from
his reserve. He suspected that all was not well in the métis camp.
The early messengers had conveyed the impression that Riel
would carry all before him but now they asked for help. More-
over, nothing had been heard of the assistance which Riel had
promised would be forthcoming from the United States. Pound-
maker accordingly temporized. He replied to Riel’s overtures
with the statement that “he would send to Fort Pitt, to Big

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 365

Bear’s camp, and he would wait for him a while before he would
go down to Riel.”*® On April z9th Poundmaker addressed a
long letter to Riel. He informed him of the progress of the
Indian rising, but instead of promising to join Riel at Batoche
he asked the métis leader to send men and ammunition to Battle-
ford. His doubts as to Riel’s position are apparent from this
letter :

“ T want to hear news of the progress of God’s work. If any
event has occurred since your messengers came away, let me
know of it. Tell me the date when the Americans will reach the
Canadian Pacific Railway. ‘Tell me all the news that you have
heard from all places where your work is in progress... . Here
we have killed six white men. We have not taken the barracks
yet, but that is the only entire building in Battleford. All the
cattle and horses in the vicinity we have taken. We have lost
one man, Nez Percé killed, he being alone, and one wounded.
Some soldiers have come from Swift Current, but I do not know
their number.3? We have here guns and rifles of all sorts, but
ammunition for them is short. If it be possible, we want you to
send us ammunition of various kinds. We are weak only for the
want of that. You sent word that you would come to Battleford
when you had finished your work at Duck Lake. We wait still
for you, as we are unable to take the fort without help. If you
send us news send only one messenger. We are impatient to
reach you. It would give us—encourage us much to see you,
and make us work more heartily. Up to the present everything
has gone well with us, but we are constantly expecting the
soldiers to visit us here. We trust that God will be as kind to us
in the future as he has in the past.’’88

Riel was not in a position to assist Poundmaker ; rather he
needed Poundmaker’s assistance. Riel, therefore, replied in a
fulsome strain telling the Indians of the “ victory ” at Fish Creek
at which “ nos volontaires. . .se conduisérent. . . je ne dirai pas
seulement commes des braves mais commes des héros.” The
letter, however, betrayed the critical position of the métis when
it asked :

““ Nous vous demandons au nom du Bon Dieu de nous envoyer
aussitOt que vous pourrez et si vous le voulez entre deux 4 deux
cent cinquante hommes et méme trois cent s’il se peut, afin que
non seulement nous puissions venir 4 bout de Middleton mais
que nous puissions méme aprés avoir anéanti, par la puissance
de Dieu, une partie de son arméc, faire prisonnicr Pautre moiti€ ;

366 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

et Ja tenant en otage amener le gouvernement d’Ottawa 4 traiter
avec nous, et 4 lui faire reconnaitre et respecter nos droits, les
droits des métis et des sauvages, Courage! Venez-vous en
tous.’78?

This message was not received by Poundmaker until after his
Indians had been attacked by Colonel Otter at Cut Knife Hill.

The engagement at Cut Knife was a failure. Otter’s object
was to prevent, if possible, the junction of Big Bear and Pound-
maker and their union with Riel.“° Although Poundmaker had
made no deliberate assault upon the fort at Battleford, his men
had raided and fired the town, murdered several white men and
waylaid a Mounted Police patrol several days before Otter’s
arrival. That Poundmaker’s intentions were by no means
pacific is shown in his letter to Riel—quoted above—in which he
asked for assistance to take the fort. Moreover, the Assiniboines
in his camp had set up a “ soldiers’ lodge,” and under the
influence of a half-breed agitator, were anxious to join the métis at
Batoche. Otter was therefore justified in an attack, which, had
it been successful, would have been considered asa master stroke
rather than a blunder.

Otter did not consult General Middleton as to the advisability
of the attack upon Poundmaker.*! Instead he telegraphed to the
Lieutenant-Governor for his approval, a breach of military
etiquette that may be explained by the mistaken belief that it
was necessary to consult the civil authority responsible for
the administration of Indian affairs before launching the attack.
On April 26th, two days after his relief of Battleford, Otter wired
to Dewdney :

“YT would propose taking part of my force at once to punish
Poundmaker, leaving one hundred men to garrison Battleford.
Great depredations committed. Immediate decisive action
necessary. Do you approve ?’’#

Dewdney wired his approval on the same day, adding a note of
warning :

* Think you cannot act too energetically or Indians will collect
in large numbers. Herchmer knows country to Poundmaker’s
reserve. Sand hills most dangerous ground to march through.
Be sure to secure good reliable scouts.’

Otter therefore despatched his scouts to reconnoitre. They
reported on the 29th that some two hundred Crees and Assini-

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 367

boines were camped near Poundmaker’s reserve, about thirty-
eight miles from Battleford. Otter informed Dewdney on
the 30th that he was prepared to move and on the afternoon of the
following day set out with a force of 325 men, 48 waggons, 2
seven-pounder guns and a Gatling machine gun.‘ They pushed
forward during the night hoping to surprise the Indians at sunrise
on May 2nd.

The Indians were encamped on the western slope of Cut
Knife Hill where Poundmaker and the Crees had, many years
before, defeated the Sarcee warrior, Cut Knife. Poundmaker
was daily anticipating an attack from the troops and had obviously
chosen his position accordingly. The surprise which Otter had
planned was, therefore, only partial An Indian camp can
scarcely ever be said to be asleep, and Otter’s column was dis-
coveted at daybreak as it was descending the hill opposite and
preparing to cross Cut Knife Creek. At once the troops and the
Indians raced towards Cut Knife Hill. As the Mounted Police
and the gunners gained the crest of the hill the Indians fell back
into the coulées surrounding it. Taking advantage of the
cover thus afforded by the trees and shrubbery, they worked
their way around until they had practically surrounded the troops
and from their concealed position poured a rapid cross-fire upon
the soldiers as they lay exposed upon the hill. For seven hours
the fight continued. Finally, with his men exhausted by the
all-night march and the hunger and fatigue of the engagement,
and realizing that his position would become more and more
untenable as the darkness descended, Otter gave the order to
retire. The line of retreat was cleared by a charge, and the
column, under cover of fire from the cannon and machine gun,
made its way over the creek and up the hill on the opposite side.
The retreat might easily have developed into a rout. Pound-
maker, however, held back his victorious warriors and prevented
them from cutting the retreating column to pieces.‘

Although the troops outnumbered the Indians by three to two
and acquitted themselves nobly under fire, Otter’s force accom-
plished nothing. It is possible that, had Otter taken advantage
of the surprise, and hurled his few cavalry directly at the Indian
camp, instead of being awed by a few casualties, the Indians
might have surrendered in order to save their women and
children. The Indians’ weakest point was their anxiety to keep

368 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the fighting as far as possible from the camp, but they were
allowed to choose their own fighting ground. The battle of
Cut Knife taught the Indians a lesson ; but not the lesson which
Otter had hoped to teach them. Had he succeeded he would
have put an end to any possibility of the junction of the Indian
with the half-breed force. Instead his failure rendered it more
probable.

On the same or following day the messengers arrived from
Batoche with Riel’s appeal for help, and with the war party in the
ascendant, Poundmaker’s Indians began to move towards the
half-breed headquarters. On May 14th the Indians, having
reached the Eagle Hills, intercepted a supply train en route to
Battleford. They were thus able to renew their stock of provi-
sions and took twenty-two prisoners. Later in the same day a
skirmish occurred between a small party of Indians and a scouting
party from the fort. The scouts suffered one killed and one
wounded and beat a hasty retreat to Battleford.“* Three days
later a messenger arrived with the news that the métis and the
soldiers were engaged in a battle at Batoche and with another
urgent appeal for assistance from Riel. The Indians, however,
did not begin to move until it was too late. On May roth
Poundmaker learned that the métis had been defeated by the
troops after a three days’ engagement and that Riel and Dumont
were fugitives.“”

Following the check at Fish Creek, Middleton remained for
nearly a fortnight in camp at that place. He had to make pro-
vision for his wounded and hesitated to advance without rein-
forcements. The division which had been so laboriously
transported to the left bank of the river at Clarke’s Crossing now
rejoined the main column and two companies of the Midland
Battalion, the Surveyors’ Intelligence Corps and a Gatling gun
were ordered to join the General’s force. It is difficult to
understand why Middleton did not order up either the Governor-
General’s Body-Guard or the Quebec Cavalry from the Qu’
Appelle trail: both of these were better mounted and better
trained than the improvised Surveyors’ Corps.

On May 7th Middleton began to move towards Batoche, his
force numbering approximately 850 men.** On board the
steamer Northcote, which had brought the reinforcements
from Swift Current, were placed thirty-ftve men from the Infantry

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 369

School. The steamer had already been fortified, the object being
to use her in a combined attack upon Batoche. On the th the
troops advanced slowly towards their objective. It had been
previously arranged that the Northcote should drop downstream
to co-operate in the attack which had been scheduled to begin at
eight a.m. The Gencral, however, either miscalculated the
marching speed of his column or misunderstood the proposed
course of action, as the troops, unfortunately, did not arrive
until nine a.m., one hour after the Northcote had opened fire on
the rebels.“ Hence the advantages of co-operation were lost.
The steamer drifted down the river, her mast and funnels carried
away by the steel ferry cable which had been lowered by the half-
breeds to stop her, and was soon out of range of the battlefield.

Middleton found the rebel position weil chosen and strongly
entrenched. On the left the South Saskatchewan river flowed
westerly for about three-fourths of a mile, then turning sharply
it ran almost due north. The bank on the easterly side was bold
and steep and well covered with timber and undergrowth.
Nearing Batoche it gradually flattened out, rising again lower
down the river. The approach to the village was defended by a
line of rifle pits or trenches along the edge of the bank. These
extended down the river for nearly a mile and were placed at
short intervals from each other. The main position of the rebels
extended along the edge of a range of hills running parallel with
the river and forming the eastern slope of the valley. The slopes
of these hills were fairly well wooded and cut by several coulées
which afforded excellent protection to the defending force.
Independent of the main line of rifle pits, which extended along
the brow of the hill, were many others, placed at various points on
the face of the hill, which might possibly become a commanding
position. The pits were admirably constructed for their purpose.
They were about three or four feet deep with breastworks of
earth and logs channelled for the rifles. From these pits a
constant fire could be directed against the enemy with more or
less impunity. The effectiveness of these fortifications is shown
by the fact that the métis sustained no serious casualties during
the first three days of the engagement. Middleton himself
declared “‘ on inspecting the scene of action after it was over, I
was astonished at the strength of the position and at the ingenuity
and care displayed in the construction of the rifle pits.”*°

2c

370 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

On the first day of the battle Middleton received a definite
check. The rebels kept up a steady fire from their trenches as
the troops and batteries approached the crest of the hill. Only
the rapid fire from the machine gun offered any covering for the
movements of Middleton’s force. The rebels, it will be observed,
were using the same tactics as at Fish Creek and Cut Knife,
namely, firing from naturally protected hollows upon an enemy
advancing over an unsheltered horizon; unorthodox tactics
but eminently successful. Towards evening Middleton’s men
retired into a zareba which had been formed about a mile to the
rear of the battlefield. The same operation was repeated the
following day and again on the 11th.5! The troops, under cover
of an artillery barrage, advanced to the edge of the hill, engaged
in skirmishes with the rebels, suffered a few casualties and then
retired into the fortified zareba for the night.

This policy of delayed action had two important results. In
the first place it wore down the resistance of the métis. They
were not prepared to undergo a long siege. The majority of the
half-breeds were armed, not with rifles, but with smooth-bore
shot guns. On the second day the Brigade Surgeon stated that
the rebels were using slugs and duck shot in their shot guns.
On the third day their fire became noticeably less, and Bishop
Grandin later stated that they were reduced to using small stones
and nails for ammunition. It must be remembered, moreover,
that many of the métis were only half-hearted in their resistance,
having been forced to take up arms by the militant party amongst
them.

But while Middleton’s persistence discouraged the métis, his
inaction irritated the troops. The militia officers felt that the
General had no confidence in his men and they began to lose
confidence in him. The men were indignant at the constant
rumours that British Regulars would have to be sent for, but saw
little hope of redeeming themselves by Middleton’s tactics. It
was, therefore, with a feeling of restlessness that the battle was
resumed the following day.

On May 12th Middleton planned a great combined movement.
Following a reconnaissance on the previous day, he determined to
move around to the north-east of Batoche with 150 men, one
cannon and the Gatling machine gun, in order to engage the line
of rifle pits to the right of the village. In the meantime the main

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 371

body of troops under Colonel Van Straubenzie were to attack
from the south. Owing to a misunderstanding, however,
Van Straubenzie remained quiet, waiting to hear Middleton’s force
engaging the cnemy on the right. The misunderstanding turned
out to be a fortunate one. The silence on the left apparently
convinced the métis that Middleton’s move was genuine and
that the main attack would come from that direction. They
were, therefore, unprepared for what happened.

Middleton was thoroughly displeased and the Midlanders and
the Grenadiers were sent to take up their old position on the
left flank as on the previous day. But upon this occasion
there was no holding the men. Led by Colonels Williams
and Grassett they advanced with a cheer, driving the enemy out
of the first line of rifle pits. Pushing on they dashed down the
slope towards the village of Batoche scattering the métis before
them. In the meantime the General rushed forward his support.
The goth, Boulton’s Scouts, the Surveyors, the machine gun
and the batteries followed the charging line, and in a few moments
Batoche had fallen. The métis fled to the woods ; any hope of
a further resistance was at an end.5

On May 15th Riel was taken prisoner. He had communicated
with Middleton during the course of the last day of the battle
relative to the position of the non-combatants, and indicated his
anxiety for negotiations by scribbling upon the envelope of his
despatch “ I do not like war ” and threatening to put to death his
white prisoners “ If you do not retreat and refuse an interview.’’®4
The infantry charge put an end to any possibility of carrying out
this threat. On the 13th Middleton wrote to Riel inviting his
surrender :

“I am ready to receive you and your council and protect
you until your case has been decided upon by the Dominion
Government.”’55
This message was borne to Riel by a métis prisoner who undertook
the mission at the General’s request. Riel replied on the rsth:

“ General, I have received only to-day yours of the 13th instant.
My council are dispersed. I wish you would let them go quiet
and free. J hear that presently you are absent. Would I go to
Batoche, who is going to receive me? I will go to fulfil God’s
will.’’56
Gabriel Dumont was definitely opposed to surrender, returning

372 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

the answer to Middleton that “ J’ai encore quatre-vingt-dix
cartouches 4 dépenser sur ses gens.”*’ Riel accordingly gave
himself up, surrendering to two scouts, while Dumont fled over
the frontier into the United States.

Middleton, having taken Batoche and received the surrender of
Riel, proceeded to Prince Albert where Colonel Irvine and his
force of Mounted Police had remained inactive since the fall of
Fort Carlton. Irvine’s inaction threw the police open to
considerable criticism and press diatribes. The appellation of
“ gophers ”? was freely applied to them. This criticism was not
only uninformed ; it was unjust. Irvine was under Middleton’s
orders and for weeks he was without news of any description,
from his superior officer. In his report Irvine stated that he
suggested to Middleton that a combined movement on Batoche
might be a good plan, but received only the command “ not to
attack but to look out for flying half-breeds.”°* Subsequent
communications contained no counter order; indeed, through-
out the whole campaign Irvine was kept in ignorance as to the
General’s movements. Had he been ordered to attack from the
north while Middleton commanded the assault from the south,
the task of reducing Batoche might have been rendered much
simpler.

From Batoche Middleton continued, on board the Northcore, to
Battleford. Here, on the 23rd he received Poundmaker’s sub-
mission. The chief had long favoured negotiations with the
whites but had been overruled by the war party ; therefore, upon
receipt of the news of Riel’s defeat, he at once sent a letter to
Middleton asking for terms."®

“Tam camped with my people at the east of the Eagle Hills,
where I am met by the news of the surrender of Riel. No letter
came with the news, so that I cannot tell how far it may be true.
I send some of my men to you to learn the truth and the terms of
peace, and hope you will deal kindly with them. J and my
people wish you to send us the terms of peace in writing, so that
we may be under no misunderstanding, from which so much
trouble arises. We have twenty-one prisoners whom we have
tried to treat well in every respect. With greetings,

‘* POUNDMAKER.”

Middleton was in no mood to negotiate terms and demanded an
unconditional surrender. He replied to Poundmaker :°

YUANVINGNAOd AO YAANAYHAG AH,

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 373

“* T have utterly defeated the half-breeds and Indians at Batoche,
and have made prisoners of Riel and most of his Council. Ihave
made no terms with them, neither will I make terms with you.
I have men enough to destroy you and your people or, at least,
to drive you away to starve, and will do so unless you bring in
the teams you took and yourself and Councillors, with your
arms, to meet me at Battleford on Monday, the 26th. I am glad
to hear you have treated the prisoners well and have released
them.”

On the 26th Poundmaker and his men came in, “ the most
pathetic and picturesque procession I have ever seen,” wrote an
observer.*! Middleton, fresh from his victory, refused to take
the Indian chief’s hand in greeting, disarmed his followers,
lectured them severely, and imprisoned Poundmaker and his
head men.

With the surrender of Riel and Poundmaker, the only remaining
rebel in the field was Big Bear. Having decided to effect a
junction with Poundmaker, he had left Frog Lake on May 1st and
proceeded as far as Frenchman’s Butte, a high conical hill, about
twelve miles east of Fort Pitt. Here the Indians determined to
hold a Thirst Dance in order to restore harmony between the
Plain and the Wood Crees. The feeling between the two bands
had become so strained that they no longer camped together but
in separate groups, and Big Bear’s chiefs saw the necessity of
averting the impending rupture between the two factions and
restoring their fighting zeal. Messengers were sent to Pound-
maker ; they returned, not with the expected greetings, but with
the news that “ the earth was trembling at Battleford with soldiers
and horses.”°* Nevertheless the Thirst Dance continued. On
May 25th the Indians observed an unfavourable omen. The
large Hudson’s Bay Company flag which they carried with them
was inadvertently raised upside down, a sign of ill-fortune which
rendered them very uncasy. On the 26th the alarming news was
reccived that troops were close at hand, at Fort Pitt! It was
Gencral Strange with the third column descending the North
Saskatchewan to join Middicton in a combined action against
Big Bear.

The whole camp was thrown into a panic. The Indians
immediately prepared for flight and battle. The Thirst Dance

was abandoned, tents were struck, and the camp moved to the

374 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

north bank of the Red Deer Creek to take up a position on French-
man’s Butte, thus securing a favourable ground for battle and an
open line of retreat. Here the Indians determined to make a
stand. Old men and women dug themselves pits and covered
them with green logs for protection, while the warriors threw up
earthworks and sighted their rifles. At the same time a small
scouting party was sent to observe the movements of the troops.
This party came into contact with Strange’s advance guard
under Steele at Pipestone Creek, a few shots were exchanged,
two Indians were killed and the others quickly retired to French-
man’s Butte.®*

Strange attacked the Indians on May 28th from the south
bank of Red Deer Creek. The Indian position was well suited
for defensive purposes. They occupied “an impregnable
position in the forks of the Red Deer and Little Red Deer,
presenting a salient with a natural glacis crowned with brush
and rifle pits along the crest. The Red Deer River, which expands
into a muskeg, covering the front and flanks of the position which
extended about three miles.”** Although his force numbered
only 195, Strange did not hesitate to attack this natural strong-
hold. Practically no headway was made in a frontal attack, and
as it was found impossible to turn the enemy’s flank, Strange
decided to withdraw. This was an unfortunate decision in view
of the fact that the cannon had finally secured the range of the
Indian trenches and the terrified savages were flying from the
field at the very moment when Strange gave the order to retire.
Finding that the attack was not followed up the Indians returned,
picked up their wounded and hastily abandoned property, and
rejoined their camp. It is possible that the Indians might have
awaited a second attack, but their ammunition was short and the
shrapnel shells had taken the edge off their fighting enthusiasm.
Moreover, they were weighed down with the full impedimenta
of an Indian camp and the prisoners which they had taken at
Frog Lake and Fort Pitt, a circumstance which would make rapid
flight impossible in the event of another attack. They therefore
took advantage of the withdrawal of Strange and set off as
rapidly as possible towards the north.

Strange made no effort to follow up the retreating enemy. In
fact he was totally unaware that the Indians had taken flight, and
was afraid to move without reinforcements. The news of Otter’s

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 375

reverse at Cut Knife made Strange over cautious. As he often
said, he had no intention of “ committing Custer.” Furthermore
Strange had not yet established communication with General
Middleton. There appears to have been a mutual jealousy and
lack of co-operation between the two commanders. Strange
later declared that he had repeatedly urged upon Middleton the
advisability of proceeding up the Saskatchewan river in order to
catch Big Bear in the rear. Upon three different occasions couriers
were sent by Strange to the Commander-in-Chief, but like the
ravens of the ark, they never returned, and instead of the rein-
forcements asked for came a letter calling upon Big Bear to
surrender. Strange waxed sarcastic: ‘“‘ General Middleton’s
letter addressed to Big Bear, for various reasons—among others
the deficiency of pillar post boxes—failed to reach that gentle-
man.”** After the news of Strange’s check at Frenchman’s
Butte, Middleton acted with more vigour and, accompanied by
several companies of the goth, the Midland Battalion, and the
Grenadiers, together with Boulton’s, Herchmer’s, Brittlebank’s
(late French’s) and the Surveyor Scouts, he joined General
Strange at Fort Pitt on June 3rd.

In the meantime the Indians were cutting their way through the
wooded country north of the Saskatchewan in the direction of
Loon Lake. Their progress was slow owing to the nature of the
country, the size of the camp, the number of prisoners and the
shortage of horses. It is more than likely that Strange could
have overtaken the Indians and inflicted a defeat upon them had
he taken the risk of a rapid pursuit. The hardships of the
prisoners were great. Often they had to wade over swollen
streams up to their waists, to march through mud and rain, and
sleep in drenched clothes.°® A certain number had managed to
escape during the confusion of the engagement at Frenchman’s
Butte through the connivance of the Wood Crees, but the Plain
Crees kept a close watch upon the remainder and forced them to
keep up with the fleeing camp.

Several days after the engagement at Frenchman’s Butte,
Strange despatched Steele and his Scouts to learn the whereabouts
of the Indians. Steele, with his mounted force, soon overtook
them at Loon Lake and a skirmish ensued. Under cover of a
rearguard action the Indians succeeded in transporting their
whole camp over a ford, sixty yards in width, which joined two

376 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

branches of the lake. Steele realized the futility of attempting to
force a passage over the ford in the face of the Indian opposition,
so, lacking the men to attempt a flanking movement, he rejoined
the main body of troops.*”

Upon hearing of this skirmish Middleton at once set out to
join Steele. At the same time Strange was ordered to move
parallel with Middleton’s force in order to intercept the Indians
should they turn westwards towards Beaver River. Middleton
ignored Colonel Irvine’s offer of 175 Mounted Police to follow up
Big Bear, preferring to rely upon the militia which had proven
itself at Batoche.** ‘This was a mistake. The Mounted Police
were able to travel twice as fast as the troops, they knew the
country, and the habits of the people against whom operations
were being conducted. Steele’s Scouts had demonstrated the
advisability of a mounted force when in pursuit of the Indians,
but Middleton ignored this and, like the famous Duke of York,
marched his men through the woods and over the rocks and
muskegs of Northern Saskatchewan, carrying with them travois
and pack saddles in their waggons, and then marched them back
again. The troops reached Loon Lake but the Indians fore-
stalled further pursuit by crossing a dangerous morass impassable
for Middleton’s heavy transport. On June 9th Middleton
ordered the pursuit to cease and the troops returned to Battle-
ford. Strange’s column reached the Beaver river but failed to
locate Big Bear. They were ordered to return on June 2qth.

In the meantime Big Bear’s camp became divided when the
Wood Crees finally determined to break with their allies. A
meeting was held and the Wood Crees, concealing their plans
with the dissimulation of their race, suggested that they should
join Louis Riel, a proposal which was readily accepted by the
Plain Crees who were unaccustomed to the wooded country
and were becoming disheartened at the persistent pursuit. On
the following morning Big Bear and his followers departed
eastward. The Wood Crees feigned to follow, but after travelling
a short distance along an arm of Loon Lake struck north-west
as fast as the nature of the country would permit. The prisoners
were taken with the latter who hoped to use them in negotiations
with the whites. The Wood Crees had always been less inclined
than their Plain kindred to carry on the war and when McLean
offered to arrange terms of peace for them, his offer was readily

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 377

accepted. It was, nevertheless, striking evidence of the Indians’
distrust of the Government that they commanded McLean to
have no dealings with the Government but “ to write to our
Great Mother, the Queen, and ask her to stop the Government
soldiers and Red Coats from shooting us.”°* McLean acquiesced
and the prisoners, numbering twenty-seven in all, were released.
Provided with a few provisions, some new moccasins, and many
good wishes, they set out on a 140 miles journey to Fort Pitt after
sixty-two days of captivity. At Loon Lake they overtook the
troops and arrived at Fort Pitt on June 24th.

Eight days later, on July 2nd, Big Bear surrendered. His
camp had broken up in a general sauve qui pent, and the old chief,
evading all the columns sent to intercept him by turning in his
tracks, travelling almost alone and covering his trail, made his
way to Fort Carlton where he gave himself up to Sergeant Smart
of the Mounted Police, one of the few men who had not been
sent in pursuit of Big Bear’s band |

With the surrender of Big Bear the rebellion was at an end.
From the military point of view it reflected considerable credit
upon the Government. In fifty days the Honourable Adolphe
Caron, the Minister of Militia, called into the field five thousand
organized Volunteer troops, with four hundred horses ; furnished
them with transportation to the seat of the rebellion two thousand
miles distant ; pushed forward three columns widely separated to
points hundreds of miles from the railway; kept the troops
supplied ; and covered an immense military front so that from
the moment the troops arrived the rebellion was localized in the
North Saskatchewan, and the rebels were able to strike only at
scattered posts. It was not the least important feature of the
campaign that it was carried through under the direction of the
Minister of Militia practically without the aid of any Regular
Army organization.

On the other hand, the campaign displayed many weaknesses.
The military leadership, on the whole, exhibited undue hesitancy.
The transport service was extravagant,’° and the hospital service
inadequate." Supplies existed only in sufficient quantity for
the very small permanent force and the great bulk of the stores
of war material, camp equipment, clothing and other necessaries,
had to be purchased from private contractors. Hence much of
the ammunition was poor™ and the saddles despatched to

378 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Strange’s corps were condemned as unserviceable by a board of
officers." To add to the difficulties of the supply problem, the
troops were furnished with three different makes of rifles. The
total cost of the rebellion amounted to over $5,000,000.

The rebellion was followed by the trial of the principal leaders.
Riel was condemned to death for treason, and eighteen of his
half-breed associates were sentenced to various terms of imprison-
ment ranging from one to seven years, for treason-felony.
Eleven Indians were condemned to hang for murder, but three
were ultimately reprieved. Big Bear and Poundmaker were given
prison sentences on the charge of treason-felony. Imasees,
Little Poplar, Lucky Man and others managed to avoid capture
and escaped over the frontier into Montana. Two white men,
W. H. Jackson and Thomas Scott, were also tried for complicity
in the rebellion but were discharged.

Such an outcome to the rebellion was inevitable. Louis
Riel staked the peace of the country and the fate of his people in
a gamble that held no chance of success. The métis were not
only defeated ; as a distinct national and political group they were
annihilated. With their homes burned and looted and their
property destroyed, many of the métis had no option but to seek
entrance into the Indian treaties by virtue of their Indian blood.
Others migrated to the Peace River in order to escape the pressure
of a merciless civilization. Those who did not join the rebels
were granted the scrip and patents which they had demanded—
a procedure which admitted the justice of the métis cause and the
culpability of the Federal Government for the rebellion. But as
had occurred in Manitoba, the métis disposed of their scrip to
eager purchasers, often at ridiculous prices, content to live for
the present at the sacrifice of the future ; and unable to compete
with the white men as farmers or artisans, they sank in the social
scale, their life, society and national spirit crushed and destroyed.

The Indians suffered less from the rebellion than did the métis.
To the loyal bands the Government granted extensive conces-
sions and numerous presents in the form of cattle, sheep, blankets
and other useful articles. The chiefs were rewarded with special
gifts of tea, tobacco, blankets and even money. The rebel
Indians were punished but not with vindictive severity. They
were deprived of their annuities until the destruction wrought
by the rebellion had been made good, and their horses and arms

THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION 379

were taken from them. Strict regulations were enforced in
regard to the sale of ammunition, and an effort was made to
restrict the movement of the Indians to and from their reserves.
The Deputy Superintendent-General also recommended the
abolition of the tribal system “‘ in so far as is compatible with the
Treaty ; i.e., in all cases in which the Treaty has been broken by
the rebel tribes; by doing away with chiefs and councillors,
depriving them of medals and other appurtenances of their
offices.”’4 This was, however, only partially carried out. The
remnants of Big Bear’s band were merged with other bands, thus
destroying the principal nucleus of Indian agitation. In 1886 a
general amnesty was proclaimed to all who were not actually
under sentence and who had not committed murder save in the
actual engagements of the war. In the following year Pound-
maker and Big Bear were liberated from prison, but neither long
survived his freedom. Thus the Indians quickly resumed normal
relations with the white men and the Government. In 1896
negotiations were undertaken with the United States for the re-
turn of those Indians who had fled to Montana after the rebellion,
and on June 2nd, the refugees re-crossed the frontier to
return to their old reserves. Among them were Lucky Man and
Big Bear’s son, Imasees, who, with Wandering Spirit, had been
responsible for the Frog Lake Massacre.

CHAPTER XVII
THE POLITICAL RESULTS OF THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION

THE North-West Rebellion was far more important in its results
than in itself. The actual armed conflicts which took place
and the numbers of men involved were small by contrast with
modern warfare, but they left behind them a religious and racial
feud which jeopardized, for the time being, the very foundations
of Confederation, and which led, eventually, to a drastic change
in the relationship of the two political parties to the racial elements
of Old Canada.

The politico-racial crisis of 1885 was, perhaps, the most serious
crisis in the early history of Canada. The Dominion had
weathered, in 1870, the storm over the Riel troubles in Manitoba,
but the ideal of unification and national consciousness was by no
means accomplished; and the racial and religious tension
which had marked the relations of French and English prior to
Confederation, and which had bedeviled the amnesty issue after
the Red River insurrection, was renewed by the métis rebellion
on the Saskatchewan. In one way the rebellion contributed to
national unity. All parts of Canada had rallied to the call to
arms, and troops from Nova Scotia, Quebec, Ontario and Mani-
toba had participated in a common endeavour. But this gain
was offset by the bitter racial and religious antagonism which
developed, as a result of the rebellion, between the French and
English-speaking peoples of the Dominion. This antagonism,
for the moment, threatened to wreck the work of Confederation
and to destroy for ever its founders’ ideal of national unity. The
English Canadians of Ontario saw in the North-West Rebellion
only a half-breed and Indian outbreak led by a French Catholic
rebel, the murderer, in 1870, of an Ontario Orangeman. The
French Canadians of Quebec saw in Riel another Papineau leading
men of French blood in a struggle against English domination
and political oppression. Thus the English clamoured for the
punishment of the “ rebels ” and the French for the pardon of the
“ patriots.” The resultant racial crisis was fortunately tided
over, but there remained a wound which only mutual forbearance

380

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 381

and goodwill have served to heal, Later crises have arisen, but
they have become rarer and less bitter as the ideal of Cartier, two
peoples united in a common allegiance and purpose, has taken the
uppermost place in the minds of the people of Canada.

But not only did the racial and sectarian dissension try the
strength of the federal union; it also altered the whole course
of Canadian politics by destroying the Conservative supremacy in
the Province of Quebec upon which Sir John A. Macdonald and
Sir George Cartier had built up the Conservative party. As a
result of the crisis of 1885 the most conservative province in
Canada swung over to the Liberal party, a position which was
consolidated by the selection of a French Canadian, Wilfrid
Laurier, as leader of that party in 1887. This shifting of the
political weight of Quebec, not as a result of any fundamental
change in political outlook but under the stress of a powerful
racial emotion, brought about a new orientation in Liberal
policy and philosophy. It forced the abandonment of the
radical tradition and brought to that party a conservative outlook.!
At the same time the Province of Ontario shifted from a more or
less traditional Reform or Liberal allegiance to become a political
counterbalance to Quebec. ‘‘ Le tocsin sinistre de la cloche qui
accompagna Riel a |’échafaud,” wrote L. O. David, the French
Canadian nationalist, ‘a été le glas funébre du parti conservateur.
Ce grand parti illustré par tant d’-hommes éminents, avait cessé de
représenter le sentiment national des Canadians-frangais, une
tache de sang ineffagable souillait son drapeau.’”?

Upon the outbreak of hostilities in the North-West, the people
of Ontario responded at once to the call to arms. Many in
Quebec, however, were apprehensive of the meaning of the
rebellion and expressed their suspicion of the warlike zeal
displayed by the sister province. As early as March 31st,
L’Etendard, a Conservative clerical journal, expressed its opinion
that commissioners, rather than troops, should be sent to the
North-West adding :

“Dans l’Ontario surtout l’on manifeste une grande ardeur
guerriére. Partout on brile a courir sus 4 Riel, sans doute pour
soutenir ’honneur de notre drapeau et maintenir l’autorité du
gouvernement canadien, mais aussi, nous en sommes convaincus,
pour venger sur le chef rebelle l’exécution du malheureux Scott.”

On the following day the same newspaper made the first appeal to

382 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

race and religion. It has been said that two things only are
able to arouse public opinion in Quebec, a financial crisis or a
question involving French Canadian nationality, and of the two
the latter is the more powerful. National sentiment rather than
materialistic considerations govern French Canadian politics and
life, and L’ Etendard struck Quebec’s most sensitive chord when it
appealed to “ la voix du sang.”

“Il ne nous est pas permis d’oublier quel rédle la constitution,
les lois d’équité, la voix du sang, nous assigne vis a vis les minor-
ités des autres provinces, notamment celles qui sont nos co-
religionnaires et nos soeurs d’origine.”’

Arguing that while the métis revolt might not be justifiable, it
was obviously excusable, L’ Esendard continued :

“On les hait peut-étre pour leur origine frangaise, et leur foi
catholique ; il n’est pas méme impossible qu’on les ait persécutés
a cause de nous; deux raisons qui nous feraient un devoir
d’honneur et de loyauté d’accepter une part de solidarité dans
leur situation.’’

As a result, the mobilization of the French Canadian regiments
met with a certain amount of opposition from the extremists.
Propaganda was spread among the troops that they were being
sent against “nos fréres, 4 des frangais comme nous.’4 Certain
newspapers joined in the campaign of misrepresentation. Le
Nouvelliste of Three Rivers in an article of several columns
declared “ que l’on envoie des canadiens francais pour égorger
leurs compatriotes.”5 La Verité, rather belying its name, even
doubted whether Riel was in reality at the head of the métis
movement and stated that the rebellion was the result of
“le fanatisme orangiste qui voudrait l’extermination des métis
frangais dans le Nord-Ouest, et qui a dd travailler 4 fomenter
ces troubles afin d’avoir une raison de sévir contre la race détestée.
C’est ainsi que la Russie procéde en Pologne.’’s
while on May 2nd Le Métis, which appeared in Montreal as
“ L’Organe des Populations du Nord-Ouest ” declared that every
Ontario volunteer carried with him a piece of rope with which to
hang Riel !’

This unfortunate appeal to race prejudice was not confined to
the French Canadians. In Ontario the anti-French and anti-
Catholic extremists made full use of their opportunity to launch
another crusade against “‘ French Domination.” On April zoth

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 383

the Toronto Evening News published a violent slander against the
65th Rifles, a French Canadian Regiment from Montreal. Refer-
ring to them as a “ mutinous, reckless, disorderly gang . . . no
discipline, no spirit, no nothing except drinking whisky and
grumbling,” the News declared that, as they would not fight, the
Government was seriously considering disbanding the regiment.
This was followed by an article on “ French Aggression ” which
urged the ejection of Quebec from the Canadian Confederation.
The following quotation illustrates the tone of the fanatical
English press :

“Ontario is proud of being loyal to England. Quebec is
proud of being loyal to sixteenth century France. Ontario pays
about three-fifths of Canada’s taxes, fights all the battles of
provincial rights, sends nine-tenths of the soldiers to fight the
rebels, and gets sat on by Quebec for her pains. Quebec, since
the time of Intendant Bigot, has been extravagant, corrupt and
venal, whenever she could with other people’s money, and has
done nothing for herself or for progress with her own earnings.
Quebec now gets the pie. Ontario gets the mush, and pays the
piper for the Bleu carnival. ...

“If we in Canada are to be confronted with a solid French
vote, we must have a solid English vote. If Quebec is always to
pose as a beggar in the Dominion soup kitchen she must be
disfranchised as a vagrant. If she is to be a traitor in our wars,
a thief in our treasury, a conspirator in our Canadian household,
she had better go out. She is no use in Confederation. Her
representatives are a weakness in Parliament, her cities would
be nothing but for the English-speaking people, and to-day
Montreal would be as dead as the city of Quebec but for the
Anglo-Saxons, who are persecuted and kept down by the ignorant
French. . . . We are sick of the French Canadians with their
patriotic blabber and their conspiracies against the treasury and
the peace of what without them might be a united Canada... .
With Quebec holding the balance of power Canada isn’t safe a
moment. The constitution, or the British North America Act
which is our alleged constitution, must be altered so as to deprive
these venal politicians of their powers or else Confederation will
have to go. As far as we are concerned, and we are as much
concerned for the good of Canada as anyone else, Quebec could
go out of the Confederation to-morrow and we would not shed
a tear except for joy. If Ontario were a trifle more loyal to
herself she would not stand Quebec’s monkey business another
minute.””®

384 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The World published articles in the same key while the Toronto
Evening Telegram made no effort to hide its hostile feeling for
anything French or French Canadian. Articles of this nature did
great harm and the English Canadian press like the French
Canadian press, by appeals to prejudice, fomented discontent and
fanned into life the embers of racial conflict just at a time when
moderation and mutual understanding were essential for the
maintenance of national unity.

But the racial fanaticism which was displayed at the beginning
and during the rebellion was only the first gust of the storm
which followed the trial and execution of Louis Riel.

Riel was tried at Regina during the latter part of the month
of July before a stipendiary magistrate and an English-speaking
jury of six. A committee was formed in Quebec, the Riel
Defence Committee, to provide for the legal defence of the métis
leader, and Fran¢ois Lemieux, Charles Fitzpatrick, J. N. Green-
shields and T. C. Johnstone were sent to Regina to represent Riel.
The Crown was represented by C. Robinson, B. B. Osler, G. W.
Burbidge, D. L. Scott and T. C. Casgrain. The Crown charged
Riel “as a false traitor” with the full responsibility for the
rebellion, and with inciting the Indians to revolt. The defence
replied contesting the jurisdiction of the court and basing their
case upon a plea of insanity.

That Riel was insane would not, at the present time, be
seriously contested. He had entered the asylum of Longue
Pointe at Montreal during 1876 and was later transferred to the
provincial asylum at Beauport for a period of twenty months
from May 2oth, 1876, to January 23rd, 1878. One cannot read
his political and religious writings, even prior to his return from
the United States, without realizing that they were the work of
an unbalanced mind. His “ mission ” was his obsession, and it
developed, under the strain and excitement of the agitation of 1884,
into a form of mania. Ricl saw himself as the ‘‘ prophet of the
new world,” he cast aside the doctrines of “‘ la vieille Rome ”
for those of his own creation. Even with the roar of Middleton’s
cannon in their ears, Riel and his Council were to be found dis-
cussing, not the problem of defence, but new names for the days
of the week and acknowledging Riel’s divine mission.?

Riel himself, however, vigorously repudiated the plea of
insanity. In two addresses to the jury he destroyed his only

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION _ 385

possible defence. He insisted that he was not a madman but a
prophet and a patriot; that he had seen the injustices and evils
under which his people suffered, and that he had determined to
remove them. He argued that the rebellion had been the logical
consequence of Crozier’s attack upon the métis at Duck Lake,
and demanded that he be tried by a special tribunal for his part
in the events of 1869-70 as well as for those of 1885. The medical
evidence on his behalf was not conclusive and the jury returned a
verdict of guilty, adding a recommendation to mercy. Riel was
sentenced to suffer the extreme penalty of the law by hanging on
September 18th. An appeal was lodged before the Court of
Queen’s Bench of Manitoba, but the jurisdiction of the lower
court was confirmed and the judgment upheld. The Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council, to whom Riel then petitioned,
declined leave to appeal.

In the meantime Riel was reprieved from September 18th to
October 16th, and again to November rzth. A third reprieve was
granted to November 16th in order that a commission might
further inquire into the state of the condemned man’s mind.

The commission was not an expert one, and their official
instructions virtually nullified their mission. They were
instructed to inquire ‘not as to whether Riel is subject to
iJlusions or delusions but whether he is so bereft of reason as not
to know right from wrong and as not to be an accountable
being.’”° Although the commission was unable to agree upon
a common report, the tenor of their individual reports was
similar, namely that while Riel obviously suffered from delusions
of greatness upon political and religious questions, on other
points he appeared to be quite sensible and able to “ distinguish
right from wrong.”2! Hence, on November 16th, 1885, Louis
Riel was hanged.

The passing of the sentence of death upon Riel brought forth
protests from all parts of the world. Petitions for clemency
poured into the Government from the French Canadian parishes
of Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba and the North-West Territories.
From the United States came petitions from New York, Chicago,
St. Louis and elsewhere. The International Arbitration and
Peace Association of London urged the remission of the death
sentence. Lord Clifford forwarded a petition from the English
Catholics and a certain Dr. Lockyer wrote three letters to the

2D

386 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Colonial Office requesting their intervention for “ this poor daft
enthusiast.” Petitions were also sent to the Governor-General
from France, and one was addressed to the Queen from Le
Syndicat de la Presse Coloniale Frangaise. Riel himself also
addressed a petition to President Cleveland of the United States.

Riel, as an American citizen, had already written to the
American consul at Winnipeg during the autumn of the previous
year. He assured him of “the peaceable, constitutional and
energetic movement which is taking place in the Saskatchewan
District,”’!? and enclosed a copy of the petition which the Settlers’
Union were preparing to forward to the Canadian Government.
After his arrest Riel wrote again to the consul, declaring that he
was not guilty of treason, that the court was incompetent to
try him, and appealing “‘to the Government of my adopted
country for help through you.”?* In August he sent another
appeal for assistance and in September addressed a petition to the
President of the United States.14 The American consul expressed
his sympathy with the case, and petitions from different regions
urged the American Government to intervene to save Riel on
the ground that he was an American citizen. The American
Government maintained an attitude which was strictly correct
under the circumstances. The Secretary of State replied to a
petition from Rochester, New York, that “such citizenship. . .
even if beyond doubt, would not secure the possessor any
immunity from Canadian law, when, as it is definitely certified
to the Government in the . . . present instance, the offense was
committed within the territory of the Dominion.’

The British Government also maintained an attitude of
official silence. Following a different course from that pursued
in regard to the amnesty question the Colonial Government
made no attempt to shift the responsibility of deciding upon the
question to the Home Government. In fact, Macdonald en-
deavoured to reduce the status of the rebellion to that ofa domestic
riot and thus preclude any possibility of Imperial intervention.
Writing to the Governor-General he urged that “ this North-
West outbreak was a mere domestic trouble, and ought not to
be elevated to the rank of a rebellion.”** Lansdowne, however,
pointed out that Macdonald’s view was untenable. ‘‘ The out-
break,” he replied, “‘ was, no doubt, confined to our own territory
and may therefore properly be described as a domestic trouble,

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION — 387

but I am afraid we have all of us been doing what we could to
elevate it to the rank of a rebellion, and with so much success
that we cannot now reduce it to the rank of a common riot.”

The British Government had been kept informed as to the
progress of the rebellion, but there is no evidence that any
correspondence passed between the Colonial Office and the
Dominion relative to the punishment of the leaders. Nor was
such desirable. If Canada was to attain nationhood she had to
accept the responsibility of the solution of her own internal
problems and racial disputes. Moreover the precedent of non-
interference had been firmly established by the refusal of the
Home Government to promulgate an amnesty for the Manitoba
insurrectionists in 1870. It is, however, interesting to note
that the advisability of a commutation of the death sentence passed
upon Riel was discussed by several members of the Imperial
Cabinet. Lord Carnarvon was definitely in favour of such a
course. Writing privately to the Prime Minister he said, “ It is
a matter of grave doubt in my mind whether this is not a case for
exercise of Royal Clemency under proper conditions.”'*® The
reply was definite. The Riel question was purely a matter for
the Canadian Government to decide upon.

** My DEAR CARNARVON,

“IT received your message from Ashbourne, and brought
before our colleagues the question of Riel. We are of opinion
that there should be no interference on our part with the course
which the Canadian Government may think it their duty to
pursuc, and J am informed that at the present time we have
received no intimation that we shall be asked to support a
commutation of sentence.

“Tris not felt to be right to volunteer to the Canadian Govern-
ment any statement that we should be willing to assent to a
commutation, but, if appealed to, we should certainly not take
a more severe view than that of the Government at Ottawa, who
must best know what duty and policy necessitate.

“T may add that our colleagues appeared to be unanimous in
this decision.

“ Yours very truly,

“* Frep. STANLEY.’?)®

Carnarvon persisted. He replied to the above letter with
another outlining his own views :

388 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

** My DEAR STANLEY,

“Thanks for your letter. I think you must have somewhat
misunderstood my ideas as to Riel. I never thought of an inter-
ference with the Canadian Government, it would be very im-
prudent for us formally and unsolicited to recommend any new
course to them. But the situation might easily and in the shortest
space of time become most critical, and I think it might be
desirable that the Canadian Government should know in complete
confidence that we are ready to assist them if the difficulty is likely
to overtax their strength. Beyond this I never dreamt of going :
but up to this I think you may with perfect security venture.
Such a communication may be absolutely confidential and need
not of course extend to more than one or two individuals.

** My opinion of Sir J. Macdonald is an extremely high one,
and I have known him intimately for many years ; but it must be
remembered that he is now an old man and that his Lower Canada
friends and surroundings are not what they once were. I see
some danger in this.

“ He may be strong enough to hang Riel—who richly deserves
it—but I Avow that it will be an act that will severely strain the
relations of parties and men in Canada, and I feel sure that it
must add a fresh element of irritation to an already dangerous
heap of combustibles.

““T have no doubt that there are many R.C. priests and laymen
who are content to see Riel hung, but there are many more, I
am afraid, who will bitterly resent it.

“TI would venture earnestly to press on you the importance of
not only jealously watching the progress of the matter, but of
not hesitating to assume any responsibility if the crisis should
unfortunately (as I trust it may not) become acute.

“T hope also you will forgive me for thus pressing my opinion
upon you. I should not do so if I did not know personally and
intimately many of the persons and if I had not a very lively
sense of the dangerous elements with which we are dealing in
this matter.’’26

The British Government were not prepared to adopt this line
of action, although the evidence shows that conversations were
held privately on the question with certain Canadian officials.24
Finally, on November 13th, Lord Lansdowne transmitted a long
memorandum on the Riel affair to the British Government.
This memorandum stated the determination of the Canadian
Government that the sentence upon Riel should be carried into
effect and outlined the reasons which prompted this decision.”?

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 389

On receipt of this memorandum Carnarvon noted on the margin
of his copy, “I still think the execution was hazardous and a
strain on the relations of Quebec and Ontario.”

Carnarvon’s misgivings were well-founded. The social and
economic factors which had led to the rebellion were completely
lost sight of in the maze of political, religious and racial contro-
versy which followed the condemnation of Riel. From August to
December the racial agitation continued to increase in intensity.
Quebec called for pardon and Ontario for punishment. Passion
mounted on each side until it threatened the very foundations of
the federal union. The sentence of death brought forth a storm
of protest from the French Canadians and a storm of approval
from the English Canadians. La Patrie, La Presse, L’ Etendard,
La Verité, L’ Electeur and other journals heaped their praises upon
the métis chief and hurled anathemas upon the “ Orangistes.”
From L’Electeur came the following eulogy of Riel :

“ L’Histoire te consacrera une page glorieuse et ton nom sera
gravé dans le coeur de tous les vrais canadiens-frangais. . . . Tes
fautes personnelles s’effacent devant la sainteté de la noble
cause dont tu t’es fait le champion. Jeanne d’Arc! Napoléon !
Chénier! Riel! C’est avec le plus profond respect que l’on
prononce vos noms sacrés. Chénier a son monument, Riel tu
auras le tien.’””23

From the English press came the opposite view :

“We consider that such lives as that of Riel are blots and
stains on our humanity which ought to be summarily removed
by the hand of justice in like manner as the dangerous cancer is
removed from the human body by the hand of the surgeon.’’##

In September the Orange Sentinel hinted at the break up of
Confederation :

“The French are as much French now as before Wolfe
vanquished Montcalm upon the Heights of Abraham. The
dividing line is sharply drawn, and although upon many previous
occasions differences of race and religion have been made strongly
apparent, never before was the demarcation as distinct as over
the present Riel imbroglio. The signs of the times point to the
fact that this artificial nationality cannot last much longer.”?*

So vital an issue as this could not but raise questions of party
attitude. During the progress of the rebellion the Liberal
Opposition in the Federal Parliament had acted with moderation.

390 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

It had recognized the urgent necessity of the moment, the
suppression of the rebellion, and confined the party battle to
occasional sniping at the Government’s conduct of the campaign.
The moment, however, that Batoche had fallen and the leaders of
the insurrection were in prison, the Liberals opened fire upon the
Government. A preliminary barrage was fired on May zist,
when Edward Blake, now Leader of the Opposition, speaking
on the adjournment, accused the Government of criminal
negligence and responsibility for the rebellion.* On July 6th
Blake opened the attack in earnest, moving :

“That in the administration of North-West affairs by the

present Government, prior to the recent outbreak, there have
occurred grave instances of neglect, delay, and mismanagement,
in matters affecting the peace, welfare and good government of
the country.”??
This speech was a powerful indictment of Sir John’s adminis-
tration but it was injured by excessive detail and exceeding
dullness. The speech took six hours to deliver and, if we may
believe the Montreal Gazeffe, ‘‘ By the end of the first hour no
less than fifteen of his own followers were fast asleep, among
them Mr. Watson of Marquette who slept so soundly that he
had actually to be shaken by the shoulders to wake him up.”
Macdonald replied with ta guoque. He accused Blake of gratui-
tously furnishing a brief for the counsel for Louis Riel, and stated,
with some truth, that the whole object was to make a case against
the Government rather than to obtain justice for the North-West.
He denounced the Liberal administration of Mackenzic for their
neglect of the half-breeds and the North-West during their term
of office, contended that the half-breeds had no claim to any
special treatment different from the whites, and argued that the
Government had conceded the demands of the insurgents before
the rebellion had actually broken out. Wilfrid Laurier seconded
Blake’s motion and Girouard, another French Canadian, replied
for the Government. Other speakers followed. On the whole
the dialectic honours rested with the Opposition. Their case
against the Government was conclusive, but party lines prevailed
and Blake’s motion was defeated by 105 votes to 49.”

In the province of Quebec the Liberals at once grasped the
opportunity which the métis rebellion afforded for political
capital against the Conservative party. Visiting the sins of the

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION — 391

federal Conservatives upon their provincial colleagues, the
Liberals moved a resolution of censure in the Legislative Assembly
on April 15th, even while the French Canadian regiments were
on their way to the front! Amongst other things this resolution
declared :

“That this House, while again asserting its loyalty to the
Crown, deeply regrets the troubles in the North-West, and that
its members, as citizens, solemnly protest against the Federal
Government which they hold responsible for the blood which
has been shed, and, in particular for the culpable neglect of the
Minister of the Interior, who, it might be said, has driven the
half-breeds to take up arms, and for the incapacity of the Minister
of Militia which seriously exposes the lives of our volunteer
soldiers.’’3°
The Government replied with the following amendment :

“This House regrets the unfortunate events which have
occurred in the North-West but admires the courage and loyalty
of the volunteer officers and men of this Province, who, listening
only to the voice of patriotism and duty have, without hesitation,
abandoned their occupations and their families to reach the scene
of the insurrection.

“That through motives of loyalty, of patriotism and of

prudence, this House cannot discuss at the present moment the
facts which may have led a portion of the inhabitants of the
North-West to sedition and to forget their duty towards the
constituted authorities ; but that it deems it its duty to express
its confidence, that the Government of Canada will neglect no
legitimate means to prevent as much as possible the shedding of
blood, and will promptly restore tranquillity and peace.”
This resolution and the amendment were hotly debated, but on
April 21st the Government amendment was carried on a party
vote of forty-one to fifteen. This resolution was both mis-
chievous and premature. The North-West question was outside
the realm of provincial politics and the Government were
justified in avoiding entanglements in a matter of purely federal
concern. The Liberal resolution was not prompted by any real
sympathy for the métis, but was obviously designed to excite
racial prejudice against the Conservative Government in Quebec
by striking at it through the shortcomings of Macdonald’s adminis-
tration at Ottawa.

Macdonald himself was in a quandary. The Riel issue

392 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

threatened to disrupt the diverse elements of which the federal
Conservative party were formed. Hitherto Macdonald had
depended upon the unnatural alliance of the Orangemen of
Ontario and the Roman Catholics of Quebec. In his Cabinet
sat Mackenzie Bowell, the Grand Master of the Orange Order,
and Sir Hector Langevin, the Ultramontane leader of the French
Catholics. Under the stress of the Riel agitation this alliance
broke down and Macdonald was faced with the alternative of
pardoning Riel to retain the support of the French Catholics,
or of allowing the law to take its course to please the Orangemen.
On the one hand the Orange party of Ontario had always been,
not merely Conservative, but Tory to the backbone. The pardon
of Riel would force them into the Liberal camp, or, at the very
least, to refrain from voting. On the other hand, if Riel were
not pardoned the French Canadian Conservatives, upon whom
Macdonald had been able to rely for support since the days of
Cartier, might secede in a body, thus placing the Ministry in an
impossible position.

There is no doubt that considerable pressure was brought to
bear upon Macdonald by the French Canadian supporters of his
party. Till the day of Riel’s execution they felt that their influ-
etice would save the métis leader. Recognized Bleu papers, such
as Le Canadien, L’Etendard, Le Monde, and later La Minerve—
the latter two the official organs of Sir Hector Langevin and
Adolphe Chapleau—loudly demanded clemency for Riel and
assured the people that the Bleus would not let Riel hang. The
appointment of the Insanity Commission on October 31st was
the result of French Canadian pressure and Le Monde was the first
to announce the appointment. Chapleau even went as far as
to prepare a memorandum for his resignation from the Cabinet.*

The last few days prior to the execution were critical days
for the Government. Langevin and Chapleau were wavering
on the brink of resignation in the face of the universal disapproval
expressed by the French Canadians ; Caron alone remained firm
in his support of the Government, but he now carried little
weight in Quebec as a result of his vigorous suppression of the
Riel Rebellion. The rank and file of the French Conservative
members of Parliament were openly rebellious.?? On November
12th several members met in Montreal to decide upon a course
of action. The movement was inaugurated by D. Girouard,

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 393

M.P. for Jacques Cartier, and was supported by Senators Lacoste
and Trudel, the latter the director of the pro-Riel newspaper,
L’Evendard. A committee was formed to interview Langevin
to learn the intention of the Government regarding Riel.
Langevin’s lips were sealed by his oath as Privy Councillor so he
at once telegraphed to Macdonald :

“Coursol, Desjardins, Girouard and Vanasse, met me here
and say they and all others object to execution and will act
accordingly.’54
Macdonald replied :

“ Keep calm resolute attitude—all will come right.’

In the meantime the rebellious Conservatives sent telegrams to
all the members from Quebec inviting them to meet in caucus at
Montreal. Eleven responded and many others sent telegrams
expressive of sympathy with the object of the meeting. The
presence of the eleven country members with the Montreal
members brought the caucus to twenty-one in number including
three Conservative senators. It was first proposed to send a
telegram to Macdonald to the effect that if Riel were hanged it
would be impossible for them to justify the Government before
their constituents, and that they would have no other recourse,
remaining consistent with themselves, but to go into opposition.
Ouimet*® and Fortin refused to subscribe to such a course on the
ground that it was unconstitutional to threaten a ministry before
it had officially announced its decision. After further discussion
the following telegram was despatched to Macdonald bearing the
signatures of sixteen members, the two above mentioned declining
to sign.

“Dans les circonstances l’exécution de Louis Riel serait un
acte de cruauté dont nous repoussons la responsibilité.”%
Three other French Conservatives who were not present sent a
similar message. On November 14th Macdonald was inundated
with further telegrams from the various Conservative constitu-
encies in Quebec, expressing their approval of the position taken by
the “bolting Bleus.” That this pressure was organized is
shown by the fact that virtually every telegram took the following
form :

** Les soussignés électeurs de . . . déclarent approuver cordiale-
ment la position prise par les députés conservateurs de la

394 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

Province de Québec dans le télégramme qu’ils vous ont addressé
hier le 13 courant et ils vous prient de bien vouloir agir en
conséquence dans les meilleurs intéréts de la paix et de lavenir
de la Confédération.”58

Chapleau was also interviewed by the “ bolters ” but to no avail.
Chapleau had already made his decision to retain office and “ to
fight and to fall in the old ship and for the old flag.”

To add to Macdonald’s worries, threats were hurled at him
from every side. From one correspondent, who preferred to
remain anonymous, he received the following :

“ BEWARE OLD Man. ‘The death of Riel by hanging would

be your own death. I give you fair warning so beware. And if
Riel is hanged prepare to appear before your Creator without
further notice. You will be liable to fall at any moment.
Remember that this is no snake story.”
From the “ Sister of an Ontario Volunteer ”’ came a letter to the
effect that if Riel were pardoned, it would be an “ outrage on the
country anda great calamity ” ; that Riel was not only a “ double-
died ”’ but also a “ cold-blooded murderer”; that nothing had
moved “the rebel monster” to mercy in the case of “ poor
Scott ” so that he himself deserved none; that “‘ hundreds of
Reformers ”’ would support Macdonald “‘ if Riel gets his deserts” ;
but if he was pardoned owing to the ‘“ machinations of the
Romish Clergy ” he would only “lay another lot of our noble
volunteers under the sod.’’*° From Valleyfield, Quebec, came
the following missive*! accompanied by a sketch of a revolver :

“Monsieur. II y a devant nous une question qui faits boucoups
de froubles parmi la population canadiennes. Sur le sort de Riel.
Si vous lui accorder pas son pardon nous avons désidé de vous
paser une palle dons la séte, ct c’est moi qui suis rester charger de
cette affaire. Je vous avertis dy voir sans délai, il vous reste a
choisire, la pendéson de Riel vous cosera votre mort certeine, j'ai
déja le troue a Poenil sur votre fron. J’ai prefaire vous avertire
afin que je soit claire devant Dieu. Je suis pas pour vous donnez
de long détaille, 4 un renord qui cant /e ferre, rappelle vous de
McGille. Tl est désidé de vous le méme sort certin.

“* Attantion Attantion
* Je suis un
** (sketch of a revolver) ‘© National Nelliste

“Ce qui est prais.”’
From an Ontario barrister came a warning of a different nature,

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 395

but one to which Macdonald, the politician, would pay more
attention :

“Ontario is not going much longer to be sat upon by those
Frenchmen and the priesthood. Quiet people here are beginning
to talk savagely. The Anglo-Saxons will turn some day and
make them ‘ go halves’ or drive them into the sea. The latter
would be the best place,”’4?

Throughout the raging tide of agitation Macdonald stood firm.
In his eyes Riel was twice guilty of rebellion. His offence was
therefore doubly unpardonable and Macdonald cried “ He shail
hang though every dog in Quebec bark in his favour.’’#* Political
expediency probably dictated the same decision, for Macdonald
was always an astute politician. He fully appreciated the feeling
in Ontario and possibly felt that he stood to gain more in Ontario
than he would lose in Quebec. A by-election in East Durham
in August must have reinforced this opinion. The seat was
carried by the Government in a campaign in which the Riel
question was the dominant issue. During the campaign the
Government candidate wrote to Macdonald :

“During my canvass I have found that the Riel matter has,
before any other question, engaged the attention of the farmers,
and many of the very strongest of our friends have not hesitated
to declare, that, if the Rebel is not hung, they will never again
vote on the Conservative side. They are very much in earnest
over this question and evidently quite determined to carry out
their threat to desert the party in the event of a reprieve being
granted by the Government . . . as one old farmer told me, * Well
the election is coming on at a rather bad time, but I’m glad it is
before the 18th of September for I can give John A. Macdonald
one more vote, but God help him next time if he don’t hang
Riel.’ 44
As far as Quebec was concerned Macdonald probably felt that
the political storm would soon blow itself out. He had retained
the support of the French Canadian Ministers, and Quebec was,
after all, fundamentally conservative. Moreover, the Roman
Catholic clergy, owing to Riel’s apostasy, were opposed to the
agitation. Nevertheless Macdonald underestimated the intensity
of the racial feeling in Quebec and, by throwing in his lot with
Ontario, he practically wrecked the French Conservative party
and threw an outraged French Canada into the arms of Mercier
and Laurier.

396 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

The position of Langevin, Chapleau and Caron as the represen-
tatives of French Canada in the “ pendard” Cabinet was
exceedingly difficult. Their natural sympathies, as we have
observed, were with their nationality. Under the circumstances
resignation was the obvious course. Only the fear of what such
a course might lead to restrained them. In his letter to Mac-
donald on November 12th, Chapleau outlined his reasons for
remaining in Cabinet in spite of his disagreement with the Govern-
ment’s policy relative to Riel.

“ My Dear Sir JOHN,

“T spent the greatest part of the night in preparing my memor-
andum in support of my disagreement in the Riel case. Just as
I was sending it this morning, I hesitated, in the face of the
terrible responsibility of an agitation on such a question where
national animosities would surely meet to fight their battle, and
after a long meditation I have decided not to incur that great
responsibility.

“*T believe in the guilt of the prisoner. His mental delusions
would be the only extenuating point against the full application
of the law in his case.

“In the state of doubt in which I am with regard to that point,
I prefer giving the benefit of the doubt to the law than to the
deluded criminal.

“ We may be called upon to suffer, my Quebec colleagues and
myself, I more than others,** at the hands of our people, owing
to the intense feeling which exists in our Province. (It is a
further reason with me not to abandon my colleagues, as it would
look like desertion at the hour of danger.)

“* However, I prefer the risk of personal loss to the national
danger imminent, with the perspective of a struggle in the field
of race and religious prejudices. We will have to fight, and
perhaps to fall. Well, I prefer, after all, to fight and to fall in
the old ship and for the old flag.

““T would prefer in this case, that the minute of last evening’s
Council would record my assent to the decision of the Council.”

“Yours faithfully,
“J. A. CHAPLEAU.”

Caron and Langevin likewise realized the fact that only by
remaining loyal to the Government could they hope to avoid
the worst evils of a racial conflict.

At the same time it may have been that Macdonald played upon
the mutual jealousies of his French Canadian ministers. It has

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 397

been said that Macdonald followed the precept of divide et impera
with his Quebec colleagues ; that the frequent changes in their
Cabinet representation were more policy than accident. Certainly
the jealousy of Langevin and Chapleau was ill-concealed and the
latter’s strong ambition to step into the shoes of Cartier as
leader of the French Conservatives was well-known. La Presse
stated, perhaps with a certain amount of truth, that Macdonald
held his ministers in his Cabinet during this crisis by playing
one against the other :

“ A Sir Hector le vieux rerard dit: si vous résignez Chapleau
deviendra le chef des conservateurs et vous redeviendrez Gros
Jean. A M. Chapleau il dit: Avec Langevin je m’arrangerai
toujours pour avoir une majorité et vous serez sacrifié inutilement.
Quant 4 M. Caron, il ne se donne pas la peine de feindre ni de
faire aucune diplomatie, il lui donne Je mot d’ordre et lui dit:
Allez.”47

But whatever motives may have inspired the three French
Canadians to retain their posts, there is little doubt that their
action modified the Riel agitation and saved Canada from the
most serious consequences of a bitter racial struggle. Knowing
well the danger of Anglo-French antagonism they feared that if
it were unrestrained the unity of the Dominion would be
endangered. They endeavoured, therefore, to prevent the forma-
tion of parties divided according to race and creed. A united
French Canada opposed to a united English Canada was the one
development to be avoided at all costs if the Confederation were
to be preserved. By refusing to sacrifice the future of the
Dominion to the popular but irresponsible clamours of the
moment, Langevin, Chapleau and Caron earned for themselves
the temporary ill-will of many of their compatriots but the lasting
regard of those who have placed the ideal of Canadian national
unity before racial prejudice and sectional antagonism.

The outbreak of national resentment in Quebec proved to be a
gift from the political gods to the Liberal party. Since Con-
federation the provincial Liberal party had tasted the sweets of
office for only eighteen months in 1878-9 and they welcomed the
opportunity to advance their party interests. Honoré Mercier
was then the leader of the party. He was a man of great energy,
brilliant, bold and inflammatory, and unequalled as a political
orator. He hurled himself at once into the midst of the Riel

398 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

agitation and within a year brought about the downfall of the
Conservative régime in Quebec.

On November 22nd, following the execution of Riel, a great
public meeting was held on the Champ de Mars in Montreal.
Every effort was made to “ boom ” the gathering, and La Patrie
invited ‘‘a hundred thousand free citizens to be there, so that
their voices might be heard, from the shores of the Atlantic to
those of the Pacific, in protestation of the execution of Riel.’**
The result was a political demonstration such as Montreal had
never before seen. Thousands of people thronged the square.
Three platforms were erected and decorated with the Tricolour
and the Union Jack. Thirty-seven speakers addressed the
multitude, among them Mercier, Laurier and Marcil representing
the Liberals, and Coursol, Desjardins and Tarte, hitherto sup-
porters of Sir John Macdonald. Everywhere appeals were made
to political prejudice and racial passion. Laurier declared that
“there never had been a people who had suffered such gross
injustice as the métis,” and that “‘ if he had lived on the shores of
the Saskatchewan he would have taken up a rifle himsclf to defend
his property.” Tarte, who with his organs Le Canadien and
L’Evénement was soon to return to the Conservative fold only to
desert it again, cried, ‘‘ may the hand wither that holds the pen of
the man on Le Canadien who would not defend the rights of the
French Canadians.” Coursol declared that the Conservatives of
Quebec would no longer support Macdonald “‘ who had declared
a war of injustice on the French people ” and denounced Langevin,
Chapleau and Caron “ who were not only cowards, but they were
something worse than cowards—they were traitors.” Senator
Trudel compared Riel to Joan of Arc who had been burnt at the
stake “ by the ancestors of the men who hanged Riel.” Mercier
was even more extreme in his comparison. He began his speech
by saying ‘“‘ Our poor brother is dead. He has been sacrificed
to the fanaticism of the Orangemen and the three traitors of the
race are still in the Macdonald Cabinet holding portfolios,” and
continued by stating that Riel had died upon the scaffold, a hero
given to his country, ‘‘ who like Christ forgave his enemies.”
By hanging Riel, Mercier claimed that the Conservatives had
struck a blow at justice and humanity, and that Liberals and
Conservatives had now joined together in Quebec “ to weep for
the man whose death raised a cry of pity from the hearts of all

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 399

civilized people.” Henceforth there were to be no more
Liberals or Conservatives. All differences of party and creed
were to be submerged in one common effort to overthrow the
Macdonald Government at Ottawa and the Ross Government
at Quebec.

The direct outcome of this agitation and the meeting on the
Champ de Mars was the formation of “ Le Parti National.” Such
a development was the inevitable result of the defection of the
nineteen Bleus and the appeal for a united French Canadian
party. The Conservative Senator Lacoste and later J. A.
Chapleau were offered the leadership of the ‘“ national” party,
but both were unwilling to accept the responsibility and finally
the choice fell upon Honoré Mercier.

The new Parti National soon met with obstacles which pre-
vented it from becoming a permanent force in Canadian politics.
The old jealousies and the old rivalries could not be smothered.
The Ultramontanes could not unite permanently with the Rouges
whom they had attacked for years. The most important factor,
however, was the knowledge that an exclusively French party
would result in an exclusively English party, and a passionate
struggle in which race would be pitted against race and creed
against creed. Ever since the union of the two Canadas, French
Canadians had recognized the folly of constructing parties on
racial lines and Langevin and his colleagues were only following a
sane tradition when they refused to countenance such a project
with their resignations. The fact that the three French Canadian
Ministers and three-fifths of their following continued to support
the Conservative party, in spite of the popular outcry, prevented
the formation of a really “ national” party built on racial lines
as a consequence of Riel’s execution. Thus Le Parti National,
composed of a small number of dissentient Bleus and led by the
official leader of the Liberal party, was doomed to failure as a
distinct party. It was significant that the Liberals did not leave
their party to join Le Parti National as did the Conservatives.
Thus the “ nationalists’? were eventually absorbed into the
Liberal party fold, while those who were unable to reconcile
themselves to the new Grit-Rouge-Bleu alliance returned to their
old allegiance. But in this we anticipate our story.

In Ontario racial passions kept pace with those in Quebec,
The news of the execution met with the general approval of the

400 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

people. Parades and demonstrations were held and everywhere
Riel was burned in effigy. In Ottawa, Sherbrooke and elsewhere
conflicts between the anti-Riel English and the pro-Riel French
demonstrators led to many broken heads and much ill-feeling.
As the agitation increased in intensity in Quebec so it did in
Ontario. The formation of Le Parti National led at once to the
suggestion that a similar party should be formed by the English-
speaking people of the Dominion. The Toronto Mai/, which
had been calm enough in July to admit that “ the métis had good
grounds for complaint ” and to agree with Blake’s charge that the
Government’s negligence “was gross and inexcusable and
contributed to bring about the insurrection,’”®° cried in November :
“the French Canadians are now seeking to compel us to recog-
nize their right to suspend the operation of the law whenever
a representative of thcir race is in the toils. But let us solemnly
assure them again that, rather than submit to such a yoke, Ontario
would smash Confederation into its original fragments, preferring
that the dream of a united Canada should be shattered forever
than that unity should be purchased at the expense of equality.’’
And again:

“if the overthrow of the present Cabinct is to be followed by
the planting of French ascendancy—and such in effect is Mr.
Mercier’s programme—then as Britons we believe the Conquest
will have to be fought over again, and Lower Canada may depend
upon it, there will be no Treaty of 1763.’’

There is little doubt that in these inflammatory and irresponsible
utterances the Maé/ expressed the dominant feeling in Ontario.
Here, as well as in Quebec, the intense racial antagonism threat-
ened to undo all that had been accomplished in the way of
national consolidation.

But while the Liberals had made the most of the Riel agitation
in Quebec, in Ontario it redounded to the benefit of the Con-
servatives. From the outbreak of trouble in the North-West
both Liberals and Conservatives had been one in demanding the
punishment of Louis Riel. The Toronto G/obe had vied with the
Mail in stating that “to allow those who incited the rebellion,
and the Indians who have imbrued their hands in the blood of the
peaceful settlers and of women and children, to go unwhipt of
justice would be neither just nor politic.’’53 In fact the Liberal
press in Ontario endeavoured to take advantage of the prevailing

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION § 4or

public feeling by suggesting that the French Conservatives
would never allow Riel to hang and that Sir John:

“will shelter himself behind Her Majesty, will reprieve Riel,
will ‘ wish to God he could catch him,’ will point to the Globe
in order to show that he tried very hard to convict Riel, and every
Tory politician in the land will be satisfied,’’*4

During the East Durham by-election the Liberal candidate stated
openly that ‘‘ the sentence passed upon Riel will not be carried out
because Sir John is afraid of the Bleus.”’55

It was accordingly a great blow to the party when the Liberal
leader, Edward Blake, showed a disposition to raise the question
of Riel’s mental condition. Blake was obviously convinced that
Riel was non compos mentis, but he failed to realize the unfavourable
reaction the advocacy of such a view would have upon his party
in Ontario. The Liberals had, for many years, been nourished
on the anti-French Canadian tradition of George Brown and the
Globe, and Blake himself had been foremost in 1870 in con-
demning Riel for the “ murder”? of Scott. His defence of
Riel in 1885 was, therefore, a political blunder. The Liberal
party accepted the change of front unwillingly, although the Port
Hope Guide, which had written in August “It has come to a
pretty pass indeed when a red-handed rebel can thus snap his
fingers at the law,” with easy inconsistency stated after Riel’s
execution ‘‘ It has come to a pretty pass indeed that in the noon-
tide glare of the nineteenth century political offenders must suffer
death if they dare to assert their just rights.”°* The Conserva-
tives gloated over the Liberal discomfiture :

“That Ontario Reformers, whose politics for forty years has

been one long cry against French domination in the ordinary
affairs of the country, should now consent to recognize French
domination in so sacred a domain as that of the administration of
law, is a phenomenon only to be accounted for by the depth and
profundity of their desire for office.”’*?
Blake was, however, unable to carry the majority of his followers
with him, and when Parliament opened in the spring of 1886 the
Liberals were divided between those of Ontario who, on the
whole, believed Riel’s execution to be justifiable and those of
Quebec who denounced it as a “‘ judicial murder.”

This absence of unity among the Opposition forces proved to
be a fortunate circumstance for the Federal Government and one

2E

402 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

of which they took full advantage. On March 11th, Philippe
Landry, a French Conservative, moved :

“That this House feels it its duty to express its deep regret
that the sentence of death passed upon Louis Riel, convicted of
high treason, was allowed to be carried into execution.”
Whether or not this motion was sincere is open to question.
Certainly the available evidence would imply that it was merely an
adroit political manceuvre to force a debate on the question of
Riel’s execution upon a divided Opposition. In any event
Macdonald took full advantage of it. Langevin was instructed to
take the floor immediately after Landry and move the previous
question.5® This prevented the moving of any amendment and
forced the Liberals to debate a question upon which they had no
common view, instead of upon the question of the Government’s
North-West policy upon which they and the “ bolting Bleus ”
might have united. The result was that, when the division was
finally taken, the Government, supported by a large number of
Ontario Liberals, was sustained by the largest majority of the
session.

The debate was long and hotly contested. Macdonald was
absent from the House for the first few days, and the management
of the debate was left in the capable hands of Sir Hector Langevin.
Langevin’s tactics were to move each day to make the Landry
motion the first order of the day until disposed of. For thirteen
days the debate continued. The Ontario Liberals largely
refrained from speaking. Blake inflicted upon the House a
seven-hour dissertation on Riel’s insanity which had taken him
three months to prepare. J. C. Rykert, a Conservative speaker,
regaled the Government benches with specimens of Liberal
inconsistency culled from his scrap book. Malcolm Cameron
accused the Government of casting dice over Riel’s body and then
finally yielding to Orange pressure. Langevin’s speech was
brief and formal. The best orations were those of Laurier for
the Opposition and Thompson for the Government. Laurier’s
in particular was a brilliant effort and earned for him the epithet
of “ the silver tongued Laurier.” The debate was of high order
throughout, moderate in tone and distinctly superior to the rant-
ings of the press and platform. On March 24th the question
was put to a vote. Seventeen French Conservatives voted
against the Government, a defection which was offset by twenty-

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION = 403

three Liberal votes from Ontario, including those of the former
Prime Minister, Alexander Mackenzie, and his Minister of
Finance, Richard Cartwright. The final division was 146 to
52.°°
The federal Conservative Government had thus manceuvred
itself out of difficulty, but its provincial protégé was by no means
so fortunate. In Quebec the Riel agitation had continued
unabated under the stimulus of party politics. The Liberal and
““ Nationard ” press whipped up any waning enthusiasm. Riel
Clubs were formed and Riel Masses said. In the provincial
Parliament the following resolution was moved by a “‘ National ”’
Conservative :

“That the Members of this House, without wishing to inter-
fere in questions which are not within the scope of Provincial
Legislatures, deem it their duty, nevertheless, to take advantage
of their being assembled together to give a more public and
solemn expression to the regret and sorrow which the people
of this Province, whom they are elected to represent, universally
manifested on the occasion of the deplorable execution of Louis
Rie/, which execution was carried into effect even after the recom-
mendation of the jury to mercy, and in despite of all the reasons,
in favour, from a humane point of view, of a commutation of
the sentence.’’

The Government were thus confronted with a dilemma. They
could not accept the motion without forswearing their allegiance
to the federal Conservative party with whom they had always
maintained a close alliance, nor could they refuse it without
incurring the displeasure of a racially conscious electorate.
Therefore they tried to sidestep this political trap by arguing that
“ this House has no jurisdiction in these matters, which appertain
exclusively to the Federal authorities,’ and that “ this House...
should not. . . express any opinion upon the execution of Louis
Rie/.”®* This was the strictly correct position to take, but it
brought upon the Quebec Government all the unpopularity
which a direct refusal of the motion would have involved. As
the summer progressed the trend of opinion in Quebec became
more pronounced. Four by-elections-—two provincial and two
federal—went against the Conservatives and the position of the
Ross Government thus became more and more unsteady. Even
Chapleau referred to it as “ the sick man ” which “ like Turkey,

404 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

lives on the strength of the Great Powers.”** Finally, on Septem-

ber 11th, Ross dissolved the provincial Parliament.

In the ensuing election the Riel question, although hardly a
legitimate issue in local politics, was, nevertheless, the dominant
issue of the electoral campaign. Questions of provincial
politics were forgotten in appeals to race and religion. Mercier
stumped the whole province. He addressed hundreds of meetings
and inflamed the French Canadians with the fire of racial patriot-
ism. One contemporary wrote of Mercier’s agitation, ‘ On se
serait cru reporté aux jours ot! Papineau, revendiquant nos
libertés attirait au pied des tribunes populaires tous les vrais
patriotes.”** Laurier also gave his assistance by addressing
various meetings, Everywhere the Ross Government was linked
with the ‘“pendards” of Ottawa. One popular lithograph
appeared showing Riel hanging, the federal Ministers pulling
the rope and Ross standing by giving his approval. The
Conservatives defended themselves with vigour. Ross took
the stand that the Riel issue was outside the realm of provincial
politics. The federal Conservatives took a hand in the campaign
and did all they could to carry the day. Public works were
instituted in several constituencies to defeat the Nationalists and
to assist the Ministerial candidates. Chapleau actively supported
Ross and money flowed freely. The Conservative press de-
nounced the Parti National as a mere Liberal election dodge, to
which La Verité replied :

“ Lorsqu’il s’agit de tuer une vipére on ne regarde pas trop a
Vinstrument dont on se sert ; on prend le premier baton qui se
trouve sous la main.’’6
Considering everything the Conservatives felt reasonably con-
fident of their success. Chapleau wrote privately to Macdonald :
“,.. the 14th will tell the fate of the two parties in Quebec for
the next ten years. A prominent Liberal told me he would sign
the Conservative pledge for his lifetime if he were beaten this
time. If we are prudent and liberal during the next four days,
we can be imprudent and despotic, if we wish, for another ten
years’ lease of power.’’6¢

The election was a victory for the Nationalists. It threw the
balance of power into the hands of Le Parti National. Of
twenty-six candidates who had adhered to the programme of
L’Etendard eleven were returned. Of these, eight were National

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 405

Conservatives, and three National Liberals. L’ Evendard received
the results with manifest satisfaction.

“Nous croyons qu’un ministére Mercier est tout a4 fait dans

ordre des choses. . . . Une chose certaine, cependant, c’est que
ni M. Mercier ni M. Ross ne pourront gouverner sans le concours
de nos amis. A eux donc de se concerter, de se tenir unis et
dexiger du parti auquel ils pourront donner leur appui indépen-
dant les plus séricuses garanties d’économie, de bonne adminis-
tration. ... Ils devront également insister . . . sur la rupture de
toute alliance entre le gouvernement de Québec et celui des
Chevaliers de la Corde qui si¢ge 4 Ottawa.’’8?
Although La Minerve and Le Monde claimed that the Conserva-
tives had gained the day, and Langevin wrote hopefully to
Macdonald that the Ross Government would stand “ unless the
Nationalist Conservatives vote with the Liberals to overthrow it
which is not likely,’’** the Conservative ascendancy in Quebec
was at an end. Ross struggled along until January when he
resigned on the 19th, advising the Lieutenant-Governor to call
upon L. O. Taillon to form a ministry. Taillon’s ministry lasted
only eight days. On January 26th, Mercier arrived at Quebec
city. The public ovation tendered him sounded the death knell
of Taillon’s minority Conservative Government. On_ the
following day the Government was defeated on the election of
the Speaker and Taillon resigned. Mercier was then called upon
to form a Government, and on January 2gth a coalition ministry
of Liberals and Nationalists entered into power in Quebec.

Mercier’s triumph was due almost wholly to his appeal to
French Canadian nationalism. The Province of Quebec was
swept from its traditional political allegiance as nothing but a
race and religion issue could have swept it, and the Provincial
Government was punished because it refused to join in the con-
demnation of the Federal Government for allowing the law to
take its course in the case of Louis Riel. With the ascendancy of
Mercier the day of Le Parti National as an independent force in
Quebec politics was at an end. It had served its purpose in
defeating the Conservative Government and opening the way for
a Liberal victory. The bitter comment of Le Canadien was true :

“Tls ont fait mal au parti Conservateur, mais ils n’ont tiré
autre résultat que celui d’accroitre la force du parti Liberal.”**

The Nationalist press reluctantly admitted this fact. But, while

406 THE BIRTH OF WESTERN CANADA

regretting that the Nationalists had not remained a distinct and
separate group free from party trammels, the Nationalist organ,
La Justice, boldly declared :

“ The exigencies of the hour made it an absolute duty to put
a stop to the political crisis and to assure the existence of a
ministry which should help pull down the Federal Government.”’7¢

On the heels of the provincial election came the federal
election. On January 15th, 1887, the Dominion Parliament was
dissolved. Everything pointed to the possibility of a Liberal
victory. Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Quebec and Ontario
had returned Liberal administrations during the course of 1886.
In Quebec the Riel issue and the anti-Catholic fulminations of the
Toronto Mai/ were counted upon to win seats for the Opposition.
Moreover, the Government forces were paralysed by a recrudes-
cence of the old feud between Langevin and Chapleau, the
latter being prevailed upon only at the last moment to withdraw
his resignation by Macdonald’s acquiescence in his demands.”
Under these circumstances the jubilant tone of the Liberal press is
scarcely surprising.

The fate of the Government naturally turned upon the results
in the Provinces of Quebec and Ontario. In the latter the Riel
issue was dead. It had played no part in the provincial election
of December 1886, largely owing to the fact that Ontario Liberals
generally, in spite of Blake’s position, approved of the execution
of Riel. In Quebec, however, the success of Mercier had kept
the issue very much alive, and L’Evendard greeted with delight
the prospect of a straight fight between “ les patriotes ” and “les
gens de la corde.”” Once more the ghost of Riel stalked across the
political stages of Quebec, appealing to the people to “ revenge
his foul and most unnatural murder.”

On February 22nd the voting took place. In the Province of
Quebec substantial Liberal gains were recorded. Here: the
Government held only twenty-nine seats of the sixty-five allotted
to that province ; ten seats went to the Nationalists and Inde-
pendents and the remainder to the Liberals.”? During the
course of the session the Nationalists were absorbed into the
two old parties, some returning to their old allegiance and the
others aligning themselves permanently with the Liberals. The
ultimate result was a net loss of fifteen French Canadian seats
to the Government. This development was significant. Up to

RESULTS OF NORTH-WEST REBELLION 407

this time Quebec had been the key province of political con-
servatism ; Macdonald had always been able to count upon
forty-five to fifty seats in Quebec ; now his supporters numbered
about thirty-three. The national feeling aroused by the métis
rebellion and the execution of Riel had brought about a funda-
mental change in the political outlook of the French Canadians.
The casualties in the ranks of the French Conservatives in 1887
only foreshadowed the political rout which the Liberals, them-
selves led by a French Canadian, were to force upon that party in
subsequent clections. The Riel agitation gave Laurier his
opportunity, and with the unswerving loyalty of his compatriots,
he established a Liberal ascendancy in Quebec which has remained
unshaken to the present day.

Such were the political results of the Second Riel Rebellion.
Statesmanship and national unity were subordinated to the selfish
interests of race and party. It is doubtful whether the agitation
would have reached the intensity it did had it not been stimulated
by politicians. In both provinces the racial cry was used for
party ends. In Quebec the Liberals reaped the advantage, and
in Ontario, the Conservatives. But, though passion and dema-
gogism marked the political crisis, reason and conciliation
ultimately prevailed: the French Canadian Ministers in 1885
refused to encourage the alliance of their people with a racial
faction, and in succeeding years Laurier’s greatest service to his
country was to break down racial prejudice in English-speaking
Canada. A nation divided against itself cannot stand. Only in
the realization of national unity can the ideal of the Fathers of
Confederation survive.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

A compLertE bibliography of the Riel Rebellions would be a long
one. There are few general histories or works relating to
Western Canada without some reference, however slight, to
Louis Riel. Such a bibliography would be impressive, but not,
in the author’s opinion, of great value. Most, if not all the
books bearing on the subject, have been examined during the
preparation of this work; few have been used. For the most
part it has been written from original materials and those books
which have been used are indicated in the list of notes which
follows.

In the main the sources of original material have been three ;
London, Ottawa and Washington. In the Public Record Office
the correspondence between the British and the Canadian Govern-
ments is to be found in the series C.O. 42 and C.O. 43; a few
references to Wolseley’s expedition are to be found in W.O.
33/21 and W.O. 33/22; and the opinion of British statesmen on
the execution of Louis Riel in G.D. 6/130. At the Hudson’s
Bay Company* the Correspondence with the Colonial Office, the
London Inward Correspondence, the Winnipeg Inward Corres-
pondence, and cettain post journals and letter books as well as
separate folios on the Riel Rebellions and a manuscript account
of his experiences by W. J. McLean, have been of great value.

At Ottawa the sources are three in number; the Public
Archives, the Department of Indian Affairs and the Royal Cana-
dian Mounted Police. In the Archives are collections of papers
and correspondence of the first importance; in particular, the
Confidential Papers Relative to the Trial of Louis Riel (Depart-
ment of Justice), the Macdonald Papers and the Dewdney Papers ;
of lesser importance are the Caron Papers, the Buell Papers and
the Drummond Letters. The papers at the Department of
Indian Affairs are difficult of access, owing to the absence of
suitable catalogues. Those which were consulted are given in the

* All references from this source are published by permission of the Governor
and Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company.

408

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. 409

notes. They are of particular value as regards the Govern-
ment’s Indian policy and the growth of Indian discontent. There
is little material at the Royal Canadian Mounted Police which
cannot be found in the Sessional Papers.

At Washington the Consular Despatches from Winnipeg and
the Notes to and from the British Legation ate obtainable at
the State Department.

The printed papers bearing on the Riel Rebellions are to be
found in the recognized sources, the Journals and Sessional
Papers, in certain Colonial Office Confidential Prints and British
Blue Books relating to Canada (see notes) and in the Debates of
the House of Commons and the Debates of the Senate; also in
Les Missions de la Congrégation des Missionaires Oblats de Marie
Immaculée: Les Annales de la Propagation de /a Foi : Oliver, E. H.,
The Canadian North-West, its Early Development and Legislative
Records, 2 vols., Ottawa, 1915; Indian Treaties and Surrenders
1680-1890, 2 vols. Ottawa, 1905; Morris, Hon. A., The
Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West
Territories, Toronto, 1880; Pope, Sir J., Correspondence of Sir
John Macdonald, ‘Toronto, 1921.

It would have been almost impossible to write the history of
the Ricl Rebellions without consulting the newspapers of the
time, not only on matters of political opinion, but also on matters
of fact. Those to which greatest reference was made (others are
indicated in the notes) include The New Nation (Fort Garry) ;
The Prince Albert Times: The Saskatchewan Herald (Battleford) ;
and Le Manitoba (St. Boniface) of Western Canada: The Globe
(Toronto) ; The Mail (Toronto) ; The Gazette (Montreal) and The
Star (Montreal); L’Opinion Publique (Montreal) and L’ Efendard
(Montreal) of Eastern Canada.

The Riel agitation produced a spate of pamphlets. The best
collection of these is to be found at the Dominion Archives. For
the most part they are propagandist works written in the heat of
controversy and are of little value except in so far as they illustrate
the intensity of racial feeling of the time.

ABBREVIATIONS

C.O. Colonial Office papers, Public Record Office, London.
C.S.P. Canada Sessional Papers.
FO, Foreign Office papers, Public Record Office.
G.D. Gifts and Deposits, Public Record Office.
H.B.C. Hudson’s Bay Company, London.
LD. Department of Indian Affairs, Ottawa.
Missions
des Missions of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate.
O.M.I.

P.A.C. Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa.
R.C.M.P. Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Ottawa.
W.O~. War Office papers, Public Record Office.

NOTES

CHAPTER I
THE OLD ORDER OF RED RIVER

1 The Royal Charter for incorporating the Hudson’s Bay Company a.p. 1670:
Charters, Statutes, Orders in Council relating to the Hudson's Bay Company, pp. 3-21.

2 In 1857 Sir George Simpson estimated the number of Indians living in Rupert’s
Land at 42, 840: Lvidence of Sir George Simpson, 993, Report from the Select
pommitice on the Hudson’s Bay Company (P.P. 1857 (Session 2) xv, 224, 260),

P- 5

3 The Royal Charter.

4 A Journal of a Voyage and Journey undertaken by Henry Kelsey through God’s
assistance to discover and bring to a commerce the Naywatame Poets in Anno 1691 :
The Kelsey Papers (Vhe Public Archives of Canada) Ottawa, 1929. For a discussion
of the route taken by Kelsey see C. N. Bell, The Journal of Flenry Kelsey (The Historical
and Scientific Society of Manitoba Transaction No. 4, New Series) Winnipeg, 1928.

§ Burpee, The Search for the Western Sea, p. 235.

*Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interiour of North America,
PP. 49-50.

7 Ross, The Fur Hunters of the Far West, Vol. I, p. 296. Alexander Ross is a
contemporary writerofimportance. He entered the service of the fur tradein 1810,
and in 1825 settled at Red River. From 1836 to 1850 he was a member of the
Council of Assiniboia and from 1839 to 1850, sheriff. He was, therefore, well
acquainted with the people of the North-West and their customs. He died at Red
River in 1856.

§ Southesk, Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains, A Diary and Narrative of Travel,
Sport, and Adventure during a Journey through the Hudson's Bay Company's Territories in
1859 and 1860, pp. 360-1.

8 Ibid., p. 359.

19 Milton and Cheadle, The North-West Passage by Land, being the Narrative of an
Expedition from the Atlantic to the Pacific sundertaken with the view of exploring a route
across the continent to British Columbia through British Territory, by one of the northern
passes in the Rocky Mountains, pp. 43-4.

1 Ross, The Red River Settlement : Its Rise, Progress and Present State, with some
account of the Native Races and its General History, to the Present Day, p. 193.

12 Ibid., p. 250.

13 Ibid., p. 196.

\t Milton and Cheadle, op. ci#., pp. 42-3.

%8 McLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Years Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory (Pub-
lications of the Champlain Society), p. 374.

16 Milton and Cheadle, op. cit, Dp. 44.

17 McLean, op. cit., p. 378

18 Le Dernier Mémoire de Louis Riel : Ouimet, La Verité sur la Question Métisse
au Nord-Oues?, p. 78.

19 Selkirk Papers 1468: Martin, Lord Selkirk’s Work in Canada, p. 108.

20 ** Chanson écrite par Pierre Falcon,” is printed with an explanatory note in
Hargrave, Red River, Appendix A, pp. 485-91.

a1 Grant of Assiniboia to Lord clkirk by the Hudson’s Bay Company, June
12th, 1811: Martin, op. ci#., Appendix B, p. 204.

33 Oliver, The Canadian North- West, its Early Development and Legislative Records
(Publications of the Canadian Archives No. 9), Vol. I, p. 267, note 1.

2 Hind, Narrative 0, of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of
the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858, Vol. I, p. 177.

4t1

4l2 NOTES

4 Census Returns 1871 : Canada Sessional Papers 1871, Vol. V, No. 20.

25 Ross, op. cit., p. 244. For a discussion of the Red River Hunt, see Roe, The
Red River Hunt (transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd series, 1935, Vol.
XXIX, pp. 171-218).

3¢ A Statistical Account of Red River Colony taken on May zoth-24th, 1856:
Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson’s Bay Company. Appendix 2B,

. 363.

7 Gunn to Vankoughnet, March 6th, 1857, Statistics of the Red River Colony :
Report from the Select Committee etc., Appendix 7, p. 383.

3 Tbid., p. 382.

3° Evidence of Sir George Simpson, 1207~1223 : Report from the Select Commit-
tee, etc., pp. 67-8. Leasehold was not the only system of land tenure. ‘There are
some instances of land being granted in fee simple. See Martin, The Hudson’s Bay
Company Land Tenures, Chapter iv.

3° Hudson’s Bay Company Land Deed: Report from the Select Committee,
Appendix 2A, pp. 361-2.

31 Evidence of Sir George Simpson, 1769: op. cit., p. 92.

88 [bid., 1861, p. 96.

3 Hind, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 190.

34 The Hudson’s Bay Company continued after 1836 the system of survey in-
augurated by Peter Fidler and William Kempt during the Selkirk period, and in
1836-7-8, George Taylor made a complete survey of the Settlement for the
Company. The original of this plan is to be found in the Record Department of
the Hudson’s Bay Company, London.

%5 Taché to Dallas, December 15th, 1802: Enc. in Dallas to Fraser, December
zoth, 1862, London Inward Correspondence from Winnipeg, 1862, H.B.C. Taché
expressed a similar opinion in his Esqguisse sur le Nord-Ouest a L Amérique, p. 45.

5* Anderson to Dallas, December 22nd, 1862: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1862, H.B.C.

37 Oliver, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 76-83.

38 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 87-90.

3° 43 Geo. IIIc. 138: Charters, Statutes, Orders in Council Relating to the Hudson's
Bay Company, pp. 87-90.

49 1 and 2 Geo. IV, c. 66: ébid., pp. 93-102.

“1 MacBeth, The Romance of Western Canada, p. 95.

CHAPTER II

THE END OF COMPANY RULE

1 Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Vol. HH, p.
137-
? Evidence of Edward Ellice, 5391: Report from the Select Committee 1857,

341.
P # Stephen to Le Marchant, July 2sth, 1837: C.O. 43/86; also Report from the
Select Committee, Appendix 11, No. 4, p. 423.

4 Report from the Select Committee, p. ii.

5 Evidence of Sir George Simpson, 702-2125: op. ci/., pp. 44-108.

* The Committee included among others the Rt. Hon. Henry Labouchere, Sir
John Pakington, Lord John Russell, Lord Stanley, Viscount Goderich; W. E.
Gladstone and J. A. Roebuck represented the antit-Company element, while
Edward Ellice watched over the Company’s interests.

7 Stephen to Hume, August 15th, 1837: Report from the Sclect Committee,
Appendix 11, No. 6, p. 424.

® Quoted in Dent, The Last Forty Years, Vol. II, p.349.

® Evidence of Draper, 4062: Report from the Select Committee, pp. 212~3.

10 Minute of the Council, January 17th, 1857: Journals of the Legislative
Assembly 1857, Vol. XV, Appendix 17.

NOTES 413

11 Ross, op. cét., Pp. 339-340.

12 Petition to the Canadian Legislature for annexation of the Red River Settlement
and the North-West Territory to Canada, April 24th, 1862: P.P. 1870, L. 443, pp.
3-4.

13 Evidence of Isbister 2449 : Report from the Select Committee, p. 124.

M4 Evidence of Draper 4102 : ibid., p. 218.

15 The question of westward communications is thoroughly discussed in Trotter,
Canadian Federatron, its Origins and Achievement, Chapters XIX and XX.

'® PP. 1864, XLI, 530, p. 19.

17 Simpson to Shepherd, March 14th, 1857: I:nc. in Shepherd to Labouchere,
March 16th, 1857, H.B.C. Correspondence with the Colonial Office 1856-8.

18 Evidence of Ross, 73: Report from the Select Committee, p. 7.

1® Journals of the Legislative Assembly 1857, Vol. XV, p. 41.

°° Ibid., p. 207, See also Report from the Select Committee, Appendix 12, p. 435.

** Evidence of Draper, 4122-3: op.cit., p. 221.

2 Meredith to Draper, February zoth, 1857: Journals of the Legislative Assembly
1857, Vol. XV, Appendix 17.

23 Memorandum of the Honourable Joseph Cauchon, Commissioner for Crown
Lands, Canada, 1857: ¢ébid.

24 Bethell and Keating to Labouchere, July 1857: Report from the Select
Committee, Appendix 9, p. 403.

25 Labouchere to Head, January 22nd, 1858: Journals of the Legislative Assembly
1858, Vol. XVI, Appendix 3.

2¢ Merivale to Shepherd, January zoth, 1858: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office 1856-8.

2? Berens to Lytton, July 27th, 1858: ibéd. ‘This letter outlines the conversation
which Lytton had with Shepherd and Berens on the previous day at the Colonial
Office.

28 Joint Address to the Queen from the Legislative Council and Legislative
Assembly of Canada, August 13th, 14th, 1858: Journals of the Legislative Council,
1858, pp. $13-4.

2*Berens to Lytton, October 12th, 1858: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office 1856-8.

39 Carnarvon to Berens, November 3rd, 1858 : ébid., 1858-Go.

51 Kelly and Cairns to Lytton, December 16th, 1858: Journals of the Legislative
Assembly 1859, Vol. XVII, Appendix 7.

83 Joint Address of the Legislative Council and Assembly of Canada to the Queen,
April zoth, 1859: ébid., pp. 454-5.

33 Fortescue to Berens, confidential, May sth, 1860: H.B.C. Correspondence with
the Colonial Office 1858-60.

3! Berens to Newcastle, May 30th, 1860: sbid., 1860-3.

38 Watkin, Canada and the States, Recollections 1851-1886, p. 65.

36 Berens to Newcastle, May roth, 1862: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office 1860-3.

3? Watkin, op. cif., p. 120.

38 Ibid., p. 123.

$* Berens to Dallas, contidential, March 2oth, 1863: H.B.C. Locked Letter Book
1860-3,

40 Head to Newcastle, July 3rd, 1863 : H.B.C. Correspondence with the Colonial
Office 1863-8.

‘| Head to Rogers, August 28th, 1863: ébid.

42 Head to Rogers, November 11th, 1863 : ibid.

43 Fortescue to Head, March 11th, 1864: Fortescue to Head, April 5th, 1864 :
ibid.

44 Head to Fortescue, April 13th, 1864: bid.

43 Rogers to Head, June 6th, 1864: ibid.

46 Head to Rogers, November 11th, 1863 : shid.

4? Head to Fortescue, March 15th, 1864: ibid.

48 Report of the Canadian Delegates to England, July 12th, 1865 : Journals of the
Legislative Assembly, 1865, Vol. XXV, p. 12.

414 NOTES

«9 Watkin, op. cit., p. 17, 421-6 ; Macdonald, Canadian Public Opinion on the Ameri-
can Civil War, pp. 199-200.

5° Congressional Globe, 39: 1, p. 3548; see also Watkin, pp. 227-35.

51 New York Tribune, April 1st, 1867: Quoted in Oberholtzer, A History of the
United States since the Civil War, Vol. I, p. 343.

* Callahan, An Introduction to American Expansion Policy (West Virginia University
Studies), p. 32.

59 Russell, Canada: Its Defences, Condition, and Resources, p. 329. See also Blegen,
James Wickes Taylor, a Biographical Sketch (Minnesota History Bulletin, Vol. I, No. 4)

53 St. Paul, Daily Press, February 27th, 1868.

58 Taylor to Seward, March 13th, 1868: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special
Agent, 1867-70, Department of State. Taylor wrote, ‘‘ 1... availed myself of
the opportunity to obtain from the Minnesota Legislature, resolutions requesting
Congress to confirm by requisite legislation the annexation of Alaska and presenting
other views of national policy in respect to North-West British America.”

5° U.S. Miscellaneous Documents, 68, goth Congress 2nd Session, Serial 1319.

§? Taylor to Chase, December 17th, 1861: House Executive Documents 146,
Serial 1138.

88 McEwen to Head, January 18th, 1866: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office 1863-8.

5° Taylor to Kittson, May 15th, 1869: London Inward Correspondence 1868-9,
H.B.C.

80 Extracts from speeches by Holton and Macdonald in the Canadian Parliament,
enc. in Head to Buckingham and Chandos, January 25th, 1868: Journals of the
House of Commons, Canada, 1867-8, Vol. I, p. 374.

*! Buckingham and Chandos Minute of interview with Lampson, February 5th,
1868: Buckingham and Chandos (Stowe Collection) H.B.C.

62 Kimberley to Adderley, May 13th, 1868: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office, 1868-70.

63 Original draft by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, May 1868, Bucking-
ham and Chandos (Stowe Collection) H.B.C. This letter was not sent to the
Hudson’s Bay Company and it was not until August 7th that Rogers informed
Kimberley that the Company’s terms could not be accepted and suggested a personal
interview. This delay was probably duc to the passage of the Rupert’s Land Act
in July.

84 31-32 Vic. ¢. 105.

*’ Northcote to Rogers, January 13th, 1869: H.B.C. Correspondence with
the Colonial Office, 1868-70.

68 Monk to Buckingham and Chandos, telegram, September 9th, 1868: C.S.P.
1869, Vol. V, No. 25.

&? Willson, The Great Company, Vol. II, pp. 289-90.

68 Rogers to Northcote, February 22nd, 1869: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonia Office 1868-70.

6° Cartier and McDougall to Rogers, confidential, February 8th, 1869: ibid.

v0 he ers to Northcote, March gth, 1869: ébid.

Ibid.

72 Cartier and McDougall to Northcote, March 15th, 1869: ibid.

78 Court of April 9th, 1869: H.B.C. General Court Minute Book, 1866-76.

74 In their letter of February 8th, 1869, Cartier and McDougall stated that although
Buckingham’s terms had not been made at their instigation, they had informed him
that if the Company accepted them the Canadian Government might also be prepared
toacceptthem. Buckingham’s terms offered the Company one-fourth the receipts of
land sales and one-fourth export duty on gold and silver, both conjointly to total
£1,000,000, and a land grant of five lots in every township in addition to blocks
about the various Company posts (see Adderley to Kimberley, December rst, 1868 :
H.B.C. Correspondence with the Colonial Office 1868-70).

78 Rose to Young, confidential, July 23rd, 1869: C.O. 42/677.

7 Dom. Stat. 32-33 Vic. c. 3.

" Correspondence and Papers connected with Recent Occurrences in the North-West
Territories, C.S.P. 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

NOTES 4Y$

CHAPTER III
HALF-BREED UNREST IN THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT

1 Pelly to Palmerston, May 24th, 1837: F.O. 5/319. Enclosed with this letter is
one from “ Brigadier-General”” John George McKenzie addressed to Cuthbert
Grant, September 12th, 1836, urging him to rouse the half-breeds and lead the forces
of “ liberation ’ in Red River.

2 Simpson to the Governor and Committee, June 2oth, 1845: Public Corres-
pondence, Simpson, 1845-6, H.B.C.

3 Ibid.

4 Various documents relative to this dispute are printed in Begg, of. cit., Vol. I,
pp. 261-5.

5 Simpson to Metcalfe, November 6th, 1845: Public Correspondence op. cit.

6K. Mackenzie to McDermott and McLaughlin, March rath, 1845: Enc. in
Simpson to the Governor and Committee, November 11th, 1845, (b/d.

7 The documents relative to this petition are printed in P.P. 1849, XXXV (227)
and P.P. 1850, XX XVIII (542).

*Thom to Ballenden, June sth, 1849: Winnipeg Inward Correspondence
1823~71, H.B.C.

* Simpson to the Governor and Committee, June 2ist, 1844: Public Correspon-
dence, op. cit., 1844.

10 MacBeth, The Making of the Canadian West, Being the Reminiscences of an Eye-
Witness, p. 14.

11 Minutes of a Meeting of the Governor and Council of Assiniboia, October 25th,
1869: C.S.P. 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

13 [bid,

13 Dallas to Fraser, January 28th, 1864: London Inward Correspondence from
Winnipeg, 1864, H.B.C.

14 Mactavish to Fraser, December 18th, 1866: Mactavish Letter Book 1865-7.
See also Hargrave, Red Raver, p. 402.

16 Mactavish to Smith, March 31st, 1868: London Inward Correspondence from
Winnipeg, 1868.

16 Mactavish to Fraser, November 27th, 1866: Mactavish Letter Book 1865-7.

17 Hargrave, op. cit., pp. 285-7.

18 Hargrave (pro Mactavish) to Smith, January 2oth, 1868: London Inward
Correspondence from Winnipeg 1868. See also Hargrave Red River, pp. 424-26.

19 Hargrave, op. cit., p. 413.

20 The Nor’Wester, January 14th, 1860: Quoted in Martin, The Red River Settle-
ment, Canada and its Provinces, Vol. XIX, p. 67.

21 Bannatyne to “‘ Ellis,” July rst, 1863 : London Inward Correspondence from
Winnipeg, 1863.

22 Mactavish to Smith, April 14th, 1868: ibid, 1868. See also Bannatyne,
deposition, Report of the Select Committee on the Causes of the Difficulties in the
North-West Territory in 1869-70: Journals of the House of Commons, Canada
1874, Vol. VIII, Appendix No. 6.

33 Hargrave to Lampson, February 8th, 1870: London Inward Correspondence
from erie 870.

24 Taché, L’Esquisse sur le Nord-Ouest del’ Amérique, p. 46.

25 Taché to the Nor’ Wester, August 11th, 1868: reprinted in the Toronto
Globe, September 4th, 1868.

th, Young to Sandford, November 27th, 1868: The Toronto Globe, December
roth, 1868.

oc The Times, September 26th, 1868.

28 Lampson to Rogers, December 22nd, 1868: H.B.C. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office, 1868-70. ‘

2® Cartier and McDougall to Rogers, January 16th, 1869: ébid,

39 Justitia? to the G/obe, November roth, 1869: The Toronto Globe, Decem-
ber and, 1869. See also Gouldhawke to the Owen Sound Times, M and, 1869:
The Globe, June 28th, 1869: Bannatyne, deposition op. cit. ; Begg, Mae Creation of
Meanttoba or a History of the Red River Troubles, p. 17.

416 NOTES

3! Hargrave to Lampson, February 8th, 1870: op. ci#.

32 Mactavish to Smith, September 7th, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869.

33 The Globe, December 14th, 1868; December 27th, 1868; January 4th, 1869.

% Hargrave, Red River, p. 455.

35 Dugas, Histoire Véridique des Faits qui ont préparé le mouvement des Métis a la
Riviere Rouge en 1869, pp. 27-8.

36 Spence, deposition: Report of the Select Committee, 1874, op. cit.

8? Mactavish to Fraser, July 27th, 1860: London Inward Correspondence from
Winnipeg, 1860.

88 Taché, deposition: Report of the Select Committee, 1874. See also Begg,
op. cit., p. 17.

3° Dennis, deposition : fbid.

4° Mactavish to Smith, August roth, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869.

41 Dennis to McDougall, August 21st, 1869: C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

+2 Dennis to McDougall, August 28th, 1869: ibid.

48 Braun to Dennis, October 4th, 1869: zbd. It is only fair to mention that
McDougall himself was not at Ottawa when Dennis’ warnings were received.

44 Dennis, Memorandum of Facts and Circumstances Connected with the Active
Opposition of the French Half-Breeds in this Settlement to the Prosecution of the
Government Surveys : ibid.

4 Hind, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 179.

46 Mactavish to Smith, October 12th, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869.

*? Garrioch, First Furrows, A History of the Early Settlement of the Red River
Country, including that of Portage la Prairie, p. 198.

18 The New York Times, December 28th, 1869.

* Bryce, The Remarkable History of the Hudson’s Bay Company, p. 460.

“© Taché to the Governor-General, May 7th, 1870: Quoted in Benoit, Vie de
Mgr. Taché, Vol. Il, p. 75.

51 Lecompte, Sir ‘Peisep Dubuc, 1840-1914, p. 41

82 Malmros to Davis, September 11th, 1869:
Winnipeg, Vol. I, Department of State.

33 Malmros to Davis, November 6th, 1869: sid.

5! Fish to Taylor, December 30th, 1869: Instructions to Special Missions
1852-86, Department of State. Taylor’s appointment was kept secret; his
instructions stated ‘* All your proceedings under this commission are to be strictly
confidential, and under no circumstances will you allow them to be made public.
This injunction includes the fact of your appointment.”

55 U.S, Senate Executive Documents 33, 41st Congress, 2nd session, Serial 1405.

58 Bryce, op. cit., p. 460.

57 Taché to Cartier, October 7th, 1869: Benoit, op. cé#., Vol. II, p. 17.

58 Bunn, deposition: Report of the Select Committee, 1874.

59 Mair, Insurrection in Red River; in Denison, Reminiscences of the Red River
Rebellion of 1869, pp. 1~8.

60 Extract from a private letter of Governor Mactavish, June gth, 1868 : London
Inward Correspondence from Winnipeg, 1868,

81 Joseph McDonald to McDougall, December 8th, 1869: C.O. 42/684.

62 Machray to the Governor-General, March 18th, 1870: C.O. 42/685.

63 Dennis, Despatch on the State of Public Opinion, October 27th, 1869: C.O.
42/677. Printed in Correspondence and Papers connected with Recent Occurrences in the
North-West Territories, C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

3 Martin, op. cit., p. 63.

*5 Pope, Memoirs of the Right Honourable Sir John Alexander Macdonald, Vol. II, p. 50.

66 Machray, Life of Robert Machray, Archbishop of Rupert's Land and Primate of All
Canada, p. 168.

“ McArthur, Causes of the Rising (Manitoba Historical Society Publication, 1882,
Vol. I, No. 1). McArthur accompanied Mactavish on his return to Red River.
He was later imprisoned by Riel with Schultz’s party of Canadians.

MSS. Consular Despatches from

NOTES 417

8 Taché, deposition, op. cit.

69 Ibid, pe P

70 Howe to Macdonald, October 16th, 1869: Pope, op. cit., Vol. H, p. 51.

71 Extract from a private letter of Governor Mactavish, October 13th, 1869:
London Inward Correspondence from Winnipeg, 1869.

72 McDougall, The Red River Rebellion, Exghi Letters to the Honourable Joseph
Howe, p. 6.

73 The Globe, January 17th, January 23rd, January 26th, 1870.

74 Mactavish to McDougall, November gth, 1869: London Inward Correspon-
dence from Winnipeg, 1869.

73 The Globe, August 31st, 1869.

76 McArthur, op. cit,

*7 Taché, deposition.

78 Minute, December 16th, 1869: C.O. 42/677. “‘ The Canadian Government
have certainly much to answer for. Sir A. Galt told me that he had suggested the
appointment of Mactavish as Governor thus making the transfer as easy as possible.
McDougall had unfavourable antecedents as regards the natives.”

CHAPTER IV
THE RED RIVER REBELLION. PART ONE

\Schmidt, Mémoires de Louis Schmidt, published in Le Patriote de l’Quest, Duck
Lake, Saskatchewan, 1912. Further references will be to the date of the newspaper.
This quotation is to be found in the issue of January 25th, 1912. Schmidt was a
half-breed of English descent, although brought up as French speaking. He was
one of those sent to school in Montreal by Bishop Taché, but owing to ill health
he returned to Red River after a short period. Schmidt later became secretary of
the Trovisional Government of Red River but took no part in the events of 1885.

2 Ibid.

3 Mousseau, Une Page d’Historre, p. 9.

“Schmidt, Le Pafriote, February 8th, 1912.

5 Oscar Malmros, the American consul at Winnipeg, reported to Washington on
September 11th, 1869, that ‘‘ the mass of settlers are strongly inclined . . . to get
up a riot to expel the new Governor on his arrival here about the 15th of October.”
MSS. Consular despatches from Winnipeg, Vol. I, Department of State.

® Dennis, Memorandum of Facts and Circumstances connected with the Active
Opposition by the French Half-Breeds in the Settlement to the prosecution of the
Government Surveys, October 11th, 1869: C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12. See also
Prud’homme, André Nau/t, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd
Series, Vol. XXII, 1928.

? A French half-breed magistrate and a member of the Council of Assiniboia.

8 Dennis, op. cit., October 12th, 1869.

9 Ibid, October 21st, 1869.

10 Unpublished Memoirs of Rev. Mr. Giroux, who was present at the interview :
Morice, History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada, Vol. Il, p. 25.

Evidence of John Bruce, Preliminary Investigation and Trial of Ambroise D.
Lépine, 1874, p. 62.

42 Schmidt (Le Patriote, February 1st, 1912) stated that the métis took counsel
from “ personnes sages ct plus exerimentées qu’eux.”’ Martin Jérome, one of the
half-breeds who escorted McDougall from Canadian soil, wrote in his Somvenirs
d@’ Autrefois (p. 18), ‘‘ M. Ritchot, esprit dirigeante des métis qui dans sa jeunesse
avait eu une certaine expérience des différentes régimes operées sur les bords du
St. Laurent fut celui qui donna le premier signal. ... Louis Riel, qui avait un talent
irréfutable et une haute éducation, quoique possédant trés peu d’expérience, son
jugement sain uni a la sagesse de M. Ritchot, devenaient une force pour le bien des
métis.” See also Dennis, Despatch on the State of Public opinion, October 27th,

1869.
18 Minutes of the Council of Assiniboia, October 25th, 1869: C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

14 Minutes of the Council of Assiniboia, October 30th, 1869: sbid.
2F

418 NOTES

18 Mactavish to McDougall, October 30th, 1869: C.O. 42/677: C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12. The C.O. reference is to the copies of the originals which were
sent to the Colonial Office by the Governor-General. Both the Canadian and the
Imperial Government published Blue Books on the Red River Insurrection, the
former being C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12, and the latter P.P., 1870, L. (C. 207).
Both the C.O. and the Blue Book references will be given as far as possible.

1 Extract of Private Correspondence, November znd, 1860: C.O. 42/678;
P.P., 1870, L. (C. 207).

‘7 Mactavish to Smith, November 2nd, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869. See also Cowan, deposition: Report of the Select Com-
mittee, 1874.

18 McDougall to Howe, November 2oth, 1869: C.O. 42/678; C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

1® Riel and Lépine to Morris, January 3rd, 1873 : Report of the Select Committec,
1874. This letter ts printed with notes by de Trémaudan in the Canadsan Historical
Retiew, June, 1926, pp. 137-60.

20 Provencher to McDougall, November 3rd, 1869: C.O. 42/677; C.S.P.,
1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

21 C.O. 42/678; C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

22 Extract from a letter reputed to be from a Hudson’s Bay Company man to the
Globe, December rst, 1869.

#3 The account of the first Convention given here is taken, except where other-
wise noted, from a Riel manuscript published with an introduction by C, A. Har-
wood in the Canadian Antiquarian and Nuntismatre Journal, 3¢d Series, 1909, Vol. VI,
Nos. 1 and 2.

34 Mactavish to Smith, November 23rd, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869.

26 Ibid.

26 McDougall to the Secretary of State for the Provinces, October 31st, 1869 :
C.O. 42/677; C.S.P. 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

27 Howe to McDougall, October 31st, 1869: Red River Insurrection, Hon, Wrlliam
McDougall’s Conduct Kevewed, p.15. This pamphlet, which is a vigorous criticism
of McDougall, was reputedly the work of Howe.

2% McDougall to the Secretaty of State for the Provinces, October 31st, 1869:
op. cit.

Pig ‘* Spectator’ to the S#. Parl Press, November 4th, 1869: U.S. Senate Docu-
ments, 33, 41st Congress, znd Session, Serial 1405.

3° McDougall to Mactavish, November 2nd, 1869: C.O. 42/677: C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

31 Mactavish to McDougall, November gth, 1869: C.O. 42/678: C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

32 Snow to McDougall, November 9th, 1869: ibid.

38 Mair to McDougall, November 8th, 1869: ‘bid.

34 McDougall to Mactavish, November 2nd, 1869: op. czt.

35 McDougall to Mactavish, November 7th, 1869: ibid.

36 McDougall to Howe, November 13th, 14th, 1869: C.O. 42/678; C.S.P.,
1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

37 McDougall to Howe, November 25th, 1869: ibid.

38 McDougall to Howe, November 2gth, 1869: ibid.

38 McDougall to Howe, December 2nd, 1869: sbid.

© Howe to McDougall, November rgth, 1869: C.O. 42/677; C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

41 Macdonald to McDougall, November zoth, 1869: Pope, of. ci#., Vol. II, pp.

2-3.
; «? Macdonald to McDougall, confidential, November 27th, 1869: C.O. 42/678.

Young to Granville, telegram, November 26th, 1869: C.O. 42/677; P.P.,
1870, L. (C. 207).

4 Granville, Minute, November 25th, 1869: C.O. 42/683. Granville was first
notified officially of Canada’s refusal to complete the transaction by a telegram from
Young dated the 23rd. This was followed by another telegram dated the 26th.

NOTES 419

c Granville to Young, November 30th, 1869: C.O. 43/156; P.P., 1870, L.
. 207).

16 Collier and Coleridge to Granville, December roth, 1869: C.O. 42/679.

47 Copy of a Report of the Privy Council, Canada, December 16th, 1869: C.O.
42/678: P.P., 1870, L. (C. 207).

‘8 Granville, Minute, December 10th, 1869: C.O. 42/679.

1° Howe to McDougall, December 24th, 1869: C.O. 42/684; C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No, 12.

69 McDougall to Howe, December 6th, 1869: C.O, 42/678; C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

51 Commission of Colonel Dennis, December ist, 1869: C.O. 42/684; C.S.P.,
1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

52 Dennis to Schultz, December 4th, 1869: sbid.

{3 J, McDonald (‘‘ Guide”’) to McDougall, December 8th, 1869 : ébid.

51 Dennis Proclamation, December 6th, 1869: ibid.

52 Notes by J.\W. between November 4th and 2and, 1869: C.O. 42/678; C.S.P.,
1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

§¢ Dennis, Record of Proceedings under Commission from Lieutenant-Governor
McDougall, December 1st, 1869: C.O. 42/684; C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

57 Dennis, Proclamation, December 9th, 1869: sid.

58 Howe to McDougall, December 24th, 1869: ibd.

88 Dennis, Record of Proceedings, etc., op. cit.

6° Woodington, Diary of a Prisoner in the Red River Rebellion (Niagara Historical
Society Publications, 1913, No. 25), p- 37.

61 Boulton to Dennis, December 4th, 1869: C.O. 42/684; C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V,
No. 12.

82 Machray to Dennis, December 6th, 1869: sid.

63 Mactavish to Smith, December 11th, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869.

64 Schmidt, Le Pafriofe, February 15th, 1912.

45 It has been said that Riel promised the besieged Canadians that they should be
set at liberty if they surrendered. (See Boulton, Reminiscences of the North-West
Rebellions, p. 83; Young, Manitoba Memories, pp. 110-1 ; Bryce, History of Manitoba,
p. 156.) The bulk of contemporary evidence disproves this charge. Riel’s note
to Schultz (Begg, op. cit., Vol. I, p 414) gave no promise save that ‘ Their lives will
be spared should they comply.” Three of the prisoners have written that the
surrender was unconditional. (O’Donnell, Manitoba as I Saw It, pp. 34-5 ; Stewart
Mulkins in the Toronto Globe, January 28th, 1870: Woodington, op. cit., pp.
39-40). Woodington’s Diary reads: “‘ December 7... A despatch was brought
in by Mrs. Black from Colonel Dennis ordering us to surrender and make the best
terms we could, Said he had been out all night in the Scotch Settlement to get
men to come to our relief, but out of six hundred men was surprised on reaching
the Fort to find none—and McArthur were sent to Riel to get permission to
retire with our arms,—being the one selected to negotiate, the result being most
disastrous to us,—having agreed to an unconditional surrender, with the stipula-
tion that our lives be spared, without asking McArthur’s opinion.”

86 C.O. 42/684; C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

47 Macdonald to McDougall, confidential, November 27th, 1869: op. cit.

68 Copy of a Report of the Privy Council, Canada, December 16th, 1869: op. cit.

6° Collier and Coleridge to Granville, December 21st, 1869: C.O. 42/679.

70 Schmidt, op. cit.

71 McDougall to Mactavish, December 16th, 1869: C.O. 42/684; C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

78 Mactavish to Smith, December 25th, 1869: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1869.

8 Orders of the Provisional Government of Rupert’s Land, January 8th, 1870:
Oliver, The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Lagislative Records,

Vol. II, pp. 913-4.

420 NOTES

CHAPTER V
THE RED RIVER REBELLION. PART TWO

1 Granville to Young, telegram, November 25th, 1869: C.O. 42/678.

* Sir John Young Proclamation, December 6th, 1869: C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V,
No. 12.

3 Young to Granville, November 25th, 1869: P.P., 1870, L. (C. 207).

4 Young to Granville, December gth, 1869: C.O. 42/678; P.P. 1870, L. (C.
207).

> Smith to Howe, November 24th, 1869: C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

* Macdonald to Stephen, December 1st, 1869: Pope, Correspondence of Sir John
Macdonald, pp. 110-1.

? Stephen to Macdonald, December roth, 1869: ibid., p. 112.

® Macdonald to Stephen, December 13th, 1869: ébid., p. 112.

* Howe to Smith, December roth, 1869: C.O. 42/678; C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V,
No. 12.

1 Preston, The Life and Times of Lord Strathcona, p. 14.

1 Thibault to Howe, March 17th, 1870: C.O. 42/685. This was printed as
Thibault’s Report in C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

1 Mactavish to W. G. Smith, December 25th, 1869: London Inwatd Correspon-
dence from Winnipeg, 1869; P.P., 1870, L. (C. 207).

18 Tupper to Macdonald, December 30th, 1869: Pope, op. cit., pp. 115-6.

1) Thibault’s Report.

1% Smith to Howe, April 12th, 1870: ‘This is Smith’s Report on his mission to
Red River. It is printed with a few slight omissions in C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No.
12. There is a copy of the original in C.O. 42/685.

16 Smith to Macdonald, December 28th, 1869: Pope, op. cit., pp. 114-5.

17 Smith’s Report.

18 Smith, deposition: Report of the Select Committee, 1874.

1% Malmros to Davis, January 15th, 1870: MSS. Consular Despatches from
Winnipeg, Vol. 1, Department of State.

® Smith’s Report.

21 Ibid.

22 Smith to Macdonald, January 18th, 1870: Pope, of. cif., p. 120.

* The New Nation, January 21st, 1870, Vol. I, No. 3. Although the New Nation
was published under the editorship of an American, Major Robinson, and had,
therefore, strong annexationist sympathies as well as a political bias in favour of
the insurgents, the accuracy of its reports is vouched for by D. A. Smith. The
account given above of the Mass Meetings and the proceedings of the Second
Convention are taken from the New Nation except where otherwise noted.

4 Riel, L’ Ammistie, Mémoire sur les Causes des Troubles du Nord-Ouest et sur les
Négociations qui ont amené leur Réglement Amiable, p. 8.

2% The New Nation, January 21st, 1870.

36 Thibault to Howe, January 22nd, 1870: C.O, 42/684.

2? Lestanc to Riel, January 26th, 1870: Riel Papers, P.A.C.

% Smith’s Report.

7 Lestanc to Riel, January 26th, 1870: op. cit.

* Macdonald to Rose, February 23rd, 1870: Pope, ep. cit, pp. 127-9.

*! Hargrave to Lampson, February 8th, 1870: London Inward Correspondence
from Winnipeg, 1870.

22 Mactavish to W. G. Smith, February 12th, 1870: sbid.

38 Smith’s Report.

34 The New Nation, February 18th, 1870.

*° Evidence of Sutherland and Pagée, Preliminary Investigation and Trial of Ambroise
Lepine, p. 80, p.75. See also The New Nation, February 18th, 1870.

36 The New Nation, February 18th, 1870.

3? Martin in Canada and its Provinces (Vol. XIX, p. 85) states that no formal resolu-
tion was passed forming the Provisional Government. From the evidence which
I have examined it would appear that the Convention as a body accepted the Pro-
visional Government and that Pagée’s motion was a formal resolution to that

NOTES 421

effect. It is doubtful whether Riel would have accepted anything less. For this
account I have relied upon the New Nation of February 18th, and upon a document
in the archives of the Hudson’s Bay Company which appears to be a précis of the
sittings of the Convention with the various motions, discussions and divisions.
There is no clue as to the writer.

38 Thibault to Langevin, February 6th-8th, 1870: C.O. 42/684.

3 MacBeth, op. cit., pp. 59-60.

$0 The New Nation, January 21st, 1870. The G/obe, February 26th, 1870, launched
a vigorous attack against Commissioner Smith for not making the relcase of the
prisoners the sine gua non of negotiations.

41 The New Nation, February 18th, 1870.

4? Ibid,

8 Boulton, Reminiscences of the North-West Rebellions, pp. 100-1.

4! Boulton is silent about this, but Begg (Tbe Creation of Manitoba, p. 277) states
that they were informed of the impending release of the prisoners and advised to
return home. ‘This is corroborated by Charles Mair, one of the Portage party ina
public address at Toronto in April, 1870, reported in the G/obe, April 7th, 1870.

4% Boulton, op. até, pp. 110-1; Young, Manttoba Memories, p. 124; Schofield,
Story of Manitoba, Vol. 1, p. 271.

48 Riel to ‘‘ Fellow Countrymen,” February 16th, 1870: Begg, op. cit., p. 287;
Boulton, op. cit., pp. 115-6.

” Taché to Howe, confidential, March rith, 1870: C.O. 42/685.

48 Machray, Life of Archbishop Machray, p. 201.

49 X.Y.Z. to the Globe, February tand, 1870: The Globe, March 28th, 1870.

30 The New Nation, February 18th, 1870.

51 Boulton, op. cit., p. 117.

52 Macdonald to Rose, March 11th, 1870: Pope, Memoirs of the Right Honourable
Sir John Alexander Macdonald, Vol. ll, p. 62.

68 Smith’s Report.

54 Boulton, p. 123. MacBeth (0. c#., p. 80) gives another version. “It has not
been generally known, but the fact is that Boulton’s life was finally spared at the
intercession of Mr. (now Senator) and Mrs. Sutherland, of Kildonan, who had
known Riel from his childhood, and who had come almost direct from the grave
of their slain son to plead for the life of the condemned man. Riel was by no
means without heart, and when he saw their earnestness as well as the grief of
the parents, who had been so recently bereaved but who in their sorrow were
thinking of others, he said, placing his hand on the shoulder of the mother, ‘ It is
enough—he ought to die, but I will give you his life for the life of the son you
have lost through these troubles.”’ Sutherland’s son had been killed by a French
half-breed who had been taken prisoner by the Schultz party at Kildonan on
suspicion of being a spy of Riel. A. H. de Trémaudan says “ this .. . version is
the one current among the Métis to this day ” (Canadian Historical Review, June,
1926, Vol, VII, No. 2, note 1, p. 147). ‘The version in the text is taken from Smith’s
Report and from the letter of Riel and Lépine to Lieutenant-Governor Mortis,
January 3rd, 1873: Report of the Select Committee, 1874.

58 MacBeth, The Romance of Western Canada, p. 156.

56 Snow to the Minister of Public Works, October 6th, 1869: C.S.P., 1870,
Vol. V, No. 12.

37 Mactavish to W. G. Smith, October 12th, 1869: London Inward Correspon-
dence from Winnipeg, 1869.

% Riel, Affaire Scott (The Canadian Historical Rertew, September, 1925, Vol. VI,
No. 3, pp. 222-36). Edit. de T'rémaudan.

® Riel, L’ Anmiste, etc., p. 13.

6 Taché to Howe, confidential, March 11th, 1870: op. ¢ié.

5! Riel, Affaire Scott, p. 230; Begg, op. cit., 302.

$4 Riel, Affaire Scott, P: 231; L’Amnistie, Pp.t4-5 ; Smith’s Report.

68 Evidence of Joseph Nolin at the trial of Lépine as reported in Le Métis: enc.
in Taylor to Cadwalader, February 4th, 1875: MSS. Consular despatches from
Winnipeg, Vol. 1V, Department of State. See also Nolin’s evidence in Preliminary
Investigation and Trial of Ambroise D. Lépine, pp. 120-1, There has been much loose

422 NOTES

writing concerning the trial and execution of Scott. Joseph Nolin was the secretary
of the tribunal which condemned Scott and therefore speaks with authority.

*4 Smith’s Report.

* Riel, Affaire Scott, p. 233.

86 The New Nation, March 11th, 1870.

CHAPTER VI

THE MANITOBA ACT

1Cf. Supra p. 64. Macdonald wrote of this to Rose, November 23rd, 1869:
Pope, Correspondence of Sir John Macdonald, p. 106, “ and to add to our troubles,
Cartier rather snubbed Bishop ‘Taché when he was here on his way to Rome.”

2 Taché, deposition. Except where otherwise noted, the documents and deposi-
tions cited in this chapter are to be found in the Report of the Select Committee,
1874, Journals of the House of Commons, Canada, Vol. VIII, Appendix 6, 1874.

3 Taché to Mme Dugas, January 4th, 1870: Benoit, Vie de Alger. Taché, Vol. II,

. 52.
Py Bishop Langevin to Sir Hector Langevin, telegram, January 11th, 1870.

5 Northcote to Granville, January 22nd, 1870: C.O. 42/694.

® Macdonald to Rose, February 23rd, 1870: Pope, op. ci#., p. 127. This letter
stated that Taché “‘is strongly opposed to the idea of an Imperial Commission,
believing, as indeed we all do, that to send out an overwashed Englishman, utterly
ignorant of the country and full of crotchets, as all Englishmen are, would be a
mistake.”

7 Young to Taché, February 16th, 1870: C.O. 42/684, P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207);
Macdonald to Taché, private, February 16th, 1870; Howe to Taché, February 16th,
1870: ibid.

U Smith to Macdonald, February 26th, 1870: Pope, op. ci#., pp. 129-30.

* Benoit, op. cit., Vol. ll, p. 59.

10 Malmros to Davis, March 12th, 1870: MSS. Consular Despatches from
Winnipeg, Vol. I, Department of State. This mark of suspicion on the part of
Riel who had been one of Taché’s protégés caused the Bishop some grief. (Morice,
History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada, Vol. Ml, p. 56.)

11 Taché to Howe, confidential, March 11th, 1870.

12 Malmros to Davis, March 12th, 1870: op. cif.

13 The New Nation, March 11th, 1870.

14 Schmidt, Le Pafriote, April 11th, 1912.

18 The New Nation, March 11th, 1870.

16 Taché, deposition.

1 Begg, op. cit., p. 315.

18 Me sionald OTA, private, February 16th, 1870.

18 Howe to Taché, telegram, February 25th, 1870.

20 The New Nation, March 18th, 1870.

21 Black to Riel, February 16th, 1870: Riel Papers, P.A.C.

22 Taché, The Amnesty Again, p. 11.

23 Malmros to Davis, March 12th, 1870: op. cit.

24C.O, 42/685; P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207). There is a copy printed in French
dated March 23rd in the Riel Papers. P.A.C.

26 Taché to Cartier, April 7th, 1870: Benoit, op. cit, Vol. II, p. 65. ‘Thibault
likewise wrote to Langevin on February 6-8th (op. cft.), ‘‘ Ceux qui sont 4 la téte
des affaires veulent absolument que le pays entre de suite comme province dans la
Confédération. Selon moi et bien d’autres plus entendus que moi dans ces sortes
d’affaires, je me permettrais, Monsieur, de vous dire que pour éviter plus tard des
troubles encore plus grands, que ceux qui existent aujourd’hui, si vous le pouvez,
accordez cette demande.”

*6 This clause is given in the List cited by Benoit, op. cé#., Vol. II, pp. 67-9.

NOTES 423

2 The existence of this so-called secret list was not made known until 1874 when
Ritchot, at the trial of Lépine, produced it during his evidence as the list which
was used during the negotiations which led to the Manitoba Act. This list was
printed in Le Métis, a copy of which was forwarded by Consul Taylor to Washington
on February 4th, 1875 (MSS. Consular Despatches from Winnipeg, Vol. IV,
Department of State). It escaped notice at the time and nothing more was heard of
it until 1889 when it was published by Archbishop ‘Taché at the time of the Manitoba
School controversy. (Taché to the Editor of the Free Press, December 22nd, 1889 ;
January 24th, 1890.) There is acertified copy of Ritchot’s list at Ottawa. (See
Benoit, Vol. II, p. 66, note 3.)

% Dufferin to Carnarvon, December roth, 1875: C.O. 42/730; C.S.P., 1875,
Vol. VII, No. 11.

2* Bunn to Ritchot, March 22nd, 1870.

Denison, The Struggle for Imperial Unity, Recollections and Fxperiences, p. 22.
The author of this book was himself one of the leading spirits of the Canada First
Group.

a1 Phe Globe, April 7th, 1870. For other demonstrations see Ottawa Free Press,
April 13th, and Ottawa Trwes, April 14th, 1870.

32 Parliamentary Debates, Canada, 3rd Session, Vol. I, 1870, p. 898.

343 Ibid., p. gor.

34 Ibid., pp. 983-6.

35 Memorandum of the Minister of Justice, April z1st, 1870: C.O. 42/685 ;
P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207).

% Ritchot to Young, April zoth, 1870: C.O. 42/685.

37 Young to Granville, telegram, (rec’d) April 19th, 1870: ‘bid. The printed
version omits to mention the fact that Canada retained counsel for the prisoners.

38 Schultz, Lynch and Fletcher endeavoured to secure official recognition as
delegates of the North-West and were supported in their efforts by Mackenzie and
the Liberal Opposition.

3° Rogers, Minute, April 8th, 1870; ‘“‘ Agreement with the delegates is hardly
possible.” Minute, April 30th, 1870; “‘ It seems to me doubtful whether after the
murder of Scott the Canadian Government is right in entering into any relation
with the other Scott and Ritchot.”” C.O. 42/685.

4 Granville to Young, telegram, March 30th, 1870: C.O. 42/685.

41 Young to Granville, contidential, February 27th, 1870: C.O. 42/684.

€ Taylor to Fish, April 23rd, 1870: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special Agent,
1867-70, Department of State. J. W. Taylor, the Special Agent appointed by the
American Government to watch the progress of the Red River insurrection, was at
Ottawa during the negotiations and conversed upon several occasions with the
North-West delegates. He was therefore well informed as to what was going on.

# Howe to Ritchot, Black and Scott, April 26th, 1870.

44 Young to Granville, confidential, April 21st, 1870: C.O. 42/685.

48 Taylor to Fish, April 2gth, 1870: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special Agent,
1867-70, Department of State.

4* Parliamentary Debates Canada, 3rd Session, Vol. I, 1870, p. 1302.

“ Ibid., p. 1296.

4 Ibid., p. 1528.

48 Memorandum of Sir John A. Macdonald, December 29th, 1870: C.O.
42/696; C.S.P., 1871, Vol. V, No. 20.

50 34 & 35 Vic. c. 28.

st Willison, Sir Wilfrid Laurier and the Liberal Party, a Political History, Vol. I,

159.
8? Thibault to Howe, March 2oth, 1870: C.O. 42/685.
53 Pope, Memwirs of the Right Honourable Sir John Alexander Macdonald, Vol. Il, p. 64.
54 Rose to Granville, May 4th, 1870: P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207).
55 Printed in Charters, Statutes, Orders in Council Relating to the Hudson’s Bay
Company, pp. 171-200; and in Oliver, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 939 ff.

56 The New Nation, April 8th, 1870. See also Begg, op. cit., pp. 330-1. It is
interesting to note that these resolutions were largely the work of the English-
speaking delegates to the Provisional Government.

424 NOTES

® Riel to Mactavish, March 28th, 1870: Papers on the Riel Rebellion, folio 1,
H.B.C. This is the original in Riel’s handwriting. The English copy is printed
in P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207).

38 Robinson to Davis, May roth, 1870: MSS, Consular Despatches from Winni-
peg, Vol. 1, Department of State.

% Prud’homme, André Nault (Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd
Series, 1928, Vol. XX, p. 99).

© Begg, op. cit., p. 343.

1 Robinson to Davis, April 4th, 1870: MSS. Consular Despatches from Winni-
peg, Vol. J, Department of State.

#3 Robinson to Davis, June 7th, 1870: ébid.

®3 Taché to Howe, June gth, 1870.

64 The New Nation, July 1st, 1870.

* Bunn to Howe, June 24th, 1870: C.O. 42/687.

68 The New Nation, July rst, 1870.

8? Ritchot, deposition. ‘‘I then asked Sir George who was to govern the
country, pending the arrival of the Licutenant-Governor, and if he was to name
somebody to do so. He answered, ‘ No, let Mr. Riel continue to maintain order
and govern the country as he has done up to the present moment.” He asked me
if I thought that Riel was sufficiently powerful to maintain otder. I said I thought
he was. Then he answered, ‘ Let him continue till the Governor arrives.’ ”

CHAPTER VII
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION, 1870

! The National Republican, Washington, March 5th, 1870.

2 The Daily Globe, Washington, April 23rd, 1870.

* Notes on the Routes from Lake Superior to the Red River and on the Settlement
itself, compiled from the Reports by Capt. Palliser, Professor Hind, Colonel Crofton,
ete., confidential, 1870: W.O. 33/21. Colonel Crofton wrote from first hand
knowledge of the métis, having spent several years in Red River in command of
the troops despatched there in 1846.

‘Riel, The Fort Garry Convention (Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal,
3rd Series, Vol. VI, Nos. 1, 2, 1909).

5 See Todd, Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies, p. 296.

6 Hansard Debates, Vol. CCXIV, p. 1531; Todd, p. 297.

7 Collier and Coleridge to Granville, December 21st, 1869 : C.O. 42/679.

® Granville, Minute, December 25th, 1869: ibid.

* The G/obe, January 24th, 1870.

10 Braun to Dawson, January t2th, 1870: C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.

eo from a letter of Sir John A. Macdonald, January 26th, 1870: C.O.
42/695.

32 Us dential Minute of the Privy Council, Canada, February 1870: C.O. 42/684.

18 Granville to Young, telegram, March sth, 1870: P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207).

4 Michel, Memorandum on the Military and Political Question of Sending
British Troops in Conjunction with Canadian Militia to the Red River Settlement,
April 10th, 1870: W.O. 33/at.

18 Extract of a private letter of Sir John Michel, April 27th, 1870: ibid.

16 Lindsay to the War Office, May 27th, 1870: ibid.; Correspondence relative
to the Red River Expedition is printed in P.P., 1871, Vol. XLVI (C. 298).

17 Lindsay to the War Office, April 15th, 1870: #bid.

18 Granville to Young, telegram, May 6th, 1870: C.O, 43/157; P.P. 1870, L.

C. 207).
( sd OPicial Journal of the Red River Expedition: W.O. 33/213 P.P., 1871,
Vol. XLVIII (C. 298).

*® Denison, The Struggle for Imperial Unity, Recollections and Experiences, p. 33-
Robertson Ross had been responsible for the organization of the Canadian Militia.

NOTES 42

31 Lindsay to the War Office, May 27th, 1870: op. cit.

22 Taylor to Fish, April 27th, 1870: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special Agent,
1867-70, Department of State.

°3 Parliamentary Debates, Canada, 3rd Session, 1870, Vol. I, pp. 1147, 1560.

*4 Young to Granville, May 12th, 1870: C.O. 42/686.

*8 Parliamentary Debates, ada, 3rd Session, 1870, Vol. I, p. 1573.

26 Report of a Committee of the Privy Council, June 3rd, 1870: CO. 42/686.

2? Young to Thornton, telegram, May 14th, 1870: sbid.

78 The Globe, May 28th, 1870. “A more pitiable exhibition was surely never
presented to the world by an ambassador of Great Britain.”

28 Thornton to Young, telegram, May 17th, 1870: C.O. 42/686.

% Dawson to Braun, Fanuaty 17th, 1870; C.S.P., 1870, Vol. V, No. 12.
N 31 Dawson, Report on the Red River Expedition of 1870: C.S.P., 1871, Vol. VI,

0. 47.
2 See Wolseley’s Narrative of the Red River Expedition in Blackwood’s Edinburgh
Magazine, December, 1870, January, February, 1871.

Huyshe, The Red River Expedition, p. 143.

ae Ibid. p. 145.

3 Butler, The Great Lone Land, a Narrative of Travel and Adventure in the North-West
of America, p. 168.

56 Begy, op. cit., p. 386.

37 Wolseley, The Story of a Soldier’s Life, Vol. II, p. 212.

38 Steele, Forty Years in Canada, Reminiscences of the Great North-West, p. 26.

29 Narraitve of the Red River Expedition, Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine,
January, 1871, p. 54; Wolseley, op. cét., Vol. II, pp. 197-8.

40 Wolseley, Vol. II, p. 217.

‘t Huyshe, op. cif., pp. 195-6.

“Cartier to Taché, private and confidential, July sth, 1870: Report of the
Select Committee, 1874.

® Official Journal of the Red River Expedition : op. eit.

“ Begg, op. cit., p. 383.

49 ‘This section was later deleted upon Lindsay’s orders.

46 Butler, op. cit., p. 134.

“7 Young to Granville, June 8th, 1870: C.O. 42/686.

48 McTavish to Taché, July 31st, 1870: Report of the Select Committee, 1874.

Ibid.

50 Taché to Riel, n.d. (July) 1870; Taché to Riel, August sth, 1870: Denison,
op. cit., pp. 46-7.

51 Willson, Lord Strathcona, The Story of His Life, p. 107.

52 Archibald to Howe, December 31st, 1870: C.O. 42/696.

GHAPTER VIt
THE AMNESTY QUESTION

1 Siegfried, Le Canada, les Deux Races, p. 1.

2 Macdonald to Rose, March 5th, 1872: Pope, op. cif., p. 165.

3 Proclamation of Sir John Young, December 6th, 1869: C.S.P. 1870, Vol. V,
No. 12.

4 Taché, deposition. Except where otherwise noted the depositions and docu-
ments quoted in this chapter will be found in the Report of the Select Committee
1874, Journals of the House of Commons, Canada, Vol. VIII, Appendix 6, 1874.

5 Taché, Notes sur les Troubles de la Rivitre Rouge fournies al’ honourable A. Dorion,
novembre 1874: Benoit, op. cit., Vol. Il, p. 55.

* Macdonald to Rose, February 23rd, 1870: Pope, op. cif., p. 127.

7 Taché, deposition.

426 NOTES

* Young to Taché, February 16th, 1870: C.O. 42/684; P.P. 1870, L. (C. 207).

® Macdonald to Taché, February 16th, 1870. Macdonald attached a virtually
impossible condition to the promise of the general amnesty in his letter. Taché,
however, declared that this condition was never mentioned in the conversations.
The fact is that the Government misunderstood the situation at Red River. They
had only a vague idea concerning the Provisional Government, while in Red River
the existence of this government was the fact which dominated all others.

10 Taché to Howe, June gth, 1870.

1 Ibid.

12 Howe to Taché, July 4th, 1870.

13 Cartier to Taché, private and confidential, July 5th, 1870.

44 Ritchot, deposition.

18 Taylor to Fish, April 28th, 1870: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special Agent
1867-70, Department of State.

16 Ritchot, deposition.

"Taylor to Fish, May 2nd, 1870: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special Agent
1867-70, Department of State.

8 Ritchot, deposition.

1 Lisgar to Kimberley, April 25th, 1872.

» Cartier to Macdonald, February 23rd, 1873.

21 Ritchot, deposition.

22 Taché, deposition.

33 Ibid,

4 Ibid.

% Cartier, secret memorandum, June 8th, 1870.

26 Ritchot and Scott, Petition to the Queen, February 8th, 1872.

27 "Taylor to Fish, May 3rd, 1870: MSS. Despatches Winnipeg Special Agent,
1867-70.

28 Royal, deposition.

29 Girard, deposition.

*© Cartier to Taché, private and confidential, July 5th, 1870.

31 Denison, op. ctt., p. 37-

32 Lynch to the Governor-General, June 29th, 1870: C.O. 42/687. Lynch wasa
member of the Canadian Party of Red River.

3 Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario, Session 1870-1, Vol. IV,
Pp. 105.
34 The Globe, July 13th, 1870.
35 Quoted in the G/obe, February 13th, 1871.
86 Ibid., March 13th, 1871.
8? Ta Minerve, Montreal, March 1st, 1871.
38 Taché to Howe, May 7th, 1870.
3° I Opinion Publique, Montreal, April 9th, 1870.
4° Le Nosweau Monde, Montreal, April gth, 1870.
41 L’Opinion Publique, September ath, 1870.
49 Le Nouveau Monde, Montreal, April 14th, 1870.
4 Cartier, confidential memorandum, July 23rd, 1870: C.O. 42/687.
44 Egerton, A Short History of Britssh Colonial Policy, p. 316.
48 Hammond to the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, May 18th, 1870:
C.O. 42/691.

«* Rogers, Minute, May 19th, 1870 : Idid.

47 Granville to Young, confidential, May 26th, 1870: C.O. 43/157.

Young to Granville, secret, June ist, 1870: C.O. 42/718.

4° Granville to Young, confidential, June 30th, 1870: C.O. 43/157.

5 Kimberley to Young, confidential, July 18th, 1870: ibid.

51 Young to Kimberley, July 21st, 1870: C.O. 42/687.

53 Kimberley, Minute, n.d.: sid.

% Cartier, confidential memorandum, July 23rd, 1870: ibid.

5 Kimberley to Young, July 28th, 1870: C.O. 43/157.

55 Kimberley to Young, August 11th, 1870: ibid.

** Kimberley, Minute, July 22nd, 1873: C.O. 42/722.

NOTES 427

57 Archibald to Cartier, September 3rd, 1870.

8 For a discussion of the Fenian Raid of 1871 see Pritchett, The Origin of the
so-called Fenian Raid on Manitoba in 1871 (Canadian Historical Review, Vol. X, No. 1,
March, 1929).

5® Archibald, deposition.

60 Hill, Manitoba, History of its Early Settlement, Development and Resources, p. 587.

*1 Judge Johnson to Archibald, December 6th, 1870: C.O. 42/698. The
correspondence relative to Goulet and Tanner is printed in C.$.P. 1871, Vol. V,
No. 20.

®2 The Globe, December 19th, 1870; The Manitoban, Winnipeg, December roth,
1870.

83 The Globe, March 15th, 1871; Prud’homme, André Nanlt, op. cit., p. 105.

64 Archibald, deposition.

85 Riel, Lépine and Parenteau to Archibald, October 7th, 1871.

*8 Girard, deposition; Archibald, deposition. Riel has been accused of waiting
until the defeat of the Fenians was assured before offering the services of the métis
to the Government. (Sce McMicken, The Fenian Raid in Manitoba, Manitoba
Historical Society Publications, No. 32, 1888, p. 10; Young, op. ¢f., pp. 220-1 ;
Hill, op. at., p. 347.) The documents edited by de Trémaudan in the Canadian
Historical Review, Vol. 1V, No. 2, June 1923, pp. 132-144, prove conclusively
that the decision of the métis and the organization of their brigades was begun
before the date of O’Donoghue’s invasion. Moreover it must be remembered that
the Government did not believe that all danger had passed. Major Irvine, com-
manding the force sent against the Fenians, wrote on October 8th, ‘‘ There is no
doubt the Fenians intend making a raid between this and to-morrow night. ...I
shall require reinforcement af once; 150 men”? (Irvine to Archibald, October 8th,
1871). Archibald also declared “‘ I am perfectly satisfied that the prevailing impres-
sion, as well among the French as among the English, was, that there was to bea
fresh raid, and that the action of the French was not based on the idea that the affair
was over, but on the idea that the difficulty still continued.”

® Archibald to Ritchot, October sth, 1871.

68 Ritchot, deposition.

69 Macdonald to Archibald, telegram, September 4th, 1872.

7” Macdonald to Archibald, telegram, September rath, 1872.

71 Archibald to Cartier, February 24th, 1872.

72.C.0, 42/706. See also Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba,
1872, pp. 37-8.

73 Macdonald to Lisgar, April 2oth, 1872: Pope, op. cit, p. 168.

74 Holland, Minute, May 18th, 1872: C.O. 42/706.

75 Kimberley to Lisgar, secret, May 28th, 1872: C.O. 42/718.

76 Langevin, deposition.

7? Masson, deposition.

78 Journals of the House of Commons, Canada, Vol. VIII, 1874, p. 64.

* Ibid., pp. 68-71.

80 Journaux de l’Assemblée Législative de la Province de Québec, 1874-5, Vol.
VILE, pp. 46-7.

1 Dufferin to Carnarvon, December roth, 1874: C.O. 42/730; C.S.P. 1875,
Vol. VII, No. 11.

82 Ibid,

®3 Carnarvon to Dufferin, January 7th, 1875: ébid.

54 The Hamilton Spectator, January 26th, 1875.

® The Montreal Gazette, January 26th, 1875.

86 The Ottawa Citizen, January 27th, 1875.

87 Hansard Debates, Great Britain, 1875, Series 3, Vol. CCX XIII, p. ro7x.

58 Ibid., p. 1076.

89 Blake to Carnarvon, July ist, 1876: C.S.P. 1877, Vol. VII, No. 13.

Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1875, Vol. I, p. 50.

*1 Ibid., pp. 135-6.

92 Laflamme, Memorandum of the Minister of Justice, September zoth, 1877:
C.O. 42/749: C.S.P. 1878, Vol. XI, No. 55.

428 NOTES

BOOK TWO
THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION
CHAPTER IX
THE GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT IN THE NORTH-WEST

! Buder, The Great Lone Land, preface, p. v.

? Butler, Report on the North-West, March roth, 1871, Appendix A: C.O. 42/698

® Décorby to Lacombe, November rst, 1879: Messsons des O.M.I., Vol. XVII,
1880, p. 193.

4 Fourmond letter, December 15th, 1879: ébéd., p. 261.

5 Légeard to Martinct, June 7th, 1872: sd, Vol. XII, 1874, p. 42.

® Souvenir du Pélerinage de N.D. de Lourdes a St, Laurent, 1925, p. 2.

7 Leduc to T.R.P. Supéricur-Geénéral, January 3rd, 1874: Alissions des O.MLL.,
Vol. XII, 1874, pp. §24-5.

® Copie des Lots et Régulations Etablies pour la colome de St. Laurent sur la Sas-
katchewan: P.A.C. This document takes the form of a letter written by Father André
to Inspector Fréchette of the Mounted Police in 1875 to explain the nature of
Dumont’s Provisional Government.

° This may have been due partly to the political experience of the Red River
métis who formed the majority of the colony, but more probably to the guidance of
Father André. In the Lois e¢ Regulations he wrote, ‘‘ Otez le prétres, les lois et les
réglements seront lettre morte, comme l’expérience ne le prouve que trop.”

10 Clarke to Morris, July roth, 1875: R.C.M.P. file 333. 1875.

"Winnipeg Daily I'ree Press, July 21st, 1875.

2 French to the Minister of Justice, telegram, August 7th, 1875: R.C.M.P. file

3.
333 Crozier to French, September 8th, 1875: sd. Correspondence with the
Colonial Office relative to Dumont’s Provisional Government may be found in
C.O. 42/737. —— _

M™ Leduc, Rapport sur le Vicariat de St. Albert : Missions des O.MLIL, Vol. XVII,
1879, Pp. 445.

1° Ibid., pp. 445-7.

18 Further accounts of the carly white settlements in Saskatchewan as distinct
from the half-breed settlements may be found in Oliver, The Beginnings of White
Settlement in Northern Saskatchewan (Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada,
Vol. XIX, 1925, pp. 83-129) and The Settlement of Saskatchewan to 1914 (ibid., Vol.
XX, 1926, pp. 63-87).

M1 Tbe Saskatchewan Herald, December 16th, 1878: Oliver, The Beginnings of White
Settlement in Northern Saskatchewan, p. 89.

18 Mgr. Grandin, Journal de Voyage, June 13th, 1880: Missions des O.M.L,
Vol. XIX, 1881, p. 270.

19 Ibid., pp. 271-2.

20 Kane, Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, p. 136.

*1 King to Russell, January 16th, 1879: C.S.P. 1878, Vol. VI, No. 7.

+2 The first newspaper published in the N.W.T. was the Saskatchewan Herald, first
published at Battleford by P.G. Laurie in 1878.

# Oliver, op. cit., pp. 96-8.

#4 Grahame to Armit, September 21st, 1874: London Inward Correspondence,
1874.

36 Report on the Working of the Steamer Northcote, Season 1877. G. S. Mac-
tavish, November ist, 1877: ébid., 1877.

3 Brydges to Grahame, November 25th, 1880: sbid., 1880.

"C.S.P. 1882, Vol. IX, No. 30h.

NOTES 429

2% Oliver, The Settlement of Saskatchewan to 1914, p. 65.

** Tenth Census of the United States, 1880, Population, Washington, 1883, p. 383.

3° Canada Year Book, 1905, 2nd Series, Ottawa, 1906, p. 11. The numbers given
above are exclusive of the Indians. The census for 1891 gives 66,799 but does not
give racial origins ; the Indians of Treaties, 4, 6, 7 numbered about 16,000 hence the
hgure 50,000,

51 Burgess to Macpherson, February z9th, 1884: C.S.P. 1884, Vol. VH, No. 12.
For a short history of the surveys see C.S.P. 1892, Vol. IX, No. 13.

22 The Dominion Lands Act, 35 Vic. c. 23.

33 Regulations fur the Disposal of Public Lands, July 9th, 1879: C.S.P. 1882,
Vol. IX, No. 30h.

4 Ibid., October 14th, 1879.

3S Ibid., May 25th, 1881; January 1st, 1882.

36 33 Vic. c. 3.

37 Archibald to the Secretary of State for the Provinces, October 22nd, 1870;
C.O. 42/689.

38 Owing to the outbreak of smallpox in the Territories, Archibald appointed
this emergency Council in order to take legislative action to delimit the area of
infection. His papers had, unfortunately, been delayed in the post and Archibald
telied solely upon his memory in making the appointments. Joseph Howe
hastened to inform him of the unconstitutionality of his actions and pointed out
that the Council must number no less than seven and be appointed by the Governor-
General. Archibald then submitted a list of names of suitable persons but no
action was taken and in the meantime the ordinances of the emergency body were
treated as perfectly legal and valid. For this correspondence see Oliver, The
Canadian North-West, its Early Development and Legisiatiwe Records, Vol. 11.

39 Butler, Report, op. czt.

“© Robertson Ross, Report on the North-Western Provinces and Territories,
December roth, 1872: C.O. 42/715.

‘\ Minutes of the North-West Council, March 1oth, 1873: Oliver, op. ci#., Vol.
II, p. 994.

4238 Vic. c. 49.

® The Saskatchewan Herald, September 30th, 1882.

CHAPTER X

THE INDIAN PROBLEM. THE TREATIES

‘ Spragge to Howe, February 2nd, 1871: C.S.P. 1871, Vol. V, No. 23.

2 A detailed account of the nature and customs of the Indians of Canada may be
found in Jenness, The Indians of Canada (National Museum of Canada, Bulletin 65).

* Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson’s Bay Company, Appendix
No. 2 (D.1): P.P. 1857 (Session 2) XV, 224, 260, p. 368.

‘Grahame to Armit, June ist, 1876: London Inward Correspondence, 1876.
“‘ The country is getting over-run with traders who all have greater or less stocks
of goods and recklessly give ruinous prices for furs.”

® Begg, Hrstory of the North-West, Vol. II, p. 237.

® Robertson Ross, Report, of. ci#.

7 Steele (op. ci#., p. 55) is in error when he gives the date as 1872. The American
consul at Winnipeg gives the date as May 1873 in his report on the massacre to
the Assistant Secretary of State. (Taylor to Cadwalader, September 22nd, 1875 :
MSS. Consular Despatches from Winnipeg, Vol. V, Department of State.)

® In March 1874 the North-West Council recommended “ that steps be taken to
secure the arrest of the murderers at Cypress Hills of unoffending Indians, if in our
territory, or their extradition if in the United States.” (Minutes of the North-West
Council, March 16th, 1874: Oliver, op. ci#., Vol. II, p. 1021.) In co-operation with
the Montana civil authorities the murderers were arrested and application was made
for their extradition. They were, however, discharged for lack of evidence.

430 NOTES

Subsequently three of the men involved were arrested at Fort Macleod and Cypress
Mountain. Although Taylor believed that the trial would go against the prisoners,
as “the authorities propose holding a treaty with the Indians in the vicinity of
Cypress Hills this summer, and hope for a favourable result of their negotiations,
if the prisoners are condemned to death,” (Taylor to Cadwalader, June 8th, 1876 :
MSS. Consular Despatches from Winnipeg, Vol. V, Department of State): the
three men were finally discharged.

* Robertson Ross, Report.

10 Butler, Report.

e. Lestanc to Aubert, July 30th, 1879: Afissions des O.MLI., Vol. XVIII, 1880, p.
168.

12 Grey Owl, The Men of the Last Frontier, p. 215.

13 Illustrative of the frontier adage that the only good Indian was a dead one was
the offer once made to exterminate the Indian races in the United States at $300 per
scalp. (See Indian Extermination or Civilization, The Republic, a Monthly Magazine
devoted to the Dissemination of Political Information, Vol. II, No. 5, May 1874.)
One American newspaper suggested the introduction of small-pox as the best means
to destroy the Indians! It is only fair to note, however, that while this may have
represented the extreme frontier view, opinion in the eastern United States was
favourable to the Indians. The suggestion in question was denounced in the
Washington National Republican, October 26th, 1877, in an article entitled “ Who are
the Savages ?”

44 Butler, Report. See also Butler, The Great Lone Land, p. 269.

48 Cunningham, speech in the House of Commons, March 31st, 1873: enc. in
Taylor to Davis, May 21st, 1873, MSS. Consular Despatches from Winnipeg, Vol.
IH, Department of State. Cunningham was member of the Federal Parliament for
the constituency of Marquette, Manitoba, and editor of The Manitoban. There
were no copies of the Parliamentary debates printed during 1873 and 1874. Précis
reports were published during 1870-1-2. The verbatim reports were not begun
until 1875.

16 Christie was the Hudson’s Bay Company Factor at Fort Edmonton and French
was Commissioner of the North-West Mounted Police.

47 36 Vic. c. 35.

18 Haydon, The Riders of the Plains, p. 25.

16 Selby Smythe to the Minister of Justice, November 27th, 1875: C.O. 42/741.

20 Morris, The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West
Territories, including the negotiations on which they are based and other information relating
there to, p. 270. The Honourable Alexander Morris who compiled this work was
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba from 1872-7, and himself negotiated Treaties
3, 4 and 5.

21 [bid., p. 272.

22 Barbeau, Our Indians (Queen’s Quarterly, Vol. XXXVIEI, No. 4, 1931, pp.
692-3.)

23 Huyshe, The Red River Expedition, p.146. Cf. supra p. 136.

34 Dawson, Memorandum in Reference to the Indians, December 19th, 1870 :
C.0. 42/698.

25 Ibid,

26 Archibald to the Secretary of State for the Provinces, September 17th, 1876:
C.O. 42/689.

37 McDougall, Hardisty, Whitford and others to Archibald, January roth, 1871 :
C.O, 42/697; James Seenum, Cree Chief and others to Archibald, January 9th, 1871:
ibid.

28 Messages from the Cree Chiefs of the Plains to His Excellency, Governor
Archibald, our Great Mother’s Representative at Fort Garry, Red River Settlement,
enc. in Christie to Archibald, April 13th, 1871: C.S.P. 1872, Vol. VII, No. 22.

29 Howe, Memorandum, April 17th, 1871: ibid.

30 Indian Treaties and Surrenders front 1680 fo 1890, Vol. I, pp. 12-3, 13-4.

31 Macleod, The American Indian Frontier, p.195.

32 The Selkirk Treaty, July 18th, 1817: Morris op. cit., Appendix pp, 299 300.

33 Howe Memorandum, op. cif.

NOTES 431

34 Archibald to Howe, July roth, 1871: C.S.P. 1872, Vol. VII, No. 22.

35 Ibid.

36 Morris, op. cit., pp. 28-9.

37 Ibid., pp. 30-1.

38 The terms of the Treaties from 1 to 7 inclusive are to be found in Indian Treaties
and Surrenders from 1680 ¢o 1890, Vol.1, pp. 282-321, Vol. II, pp. 16-62 ; and Morris
op. ctt., Appendix, pp. 313-75.

39 In 1875 owing to the wide dissatisfaction among the Indians of Treaties 1 and
2, as a result of the failure of the Government to fulfll certain verbal promises made
on the occasion of the negotiations of the treaties, and the more liberal terms granted
in Treaties 3 and 4, the Government revised Treaties 1 and 2 by fulfilling the
promises made, and by increasing the annuities to $5 per head, with $25 to each
chief, and a suit of clothing to each chief and headman every three years.

40 Morris, op. cit., p. 62.

{1 Thid., p. 63.

® Ibid., pp 119-20.

# McDougall reported the following story to Morris as illustrative of the Indian
attitude to the settlers: ‘A few weeks since, a land speculator wished to take
a claim at the crossing on Battle River and asked the consent of the Indians, one
of my Saultcaux friends sprang to his feet, and pointing to the east, said: * Do
you sce that great white man (the Government) coming ?’ ‘ No,’ said the speculator.
*T do,’ said the Indian, ‘ and I hear the tramp of the multitude behind him, and when
he comes you can drop in behind him and take up all the land claims you want ;
but until then [ caution you to put up no stakes in our country,’ ”’ McDougall to
Morris, October 23rd, 1875 : Morris, op. e#f., p. 174.

“ French to the Minister of Justice, August 6th, 1875: R.C.M.P. file 333; C.O.
42/737-

45 Laird to Dufferin, January 31st, 1876: C.S.P. 1876, Vol. VII, No. 9.

46 McDougall to Morris, October 23rd, 1875 : op. cit.

47 Mills to Duferin, January 15th, 1877: C.S.P. 1877, Vol. VU, No. 11.

48 Thid.

#9 The problem underlying most of the Indian difficultics in the United States
was indicated by a question put to the Canadian Minister of the Interior while on a
visit to Washington, “ How do you keep your whites in order ?” Mills, confidential
Memorandum, August 23rd, 1877: C.O. 42/749.

8 Taylor to Seward, March 26th, 1878: MSS. Consular Despatches from
Winnipeg, Vol. V, Department of State.

CHAPTER XI
THE INDIAN PROBLEM. THE RESERVES

! Provencher to the Minister of the Interior, December 31st, 1873, C.S.P. 1875,
Vol. VII, No. 8.

2 * Left to his own devices in civilization the Indian is a child let loose in a house
of terrors. As a solace he indulges in the doubtful amusements of those only too
ready to instruct him, and lacking their judgment, untrained in the technique of
vice, he becomes a victim of depravity. Unable to discern the fine line between the
evasions and misrepresentations with which civilized man disguises his thoughts,
and downright dishonesty, he becomes shiftless and unreliable. The few words of
English he Jearns consist mainly of profanity, so we have the illuminating object
lesson of a race just emerging from a state of savagery turning to the languages of
the white men for oaths that their own does not contain. Some few have been
brought out to the front and partially educated, but almost invariably they return
to the tent or the teepee, and the crackling wood fires, to the land of endless trails,
tumbling water and crimson sunsets.” Grey Owl, op. cit., p. 211.

3 Provencher to the Minister of the Interior, December 31st, 1873: op. cit.

4 Morris, Appendix, p. 323.

432 NOTES

* Christie and Dickieson to the Minister of the Interior, October 7th, 1875:
C.S.P. 1876, Vol. VII, No. 9.

* Butler, The Wild Northland, Being the Story of a Winter Journey, with Dogs, across
Northern North America, p. 56.

? Kane, op. cit., pp. 130-1.

® Evidence of Lehtoy, 199: Report from the Select Committee 1857, op. cit.

* Journals, Reports, etc., of the Palliser Expedition, 1857-60, p. 145.

10 Southesk, Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains, p. 255.

11 Milton and Cheadle, The North-West Passage by Land, p. 59.

12 The suddenness of the disappearance of the buffalo has led to the theory that
their extermination was the result of some form of epidemic disease. This question
is discussed by Roe, The Extermination of the Buffalo in Western Canada, Canadian
Historical Review, Vol. XV, No. 1, March 1934. Roe concludes that the buffalo
were exterminated by man and not by natural causes.

‘ 18 Life, Letters and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean de Smet, S. J., 1801~73, Vol. I, pp.
3

5-6.
M Begg, History of the North-West, Vol. I, pp. 299-300. Cf. supra, note 25. p. 412.
18 Mactavish to Armit, January 26th, 1872: London Inward Correspondence.
1872.

1¢ Grant, Ocean to Ocean, Sandford Fleming's Expedition Through Canada in 1872,
p. 108,

17 Leduc to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, January 3rd, 1874: Missions des O.M.L,
Vol. XII, 1874, p. §25.

18 Lois e¢ Regulations Etablies pour la Colonie de St. Laurent, cf. supra, Chap. IX, note
8.

1® Grahame to Armit, August 5th, 1879 : London Inward Correspondence 1879.

20 McKenzie, The Men of the Hudson's Bay Compan P 72.

31 Meakin, Canada’s Own, Chap. XX: MacInnes, Tat ¢ Shadow of the Rockies, p. 145.

22 Lois et Régulations Etablies pour la Colonie de St. Laurent.

3 French to the Minister of Justice, September 14th, 1875 : R.C.M.P. file 333.

24Denny to Irvine, July 18th, 1876: C.O. 42/744. Denny was then sub-
Inspector of the N.W.M.P. stationed at Fort Macleod. He later became Indian
Agent for Treaty 7.

35 Dickieson to the Minister of the Interior, October 7th, 1876: C.S.P. 1877,
Vol. VII, No. 11.

26 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1876, p. 731.

2? [bid., 1877, p. 993-

28 Journals of the Council of the North-West Territories of Canada, Session 1877,
p. 25 ; Ordinances of the North-West Council 1877: C.S.P. 1878, Vol. XI, No. 45.

2® Taylor to Seward, March 21st, 1878: MSS. Consular Despatches from
Winnipeg, Vol. V, Department of State.

2 Denny to Irvine, July 18th, 1876: op. cit.

1 Dewdney to the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, January 2nd, 1880:
C.S.P. 1880, Vol. III, No. 4.

33 In 1879 a series of prairie fires “ were started at different points almost simul-
taneously, as if by some preconstructed arrangement, and the country north of the
boundary line was burnt from Wood Mountain on the east to the Rocky Mountains
on the west, and nearly as far north as the latitude of Qu’Appelle.” (Dewdney to the
Superintendent-General, December 31st, 1880: C.S.P. 1881, Vol. VIII, No. 14.)
The Hudson’s Bay Company Commissioner stated concerning these fires that “‘ the

eneral impression is that the fires were kindled by the Americans to keep the
Bafialo south.” (Grahame to Armit, December 4th, 1879: London Inward
Correspondence, 1879.) At the same time General Miles placed himself between
the boundary and the buffalo, and drove back the Canadian Indians who were going
south to hunt. This action was the subject of a strong protest on the part of the
Canadian Government. (Campbell, Memorandum, August 13th, 1879: enc. in
Lorne to Hicks Beach, September 4th, 1879: C.O. 42/757.) Lord Lome had a
personal conversation on September 11th, 1879, with Mr. Evarts, the American
Secretary of State, on this matter and asked him to reconsider Miles’ action, stating
that “It seemed to be his object to prevent the buffalo from coming north.

NOTES 433

thought it would be fair to ask that no impediment should be placed on the migra-
tion of the buffalo herds.” (Memorandum of conversation between Lord Lorne
and Mr. Evarts, September 11th, 1879 : Enc. in Lome to Hicks Beach, confidential,
September 2gth, 1879: C.O. 42/757.)

qcarke to McTavish, February 17th, 1878 : Winnipeg Inward Correspondence,
1878.

54 Doucet to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, February 24th, 1880: Missions des O.M.I.,
Vol. XVII, 1880, p. 155.

85 Camsell to Grahame, March 26th, 1879: London Inward Correspondence,
1879.

*6 MacFarlane to Grahame, March roth, 1879: ibid.

87 Clarke to Grahame, July and, 1879: ibid.

8® Leduc, December 2gth, 1879: Missions des O.M.I., Vol. XVIII, 1880, p. 158.
8* Winder to Macleod, January 3rd, 1880: C.S.P. 1880, Vol. III, No. 4.

49 Doucet to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, February 24th, 188a: op. cit.

*! Grahame to Armit, August 28th, 1879 : London Inward Correspondence, 1879.
4 A, McDonald to Grahame, June 16th, 1879: ibid.; Dickieson to Macdonald,
July atst, 1879 : C.S.P. 1880, Vol. HI, No. 4.

48 Macdonald to Lorne, n.d.: C.S.P. 1880, Vol. IIf, No. 4.

# Vankoughnet to Macdonald, December 31st, 1879; Dewdney to the Super-
intendent-General, January znd, 1880: ibid.

#6 General Account, Indians of Manitoba and the North-West, “A” to “1,”
Appendix : C.S.P. 1881, Vol. VIII, No. 14.

#8 Macdonald to Lorne, n.d.: C.S.P. 1880, Vol. III, No. 4.

7 Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, January 2nd, 1880: ibid.

48 Crozier to the Commissioner of the N.W.M.P., December 1880: C.S.P. 1881,
Vol. HI, No. 3.

#* Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, December 31st, 1880: C.S.P. 1881,
Vol. VIII, 1881.

y Noowaney to the Superintendent-General, January 1st, 1882: C.S.P, 1882, Vol.

, No. 6.

5) Ibid,

59 Mclllree to Dewdney, December 2nd, 1882: I.D. file 29506-3.

53 See Evarts to Thornton, November 3rd, November 14th, 1879: (C.O.
42/758); Evarts to Thornton, January 4th, 1881: (C.O. 42/766); Blaine to
Thornton, May roth, May 26th, June 11th, 1881; Blaine to Drummond, August
asth, 1881: (C.O. 42/767); Frelinghuysen to West, March 2gth, March 31st, April
ist, 1882: (C.O. 42/771). Other despatches and enclosutes are to be found in C.O.
42/769, 772, 773, 774-

8 In view of the American protests, the Canadian Government expressed the
desire to “ willingly join the Government of the United States in some concerted
plan of action to prevent the recurrence (as far as possible) of such migrations.”
(Report of a Committee of the Privy Council, June 3rd, 1881: C.O. 42/767.)
No action was, however, taken by the Americans and several months later the Hon.
A, Campbell, acting Minister of the Interior, stated that, although the Canadian
authorities always expressed readiness to take concerted action with the United
States, no response to this offer had ever been received from the United States
Government, nor had any evidence been produced of any overt acts by the Canadian
Indians. (Report of 2 Committee of the Privy Council September 16th, 1881:
ibid.) An American response was made in February 1882, when they offered to
instruct their military to compel all American Indians to remain on their side of
the border if Canada would do likewise. The Canadian Government replied that
it would be impossible to prevent the Indians from travelling, due to their ties of
blood, but suggested that a system of permits should be adopted in order that each
individual Indian might be heid responsible for his own conduct and not the govern-
ment of the country concerned. They also suggested the mutual surrender of
Indians for trial. (Report of a Committee of the Privy Council, April 24th, 1882:
C.O. 42/771.) In April 1883, the United States, preferring force to policy in dealing
with Indians, urged upon Canada the advisability of destroying the property of
foreign Indians and the reciprocal crossing of the frontier by the troops of both

2G

434 NOTES

nations in pursuit of refractory Indians. The suggestions were considered “ un-
wise ” by the Canadian Government. It was contrary to Canadian policy to fight
the natives and hence there was no value in continuous pursuit. In the meantime
the Canadian Indians were being sent north and, as a result, the Indian raids quickly
ceased. (Dewdney, Memorandum on the Correspondence from the United States re
Indian raids, April 1883: Report of a Committee of the Privy Council, July 24th,
1883: C.O. 42/774.)

85 Macleod to Macdonald, n.d. : C.S.P. 1880, Vol. II], No. 4.

56 McIllree to Dewdney, December 2nd, 1882: op. cif.

bd Plapor’s agreement to leave Fort Walsh and settle upon his reserve was much
resented by the more recalcitrant Indians, and a strong guard had to be posted about
his camp every night until some means of transport could be provided for his band.

id.

58 Ibid.

5® Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, December 15th, 1882: C.S.P. 1883,
Vol. IV, No. 5.

¢° Hourie to A. McDonald, October 18th, 1882: I.D. file 29506-3.

*1 Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, December 15th, 1882: op. cif.

88 Monthly Return of Provisions for Indians at Fort Walsh, December 31st, 1882 :
LD. file 29506-3.

#3“ Indians at Walsh are to be kept on starvation allowance.” Vankoughnet to
Dewdney, December 6th, 1882: ibid.

*# Norman to Dewdney, December 27th, 1882: ibid.

*5 Irvine to Macdonald, telegram, December 12th, 1882: ébid.

68 Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, October 24th, 1883 : ibid.

¢7 Martineau to the Superintendent-General, n.d.: C.S.P. 1878, Vol. VIII, No. to.

*8 Laird to the Superintendent-General, November 18th, 1877: ibid.

*® Vankoughnet to Macdonald, December 31st, 1878: C.S.P. 1879, Vol. VI, No. 7.

“8 Macdonald to Lorne, n.d.: C.S.P. 1880, Vol. III, No. 4.

71 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1880, p. 1991.
y 72 Reed to the Superintendent-General, November 7th, 1881: C.S.P. 1882, Vol.

» No. 6.

78 Reed to the Superintendent-General, July gth, 1881: ibid.

74 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1884, p. 1450.

76 McColl to the Superintendent-General, December 31st, 1878: C.S.P. 1879,
Vol. VI, No. 7.

78 Dennis to Macdonald, confidential, December z2oth, 1878: C.S.P. 1885, Vol.
XI, No. 116.

7? Dennis to Davin, January 28th, 1879: ibid.

78 Macdonald to Lorne, n.d.: C.S.P. 1881, Vol. VIII, No. 14.

79 Extract of a letter from Laird to the Superintendent-General, November 11th,
1878; C.S.P. 1879, Vol. VI, No. 7.

8° Macdonald to Lorne, n.d., op. cit.
No Reed to the Superintendent-General, August 1st, 1882: C.S.P. 1883, Vol. IV,

0. 5.

82 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1880, p. 1696.

53 Thid., 1882, p. 1186.

CHAPTER XII

THE GROWTH OF POLITICAL DISCONTENT IN THE NORTH-WEST
TERRITORIES
133 Vic. c. 3.
2 *Taché, letter, Winnipeg Free Press, December 27th, 1889; Martin The Natural
Resources Question, p. 47.
2“ Whether they had any right to those lands or not was not so much the question
as it was a question of policy to make an arrangement with the inhabitants of that

NOTES 435

Province, in order, in fact, to make a Province at all—in order to introduce law
and order there, and assert the sovereignty of the Dominion.” Macdonald,
Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3113.

* 37 Vic. c. 20.

5 Burgess to White, February 23rd, 1886: C.S.P. 1886, Vol. VI, No. 8.

* Begg, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 85.

7 Petition, John Fisher and others to Lieutenant-Governor Mortis, May 5th, 1873 :
C.S.P. 1885, Vol. XIII, No. 116. Except where otherwise stated the sources upon
which this chapter is based will be found in this collection of documents. ‘

8 Mackay, Memorandum, n.d.: enc. in Morris to the Minister of the Interior,
June gth, 1874.

® Décorby to Laird, October 1st, 1874.

10 Dumont and Fisher to the Lieutenant-Governor, February 1st, 1878.

11 Petition, the French Canadians and Half-Breeds of St. Albert to the Lieutenant-
Governor: enc. in Laird to the Minister of the Interior, April roth, 1878.

12 Petition, David Laverdure and others: enc. in Laird to the Minister of the
Interior, September 30th, 1878.

13 Petition, George McKay and others to the Governor-General: acknow.
Dennis to Moore, February 23rd, 1878. The office of Deputy Minister of the
Interior was held by E. A. Meredith to 1878, J. S. Dennis the Surveyor-General
succceded him from 1878 to 1881. Dennis was followed by Lindsay Russell, then
Surveyor-General and by A. M. Burgess, Secretary to the Department in 1883.

4 Laird to the Minister of the Interior, September 30th, 1878.

88 Dennis to Macdonald, confidential, December zoth, 1878.

16 42 Vic. c. 31.

17 Petition, Charles McKay and others to Sir John A. Macdonald: acknow.
Russell to McKay, May roth, 1880.

18 Russell to Charles McKay, May 1oth, 1880; Russell to Thomas McKay,
July roth, 1880.

19 Clarke, Memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor in Council, June 6th, 1881.

20 Laird to the Minister of the Interior, June 14th, 1881.

#1 Dennis to Macpherson, July 22nd, 1881.

22 Resolutions passed at a Meeting representing the District of Lorne, Prince
Albert, October 8th, 1881.

#3 Russell to Clarke, November 22nd, 1881.

24 Clarke to Russell, January 25th, 1882.

5 Petition, John Turner and others to Macpherson n.d.: acknow. April 8th,
1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.

2¢ Memorial, North-West Council to the Governor-General in Council, August
2nd, 1884: Macdonald Papers, North-West Territories.

27 Macdonald to Lorne, February 15th, 1882: C.S.P, 1882, Vol. VII, No. 18.

28 Morris to the Minister of the Interior, June gth, 1874.

2 Walker to Laird, December 29th, 1876.

380 Laird to the Minister of the Interior, February 12th, 1877.

31 Dennis to the Minister of the Interior, March 14th, 1877.

32 Petition, George McKay and others to the Governor-General: acknow.
Dennis to Moore, February 23rd, 1878.

33 Dumont and Fisher to the Lieutenant-Governor, February 1st, 1878. The
copy of this petition in C.S.P. 1885, Vol. XIII, No. 116 does not include this clause.
The copy printed in C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XII, No. 45b does include it.

% Laird to the Minister of the Interior, February 13th, 1878.

35 Mills to the Lieutenant-Governor, March 18th, 1878.

36 Petition, André to the Lieutenant-Governor: enc. in Laird to the Minister of
the Interior, June 14th, 1881.

37 Laird to the Minister of the Interior, June 14th, 1881.

58 Russell to Duck, August 2nd, 1881. Duck was the Dominion Land Agent at
Prince Albert.

3° Resolutions passed at a meeting representing the District of Lorne, Prince
Albert, October 8th, 188r.

© Dewdney to Macdonald, March 27th, 1882.

436 NOTES

“| Petition, Dumont and others to Sir John A. Macdonald, September 4th, 1882.

“ Duck to the Minister of the Interior, October 25th, 1882.

* Burgess to Clarke, April 14th, 1882.

“ Burgess to Dewdney, June 16th, 1882.

“’ Memorandum on the North-West half-breeds, n.d.: Macdonald Papers, Vol.
II. See also Burgess to Macpherson, January 2oth, 1885: C.S.P. 1885, Vol VIE, No. 13.

‘* Pearce to Walsh, October 31st, 1884: C.S.P. 1885, Vol. VI, No. 13.

“? Macpherson Memorandum, April 18th, 1885: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.
See also Debates of the House of Commons, 1885, pp. 3109~10.

‘* Décorby to Laird, October 1st, 1874.

* Dennis to the Minister of the Interior, March 14th, 1877. ‘This proposal was
approved by the Minister of the Interior, Meredith to Laird, March 26th, 1877.

* Of 99 claimants at St. Laurent, only 6 held their land in 1872, and less than 20
had settled by 1880, Macpherson Memorandum, April 18th, 1885 : op. cit.

§* Duck to the Surveyor-General, March 11th, 1882.

5s Burgess to Duck, September 21st, 1882.

5? André to Macdonald, January 16th, 1883.

*4 Petition, Dumont and others to Macdonald, September 4th, 1882.

“Tam directed to request you to inform the petitioners that when the propet
time arrives the case of each bona fide settler will Be dealt with on its own merits ;
but as regard the surveying of the land in question, that all lands in the North-West
Territories will be surveyed according to the system now in force.” Russell to
Nolin, October 13th, 1882.

56 Macpherson to Russell, April 23rd, 1883.

5? * Notre population est paisible, calme, soumise ; mais si elle était victime d'une
semblable injustice, si les habitants devaient étre traités comme un peuple conquis,
s’ils ne recevaient pas 4 ce titre de justice ce qui a été accordé 4 Edmonton, & Prince
Albert, et dans la province du Manitoba ils protesteraient et ne cederaient qu’A la
force ouverte,”’ Leduc, letter, April 5th, 1883: Missions des O.M.L, Vol. XXU,
1884, p. 18.

58 Idid., p. 22.

5* Végreville to Deville, January roth, 1884,

® Deville to Burgess, February 14th, 1884.

*! Pearce to the Minister of the Interior, March 19th, 1884.

*? Macpherson, Memorandum, April 18th, 1885 : op. cit.

** Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3117.

*t Debates of the Senate, Canada, 1885, p. 1022. In bis memorandum Macpherson
also stated “If they have grievances, no statement of these grievances has ever
reached the Government.”

6§ Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3! 10,

$* Smith to White, October 31st, 1885 : C.S.P. 1886, Vol. Vl, No. 8.

‘7 The entries during 1881 totalled 5,819 and during 1882, 16,740. The number
of acres of land involved were 1,057,519 and 2,699,145 respectively (Russell to Mac-
donald, March 24th, 1883: C.S.P. 1883, Vol. X, No. 23). The 1882 total was not
passed until several years after the rebellion.

8° Smith to White, October 318t, 1885: op. cit.

** For this statement of the economic conditions in Manitoba I have drawn upon
Taché, La Situation au Nord-Ovest, and more particularly upon a long letter upon the
Manitoba situation by the Honourable Joseph Royal, dated May 17th, 1884, pub-
lished in Le Manitoba, June 19th, 1884. Royal was at that time member of the
Federal Parliament for the District of Provencher, Manitoba.

% There is no mention of the Farmers’ Union in Wood’s, A History of Farmers’
Movements in Canada. The account above is taken from several letters in the
Macdonald Papers, and from a pamphlet published by the Manitoba and North-
West Farmers’ Union, Brandon, 1884.

71 Purvis to Macdonald, February 4th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, North-West
Territories.

7 Martin, Mutchmor and Purvis to Macdonald, February gth, 1884: ibid.

7 Extract from a letter from D. H. McDowall: enc. in Dewdney to Macdonald,
March 27th, 1882: C.S.P. 1885, Vol. XIII, No. 116,

NOTES 437

%4 Taché, op. cit, pp. 7-8. See also the Toronto Mail, March 31st, April 2nd,
June 1st, 1885. Sir John A. Macdonald also attributed much of the responsibility
for the agitation to disappointed white speculators, Debates of the House of
Commons, Canada, 1885, pp. 3117-8.

78 The newspapers of the Territories were one in demanding tepresentation of the
Territories in the Federal Parliament. See Edmonton Bulletin, November 1st,
1884; January roth, 1885 ; Saskatchewan Herald, November 14th, November 24th,
December 22nd, 1884: Prince Albert Times, July roth, 1885; Regina Leader (in
Saskatchewan Herald, June 22nd, 1885. The three latter papers were supporters of
the Macdonald Government.

76 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3107.

7 Prince Albert Times, February 29th, 1884.

78 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1884, p. 1147.

7 Prince Albert Times, March 21st, 1884.

89 [bid., May roth, 1884.

81 Debates in the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3084.

82 Prince Albert Times, May 231d, 1884.

83 Ibid., May 30th, 1884.

id Resolutions in re Sending a Delegation to Louis Riel: C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XII,
No. 43h.

55 Prince Albert Times, May 30th, 1884.

CHAPTER XIII
THE GROWTH OF DISCONTENT AMONG THE INDIANS

1 Taylor and Mitchell, Statistical Contributions to Canadian Economic History, Vol.
Il, p. 56. 1913 is used as base 100. Upon the basis of 1900 as 100 the index
numbers above would be 103.2 and 120.3.

3 The Canada Year Book, 1934-5, p. 554.

3 Vankoughnet to Macdonald, December 4th, 1883: Macdonald Papers Van-
koughnet to Macdonald 1882-3.

4 Vankoughnet to Rae telegram, November 24th, 1883 ; Dewdney to Anderson,
December 15th, 1883 ; Dewdney to Pocklington, December 13th, 1883 ; Dewdney
to Rae, December 17th, 1883; Dewdney to Denny, December 13th, 1883: I.D.
file 9843. Dewdney’s letter to Denny stated “ I beg to advise you that it has been
found necessary in the interests of economy to dispense with the services of some
of the employees at our farms and reserves at your agency.”

§ The Saskatchewan Herald, March 2oth, 1885.

y * Vankoughnet to Macdonald, private, February roth, 1885 : Macdonald Papers,

ol. IV.

7 Grahame to Armit, April 4th, 1884: London Inward Correspondence from
Winnipeg, 1884, H.B.C.

§ Rae to Reed, January 17th, 1883: I.D. file 5307.

® Dr. Edwards to Reed, February 7th, 1884: I.D. file 11175.

10 Hourie to A. McDonald, January 11th, 1884: I.D. file 10845.

11“ The Indians during the past summer suffered materially from bad crops—
this fact would naturally alarm the better conducted ones, but the ill-disposed and
lazy were only too glad of such a pretext to urge upon the authorities a grant
of extra aid in the way of food supplies, and matters not looking so bright for the
well-conducted portion of the Indian community as, no doubt, they were led to
believe in their innocence, at the time of the treaty they would be, they are therefore
only too prone to be led away by the more designing ones.” Reed to the Super-
intendent-General, January 23rd, 1885: I.D. file 10645. See also Wadsworth to
Vankoughnet, November soth, 1884: ID. file 16894.

12 Rae to Macdonald, private, July sth, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

13 Denny to Dewdney, January 14th, 1884: I.D. file 9843. During the rebellion
the Government were obliged to call upon Denny’s services to pacify the Blackfeet,

438 NOTES

It was a tribute to his popularity among the Indians and the work which he had
accomplished in Treaty 7 as Indian Agent.

14 Dewdney to Macdonald, private, n.d. 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

18 Proof that this charge was not unfounded is contained in a letter from Reed to
the Indian Department, April 14th, 1884 (I.D. file 9843) in which he pointed out
that he had received conflicting instructions in regard to the employment of in-
structors in the Battleford District. Vankoughnet admitted the charge to Macdonald,
but denied that any serious complications had arisen from his action. At the same
time he alleged that Dewdney was not giving his support to Inspector Wadsworth
in the discharge of the latter’s duties. (Vankoughnet to Macdonald, private,
February roth, 1885: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.) The correspondence on
several other occasions shows that the working of the Indian Department was by
no means harmonious.

18 Dewdney to Macdonald, private, n.d. 1884: op. cit,

1” Crozier to White, June 25th, 1884: I.D. file 13990.

18 Ibid.

19 The Saskatcbewan Herald, Match 2oth, 1885.

» Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3143.

31 Vankoughnet to Macdonald, February 14th, 1885: Macdonald Papers. Van-
koughnet to Macdonald, 1884-5.

7 Irvine to the Minister of the Interior, December 29th, 1880: C.S.P. 1881, Vol.

» No. 3.

3% A. L. Russell to Assist. Surveyor General, November 24th, 1877: C.S.P.
1878, Vol. VIII, No. 10.

* Irvine to the Minister of the Interior, December 29th, 1880: op. cit.

25 These words were evidently part of a speech delivered at an Indian Council
at Carlton in August 1884 (¢f. sapra p. 290). The memorandum of the speech is on
rough paper and bears no clue as to the writer. It may have been the work of a
half-breed as it is to be found among the Riel papers in the Confidential Papers of the
Department of Justice relative to the Trial of Louis Riel, P.A.C.

26 Antoine Lose Brave to Mr. Louis Real, March 13th, 1885: Confidential Papers, etc.

27In the Indian speech previously referred to the speaker continued. ‘‘ The
Governor then said, f want first to help you to advance to an equal footing with my
children, then after you attain that you will be free to shift for yourself, and the
Government will not need to help you any more. Meantime the Government will
do all in its power to help you to reach the same footing. I will make you equal.”
The Assistant Indian Commissioner also wrote ‘‘ matters not looking so bright
for the well-conducted portion of the Indian community as, no doubt, they were led
to believe in their innocence, at the time of the treaty they would be, they are
therefore only too prone to be led away by the more designing ones.” (¢f. supra,
note 11.)

% Macdonald to Lansdowne, January ist, 1884: C.S.P. 1884, Vol. III, No. 4.
Treaties 4, 6 and 7 were the critical areas. By 1884 the Indians of Treaties 1, 2, 3
and 5 were “ almost self-supporting.” This was not the result of the Government’s
agricultural policy so much as the fact that the Indians of these treaties lived in
wooded country and had never been solely dependent upon the buffalo as had the
plains tribes. ttlement had not yet penetrated the areas covered by Treaties
3 and 5, while the Indians of 1 and 2 were able to support themselves partly by
agriculture and partly by fishing and hunting small game and also by working in
survey parties, lumber shanties, farms and on the steamboats.

3® Grandin, Les Missions Sauvages du Nord-Ouest: Missions des O.MLI., Vol.
XXT, 1883, pp. 126-7.

2° Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, February 12th, 1885: J.D. file
17936; Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, June 30th, 1884: I.D. file

29 4.
i A son of the famous novelist.
32 Sergeant Howe to Crozier, January 4th, 1882: C.S.P. 1882, Vol. VIII, No. 18.
be Dickens to Crozier, January 3rd, 1882: ibid.
*% Howe to Crozier, January 4th, 1882: op. cit.
75 A, McDonald to Dewdney, January 6th, 1884: I.D. file 10181.

NOTES 439

36 Reed to the Superintendent-General, February 21st, 1884: sbid.

37 McKenzie, The Men of the Hudson’s Bay Company, p. 116.

48 “* They all expressed the same feeling towards having Mr. Setter retained as
Instructor. ‘They think his removal and the appointment of a new man meant
starvation to them.’’ McDonald to Dewdney, January 6th, 1884: op. cit.

3® Keith to Dewdney, February 1gth, 1884: I.D. file ror81.

© Reed to the Superintendent-General, February 27th, 1884: ibid.

41 Herchmer to White, February 26th, 1884: sbid.

42 Reed to the Superintendent-General, February 27th, 1884.

43 Herchmer to White, February 26th, 1884.

44 Keith to Dewdney, February 19th, 1884: op. cit.

45 Vankoughnet to Macdonald, March 12th, 1884 : Macdonald Papers, Vankough-
net to Macdonald, 1884-5.

48 The Saskatchewan Herald, May 26th, 1883.

4? Ibid., September 29th, 1883.

48 Dewdney to Macdonald, June 14th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

49 Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, January 1st, 1882: C.S.P. 1882,
Vol. V, No. 6.

50 Jefferson, Fifty Years on the Saskatchewan (Canadian North-West Historical
Society Publications, Vol. 1, No. 5), p. 103. Jefferson speaks with authority having
served as a school teacher on Red Pheasant’s reserve from 1878 to 1883, and as
Farm Instructor on Poundmaker’s in 1884. He was kept a prisoner in Pound-
maker’s camp throughout the rebellion.

51 Dewdney to the Superintendent-General, January tst, 1882: op. cit

52 Macdonald to Lansdowne, January ist, 1884: C.S.P. 1884, Vol. III, No. 4.

53 The Saskatchewan Herald, June oth, 1883.

; ua °. Macdonald (Farm Instructor Treaty 4) to Dewdney, September 5th, 1883 :
.D. file 29506-3.

55 Reed to Dewdney, December 28th, 1883: I.D. file 10644.

5¢ Reed to the Superintendent-General, April 12th, 1884: ibid.

587 Vankoughnet to White, March zoth, 1884: ibid.

58 Jefferson, op. cit., p. 108.

5° The Saskatchewan Herald, July 12th, 1884.

$9 Ibid,

$1 Rae to Dewdney, June 21st, 1884: I.D. file 13990.

®2 Crozier to Irvine, June 25th, 1884: R.C.M.P. file 1137d ; Irvine to Macdonald,
n.d. 1884: C.S.P. 1885, Vol. XIII, No. 153.

83 Ibid,

8! Rae to Dewdney, June 21st, 1884: op. cif.

8} Cameron, The War Trail of Big Bear, pp. 39-40.

86 Crozier to Irvine, June 25th, 1884: op. cit.

®? Rae to Dewdney, June 28th, 1884: ID. file 13990.

68 Rae to Dewdney, July 29th, 1884; Macrae to Dewdney, August 5th, 1884;
Reed to Dewdney telegram, August 23rd, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

69 Rae to Dewdney, July 29th, 1884: op. cif.

70 Vankoughnet to Macdonald, July 12th, 1884: I.D. file 29506~4.

71 Reed to Dewdney, September 4th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

73 Macrae to Dewdney, August 25th, 1884: I.D. file 15423. J. A. Macrae was
Indian Agent at Fort Carlton.

73 It does not appear that Poundmaker was present, Although Rae wrote to
Dewdney on August 2nd, that the Indians were “ bringing down Poundmaker and
other chiefs to the Council ” (Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV) Macrae makes no mention
of his name in his report of the Council.

4 This speech is transcribed on a rough sheet of paper with no clue as to the
writer or speaker. The content would indicate that it was made at the Duck Lake
Council and that the speaker was Big Bear who was the only well-known chief
without a reserve, This document, like that mentioned in note 25, is to be found
among the Confidential Papers of the Department of Justice relative to the Trial of
Louis Riel.

% Ibid. ‘The reference to Crowfoot might suggest Poundmaker who was an

440 NOTES

adopted son of the Blackfoot chief, but there is no proof that he was present at this
uncil.

© Macrae to Dewdney, August 25th, 1884: op. cit.

7 Ibid.

1® Vankoughnet to Dewdney, December 21st, 1884: I.D. file 15423.

79%t was the practice to issue to the Indians only such tools and implements as
the Agent considered might be used to advantage and not in the numbers demanded
by the Indians. If the latter course had been adopted “everything they were
entitled to receive would be broken or lost before the band knew how to handle
them properly.”’ Reed to the Superintendent-General, January 23rd, 1885: sbid.
Schools were erected on the reserves of Ahtackakoop, Mistowasis, Petequaquay
and John Smith, but the attendance was poor especially on John Smith’s reserve
where the teacher found it difficult to live on the per capita allowance received.
There was no school on the reserves of One Arrow or Chakastaypasin as their
bands were too small.

*° Reed to the Superintendent-General, January 23rd, 1885 : ibid.

®t Macrae to Dewdney, August 25th, 1884: op. cit.

®3 Reed to the Superintendent-General, January 23rd, 1885 : op. cit,

® Vankoughnet to Dewdney, February 4th, 1885. _1.D. file 15423.

*§ Ballendine to Dewdney, January 2nd, 1885: I.D. file 17936.

® Rae to Dewdney, December 27th, 1885 : ibid.

58 Crozier to Dewdney, January 14th, 1885 ; sid.

CHAPTER XIV

THE RETURN OF RIEL AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
AGITATION.

1Fourmond to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, December 27th, 1884: Missions des
O.M.1., Vol. XXII, 1885, p. 276.

* Archbishop Bourget wrote to Riel “God who has always directed and assisted
you up to this time will not abandon you in your worst troubles, for he has given you
a mission which you will have to accomplish in all points.” (Draft letter, Riel to
Mgr. Bourget, February 1884: Dewdney Papers, Vol. VIII.) This idea of a
“‘ mission ” became Riel’s obsession, and it motivated his subsequent conduct. His
belicf in his “ mission’ was reaffirmed at the time of his trial. Addressing the
court Riel said, “‘ I believe that I have a mission, I believe I had a mission at this very
time. What encourages me to speak to you with more confidence in all the im-
perfections of my English way of speaking, it is that I have yet and still that mission.”
Queen vs. Riel: C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XII, No. 43 c.

* Garnot, Statement, September 7th, 1885. Except where otherwise stated the
documents cited in this chapter are taken from the Confidential Papers relative to
the Trial of Louis Riel, P.A.C.

* Queen vs. Parenteau and twenty-five others : C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XIII, No. 52.

5N.C.W. to Louis Riel, May 18th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. III. See also
C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XII, No. 43.

* Riel to Isbister, Dumont, Ouellette, Dumas, June 5th, 1884.

? Le Manitoba, St. Boniface, July 17th, 1884.

§ Ibid., July 24th, 1884.

® The Prince Albert Times, July 18th, 1884.

10 Te Manitoba, July 24th, 1884.

11 Riel to the Gentlemen who kindly invite me to hold a public meeting in Prince
Albert, July 18th, 1884.

13 T, G, Jackson to the G/obe, August 19th, 1884: The Globe, September 4th, 1884.

18 André to Riel, n.d.: Dewdney Papers, Vol. VIII. It has been generally
assumed that this letter was addressed to Riel by Father André in support of the
invitation extended by the métis and whites to return to Canada and lead the
agitation (See Begg, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 187; Black, A History of Saskatchewan and

NOTES 441

the Old North-West, p. 259; Longstreth, The Silent Force, p. 137 Boulton, op. at.,
. 171). This view is difficult to reconcile with André’s professed opposition to
iel’s return. Both André and Clarke believed that if Riel was ‘“‘ not allowed to
enter the country, the influence we can bring to bear on the body of the people will
counteract the influence of that section of them who are leaders in this movement.”
(Clarke to Grahame, May 2oth, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.) I am person-
ally inclined to believe that this letter was written by André after Riel’s return.
André’s opposition was greatly modified for a time after Riel’s return owing to
Riel’s moderation. The reference to “ the people of Prince Albert” would also
appear to support this view.
4 The Prince Albert Times, July 25th, 1884.
18 André to Dewdney, July 21st, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IT.
16 T think I see our way clear to raising all the funds we want.” Jackson to
Riel, July 23rd, 1884: ibid.
1? Ibid,

18* T. J. Agnew proposed to Maclise that the Conservatives should take counsel
together, and adopt your platform, under their party name.” Ibid.

19 Jackson to the Citizens of Prince Albert, July 28th, 1884.

x Macrae to Dewdney, August 5th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

id.

2 T. E. Jackson, Statement, Evidence Books.

3 Brooks to Crozier, August 21st, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.

TE. Jackson, op. tt.

35 Crozier to Irvine, August 14th, 1884: C.S.P. 1885, Vol. XIII, No. 116.

3 Keenan to Crozier, September 7th, 1884: ibid.

2? Le Manitoba, September 25th, 1884.

*® Fourmond to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, December 27th, 1884: Missions des
O.M.I., Vol. XXMI, 1885, p. 277.

*9 Te Manitoba, February 19th, 1885.

% The Edmonton Bulletin, December 6th, 1884.

31 Ibid, November rst, 1884.

2 Indicative of the extremes to which some members of the Farmers’ Union
were ptepared to go, is the following letter addressed to the Secretary :

“ Dear Sir.—I think there has not been since the commencement of the
agitation a better time to strike than the present. Everything seems ripe for it.
lam certain seven-eighths of the people of Winnipeg are in our favour, and] am
certain four or five hundred good men will accomplish our object without any
difficulty whatever. The fact of the matter is this, we have nothing to resist us,
the military here is nothing more than a pack of boys, and we have easy access
to the store rooms. We had a small meeting to-night, and the parties present
were unanimous in favour of making a strike at once. Now I think that if we
delay we will only be losing ground and the thing will never be accomplished.
I would like to know the possible number of men who can be got from the
country to assist in the scheme. I hope you will come to some definite
conclusion at your council meeting. Believe me I am in perfect sympathy
with you, and I am ready at any time to take part in the active part of the
business and see if we can’t get the people their rights. Kindly let me hear
from you in the matter at your earliest convenience and oblige,

“ Yours fraternally,
“Mack Howes.”
“ George Purvis, Esq.,
** Brandon, Secretary,

** Farmers’ Union.”

This letter was forwarded to Macdonald by Premier Norquay of Manitoba (Norquay
to Macdonald, private, June 24th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II), who stated
that he had set detectives on Purvis and Howes. Nothing, however, developed
from this letter. ‘The letter is printed in C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XI, No. 52¢ and in
Black, op. cit., p. 260.

33 Keenan to Crozier, September 25th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.

*4 Jackson to The Globe, August roth, 1884: op. ct.

442 NOTES

* Jackson to Chapleau, December 16th, 1884: C.O. North America 113, Corres-
ondence respecting the Rising in the North-West Territory, Confidential, Septem-

r 1885.

36 This refers to the expulsion of Louis Riel from the House of Commons in
1874 after his election for the county of Provencher in Manitoba.

37 The petition is found in C.O. North America 113, op. cit.

3* Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 693.

3* Jackson to Riel, January 27th, 1885.

“© This volte face may be explained by the following letter from Lieutenant-
Governor Dewdney to Sir John A. Macdonald. ‘I forget whether J told you that
I have arranged to secure the Prince Albert paper, so if any little patronage can be
sent them from below it will be appreciated.””. Dewdney to Macdonald, July 23rd,
1884: Macdonald Papers, Dewdney to Macdonald, 1884-5.

“1 The Prince Albert Times, September 19th, 1884.

42 Ibid., September 26th, 1884.

43 The Saskatchewan Herald, August 9th, 1884.

“ Oliver to Jackson, October 22nd, 1884.

48 Grandin to Macdonald, June 13th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.

48 Fourmond to the Directeur de ]’Oeuvre de la Propagation de la Foi, May 24th,
1885: Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, Vol. LVI, 1885, p. 374.

47 Forget to Dewdney, September 18th, 1884: Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

** André to Dewdney, n.d.: sbid.

4° Grandin to Macdonald, June 13th, 1884: op. cit.; Dewdney to Macdonald
private, June rqth, 1884: sbid., Vol. IV.

5 Rouleau to Dewdncy, September sth, 1884: sbid.

51 Forget to Dewdncy, September 18th, 1884: ibid.

ss ppagDowall to Dewdney, December 24th, 1884: tbid.

id.

5 André to Dewdney, n.d.: ibid.

55 MacDowall to Dewdney, January 28th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Macpherson
to Macdonald, 1885-91.

56 MacDowall to Dewdney, telegram, February 2nd, 1885: Dewdney Papers,
Vol. I.

5? Crozier to Dewdney, telegram, February 3rd, 1885 : ibid.

58 André to Dewdney, February 6th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

5® Dewdney to Macdonald, February 13th, 1885 : ‘bid.

60 Riel to Fiset, June 16th, 1885. Nolin stated at Riel’s trial that Riel had
prepared this meeting to make it appear as if the pcople desired him to remain in
the country. There is no other evidence on this point but it does not seem likely
that the métis, in view of the personal hold which Riel had over them, would have
consented to his leaving at this particular time. Moreover, Nolin was strongly
prejudiced against Riel and his evidence may be coloured by his bias.

® Crozier to Dewdney, confidential, February 27th, 1885: Dewdney Papers, Vol. 1.

62 A significant prayer in Ricl’s Journal illustrates this determination. ‘‘ Seigneur

. . accordez-nous. . . la grace de prendre durant ce mois de mars en Pannée mille
huit cent quatre vingt cinq, la position de 69, et de la maintenir de la fagon la plus
gloricuse 4 votre souverain domaine.”

6 Garnot, Evidence, Trail of White Cap: C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XII, No. 52.

*4 Sergeant Keenan reported to Crozicr on September 25th, 1884 (C.S.P. 1885,
Vol. XIII, No. 116) that at a meeting at Baptiste Boyer’s Nolin had suggested that
they should take up arms if their demands were not complied with.

*§ Nolin, Evidence, Queen vs. Riel.

8@ Nolin, Statement, Evidence Books.

*7 Riel’s Journal contained the following entry :

“Nous les sous-signés nous engageons de propos délibéré et de bonne
volonté a faire tout ce qui dépendra de nous

“pour sauver nos 4mes en nous efforcant jour et nuit de vivre saintement
en toutes choses et en tout lieu.

‘*2.—-pour sauver notre pays de la mauvaise gouvernment en prenant les
armes qu’ il le faut.

NOTES 443

“ Que Dieu le Pére Tout Puissant nous soit en aide. Jésus, Marie, Joseph,
Saint Jean Baptiste, intercédez pour nous! Priez pour nous sans cesse afin que
nous remportions des 4 présent toujours et jusqu’a la fin, vos succés, vos
victoires, vos triomphes qui sont le succés, les victoires, les triomphes de
Dieu méme.

‘“* Nous nous engageons particulierement a lever nos familles saintement et a
pratiquer sans cesse la plus grande confiance en Dieu, en Jésus, Marie, Joseph,
en Saint Jean Baptiste et en nos saints patrons. Nous prenons pour notre
drapeau celui des commandements de Dieu et de léglise et la croix encourage-
ante de Jésus Christ notre sauveur.

“JosepH OueLietre, Gasriet Dumont, Prerre Gariepy, Isrpore
Demont, Joun Ross, Poitippe Garrepy, AuGusTiIN LAFRAMBOISE, MOISE
QUELLETTE, CALIXTE LAFONTAINE, NAPOLEON Nau r.”’

8 Ness, Evidence, Queen vs. Riel.

®° Riel in his letter to Fiset (June 16th, 1885) stated that Lawrence Clarke, a
Hudson’s Bay Company Factor, when passing St. Antoine, declared that 500
Mounted Police were coming to disperse them and to imprison Riel. Clarke denied
this. In a letter to the Hudson’s Bay Company Commissioner on July 6th, 1885
(H.B.C. folio on the Ricl Rebellions) Clarke gave a detailed account of his move-
ments on the day in question and said “ Between meeting Lépine twelve miles on
the other side of the South Branch and Fort Carlton, I did not meet a single half-
breed, nor with those that I did meet on the way had I one word of conversation
about anything connected with Riel or his movements.” Nevertheless the other
view was prevalent at the time. Hillyard Mitchell, who acted as intermediary
between Crozier and Riel wrote to Crozier on March zoth, that he had learned “ that
Mr. L. Clarke of the H.B.C. is the cause of the whole excitement, viz. on Wednesday
he, on driving from Grey, stopped at the Settlement on the South Branch, and told
the people that the Government were sending up 500 Police from Troy to fight the
half-breeds. The people, of course, got excited and said they were going to fight
the said 500 men. And they are now waiting at Batoche expecting them to arrive.”
Another version is put forward in an unfinished letter dated April 3rd, 1885 from
Prince Albert (Confidential Papers, etc.). ‘ During the day in question and before
the mecting took place, several English half-breeds, who were in town on business,
went home having heard the various rumours relative to the intentions of the
Police. Knowing that Riel had done nothing worthy of arrest, and feeling that as
they were responsible for his safety, they sent the news on to the lower end of the
French Settlement, and as these things always grow by rehandling it reached the
French in the form of a statement to the effcct that the citizens of Prince Albert were
arming to assist the Police to arrest Riel.” Whichever version may be true the
important fact is that Riel took advantage of the panic to form the Provisional
Government.

*® Minutes of the Provisional Government, March 19th, 1885.

71 André, Evidence, Queen vs. Riel.

72 Nolin, Statement.

93 Ibid.

“4 7.Z. to Riel, May 2oth, 1884. This letter was written by Régnier, the school-
teacher, for Maxime Lépine, the initials being used tocloak identity in the event of
letter falling into the hands of their opponents: Régnier Statement.

78 Riel to the English half-breeds of Red Deer Hill, St. Catherine’s and St. Paul,
March 2st, 1885.

7“ they sympathized very strongly with the French half-breeds, as being
acquainted with them, and many of them near relations.” Craig, Evidence ; Trial
of Scott, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XIII, No. 52. Craig was the secretary of the meeting.

77 Copy of the Minutes at a Public Meeting held at St. Catherine’s Church on the
evening of March 22nd, 1885. E. Matheson, Chairman, W. Craig, Secretary.

78 Riel to the English half-breeds at St. Andrews and St. Catherine’s, March 23rd,
1885.

* Resolutions passed at Lindsay School, March 23rd, 1885. T. F. Miller,
Chairman; W. Miller, Secretary.

444 NOTES

N © T. Scott to Riel, March 23rd, 1885: Trial of Scott. C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XXIII,
lO. 52.

*1 Riel to the English-speaking people of Prince Albert re uniting in action.

** In March 1884 the Mounted Police were distributed as follows: Battleford,
47; Prince Albert, 12; Fort Pitt, 19; total, 78. (White to Vankoughnet, March
8th, 1884: I. D. file 10644.) In December 1884 the force was distributed as follows :
Battleford, 103 ; Prince Albert, 23; Fort Pitt, 20; Frog Lake, 5; Fort Carlton,
49; total, zoo. (Appendix, Report of the Commissioner of the N.W.M.P. 1885 :
C.S.P. 1885, Vol. XIII, No. 153.)

* Crozier to Irvine, July 13th, 1884: R.C.M.P. file 1137d.

4Wri Icy to Armit, February 2zoth, 1885: London Inward Correspondence,
1885. B.C,

®5 Gagnon to Irvine, telegram, March roth, 1885 : R.C.M.P. file 2527.

** Gagnon to Irvine, telegram, March roth, 1885: ibid.

*’ Crozier to Irvine, telegram, March r1th, 1885 : ébéd.

1 ®* Dewdney to Macdonald, private, March 11th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol.
Vv.

°° Macdonald to Dewdney, telegram, March 14th, 1885 : ibid.

°° Mitchell, Statement.

* Mitchell to Crozier, March 2oth, 1885.

* Mitchell, Statement.

#3 Jackson to Mitchell, March zoth, 1885.

* Riel to Crozier, March 21st, 1885.

®5 Irvine to Macdonald, April 1st, 1885: C.S.P. 1886, Vol. VI, No. 8.

* A letter from a correspondent at Prince Albert to the Winnipeg Ss (June 2nd,
1885) stated that Lawrence Clarke had accused Crozier of being afraid of the half-
breeds. Black (op. cé#., pp. 281-2) accepted this statement and it is the traditional
view at Prince Albert to-day. Crozier made no mention of this and Irvine only
stated that Crozier’s “ better judgment was overruled by the impetuosity displayed
both by the police and volunteers.” Irvine to Macdonald, Part II, December 31st,
1885: C.S.P, 1886, Vol. VI, No. 8.

* Crozier to Irvine, May 29th, 1885: ibid.

® Irvine to Macdonald, April 1st, 1885: sbéd.

CHAPTER XV
THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION. PART ONE

' The official version of the engagement has it that the métis fired the first shot.
(Irvine to Macdonald, April rst, 1885: op. cit.) This is supported by various
statements by Sergeant Ramsey, Sergeant Smart and Corporal McPherson (Con-
fidential Papers relative to the trial of Louis Riel, Department of Justice). On the
other hand Dumont maintained that the Government force fired the first shot.
(Le Recit de Dumont, in Ouimet, La Verité sur la Question Métisse, p. 123.) Riel also
stated that while he was attempting to surround Crozier, Crozier fired, and then he
said, ‘“‘In the name of God the Father who made us, reply to that.” (Young,
Statement; Confidential Papers; Lash, Astley, Tompkins, evidence, Queen vs.
Riel, op. ci#.) Black (p. 277) accepts the half-breed version stating that he had it on
the authority of Joseph Mackay, the interpreter that the Police fired first. The
evidence is inconclusive as regards the first shot, but it is certain that the Police and
volunteers fired the first volley.

2 Crozier to Irvine, May 29th, 1885 : op. cif.

* Brass, Narrative of Jobn Brass: MSS. folio on the Riel Rebellions, H.B.C.
Brass was guide to Colonel Irvine.

“Crozier believed that the force opposed to him numbered between 300 to 400
men. (Crozier, to Irvine, May 29th, 1885.) This estimate is accepted by MacBeth,
Policing the Plains, p. 112, and Longstreth, The Silent Force, p. 152. Crozier, however,
greatly overestimated the numbers of his opponents. The métis fought from

NOTES 445

behind cover and Crozier was not in a position to make an accurate estimate.
Dumont declared that he began the engagement with 25 horsemen and “‘ un certain
nombre d’hommes 4 pied ” (Dumont, op. cit., p. 123). The account of the engage-
ment in the Prince Albert Times, July 10th, 1885, confirms the métis statement that
they began the fight with small numbers although reinforcements steadily came in
from Duck Lake. Another report in the Toronto Maé/, April 13th, 1885, states that
“there were two hundred armed half-breeds within earshot of this firing, but when
they artived at the scene Crozier was in full retreat.”

® Dumont, op. cit., p. 125.

* Irvine to Macdonald, Part II, December 31st, 1885: op. cif.

H pa See also Clarke, Statement: Rebellion Losses Claims, Fort Carlton,
® Brass, op. cit.

* André, Journal, March 28th, 1885: Miéssions des O.M.I., Vol. XXTL, 1885, p.
292.

10 Ibid., pp. 293-4.

11 Four métis and one Indian were killed at Duck Lake, Dumont, op. cit., p. 1253
Garnot, Memorandum : Confidential Papers, Department of Justice.

13 The losses of the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Carlton amounted to $52,540. 78;
Statement of Claims of the Hudson’s Bay Company against the Government of
the Dominion of Canada for Compensation for Pillage, Loss and Destruction of
Goods, Property and Effects at various Posts in the North-West Territories in the
Insurrection in the Spring and Summer of 1885. H.B.C.

1 Young, Statement: Confidential Papers, Department of justice.

4 Garnot, Evidence, Trial of White Cap: C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XIII, No. 52.

v Crozier to Dewdney, confidential, January 7th, 1885; Macdonald Papers,

ol. II.

2® Antoine Lose Brave to Mr. Louis Real, March 13th, 1885: Confidential
Papers, Department of Justice.

? Lightfoot, Declaration, May 31st, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

16 Hay Moza (Stoney), Declaration, May 31st, 1885: ibid. This was corroborated
by declarations by Right and Left and Mah-to-Pah.

19 Riel to the métis at Battle River and Fort Pitt; Dewdney Papers, Vol. VIII.

7° Riel to the métis of Battle River and Fort Pitt, April 8th, 1885: ibid. The
French version of which this is a translation is to be found in the Macdonald Papers,

ol. IV.

21. A Diary of Events, March 27th, 1885: The Saskatchewan Herald, April 23rd,
1885.

32 Tbid., March 28th, 1885.

»® Rae to Vankoughnet, telegram, March 31st, 1885: I.D. file 19950.

4 A Diary of Events, March 30th, 1885: op. cit.

25 Rac to Dewdney, telegram, March 30th, 1885: Dewdney Papers, Vol. VIII.

26 Dewdney to Rae, telegram, March 30th, 1885: tbid.

2? The Hudson’s Bay Company losses at Battleford amounted to $22,969.61.
Statement of Claims of the Hudson’s Bay Company against the Government of the
Dominion of Canada for Compensation, etc., H.B.C.

*® Of the 500 who took refuge in the Fort, 300 were women and children.
Inspector Morris to Herchmer, April 1st, 1885 : Appendix B, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. VI,
No. 8.

2® Quinn to Dewdney, February 28th, 1885: I.D. file 29306-4.

® Dickens to the O.C. Battleford, January 12th, 1885: sid.

31 Martin to Dickens, February 13th, 1885: I.D. file 11582.

32 Dickens to the O.C. Battletord, February 15th, 1885 : ibéd.

% Quinn to Dewdney, February 28th, 1885 : of. cit.

* Neither W. B. Cameron, the sole male survivor of the Frog Lake Massacre, nor
W. J. McLean, who was taken prisoner by Big Bear’s Indians at Fort Pitt believed
Big Bear was responsible for the actions of the Indians and attributed the Frog Lake
Massacte to the evil influence of Wandering Spiritand Imasees. As for Little Poplar,
although he was not present at the massacre, the Assistant Indian Commissioner
considered him “‘ the worst Indian we have to contend with, and is capable of any

446 NOTES

overt act.” (Reed to the Superintendent-General, January 16th, 1885: I.D. file
17936.) Vankoughnet suggested that Little Poplar should be arrested if there was
sufficient evidence to warrant it, but no action was taken in this regard. Further
evidence in Big Bear’s favour is supplied by a letter from Father Rémas to Mgr.
Grandin, August 25th, 1885 : Missions des O.M.1. Vol. XXII, 1885, pp. 432-4.

%5 Cameron, The War Trail of Big Bear, p. 48.

6 Dickens to the Commissioner of the N.W.M.P., June 8th, 1885 : Appendix H,
C.S.P. 1886, Vol. VI, No. 8.

7 Ibid. It is only fair to note that the corporal in charge of the detachment at
Frog Lake refused to leave without the women until he was ordered to do so by
Agent Quinn.

38 Cameron, op. cif., p. 58.

°° Ibid., pp. 72-3. Ps

«© Dickens to Crozier, February 15th, 1885: I.D. file 11582.

1 McLean, Reminiscences of the Tragic Events at Frog Lake and in Fort Pitt
District with some of the Experiences of the Writer and his Family during the North-West
Rebellion of 1885. MSS., H.B.C., p. 2.

® Dickens to the Commissioner of the N.W.M.P., June 8th, 1885: op. cit.

McLean, op. cif., p. 2.

“4 Diary vf rancis Dickens, edit. V. Lachance (Bulletin of the Departments of
History and Political and Economic Science in Queen’s University, Kingston, No.
59,1930), DP. 17.

45 McLean, op. cit., p. 4. McLean wrote that he slept on an average of only two
hours in every twenty-four for ten days.

4* Cameron (0p. ci#., p. 111) is in error when he gives the date as April 14th.
Dickens Diary, p. 17, gives the 13th as the date, likewise McLean, p. 6.

4? McLean, p. 6.

48 Diary of Francis Dickens, p. 17.

4%In his report to the Commissioner, June 8th, 1885, Dickens wrote, “ Mr.
McLean, without telling me of his intention, and in spite of the waming of his
interpreter and friends, went out again, and was taken prisoner.” Other evidence,
however, shows that McLean acted with Dickens’ knowledge. See Mclean,
p. 7; Rev. Quinney, Statement, Rebellion Losses Claims, Fort Pitt, H.B.C.; F.S.
Simpson, Statement, iid. Both Quinney and Simpson were present at the discus-
sions as to what McLean shoulddo. Itseems probable that Dickens was endeavour-
ing to throw the onus of the responsibility for the abandonment of Fort Pitt upon
McLean.

50 McLean, pp. 8-9.

51 Dickens to the Commissioner, N.W.M.P., June 8th, 1885 : op. ¢éf.

52 Scollen to Dewdney, April r2th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

53 Lucas to Dewdney, April 15th, 1885 : I.D. file 195 50-2.

*4 McDonnell to Dewdney, April 16th, 1885 : ébid.

55 Lucas to Dewdney, April 15th, 1885 : op. cit.

56 Young, Statement, Rebellion Losses Claims, Lac la Biche, H.B.C.

587 Mgr. Faraud to T.R.P. Supéricur-Général, June Gth, 1885 : Missions des O.M.L,
Vol. XXIII, 1885, p. 322.

58 Young, op. cif.

59 An issue of goods on credit.

0 Mgr. Faraud to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, June 6th, 1885 : op. cif., pp. 325-6.
The total net loss of goods at Lac la Biche amounted to $9798.38. A certainnumber
of the furs, etc., were later recovered.

61 Clarke to Irvine, April 2sth, 1885: Clarke, Statement, Rebellion Losses,
Green Lake, H.B.C.

$2 Ibid.

NOTES 447

CHAPTER XVI
THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION. PART TWO

1 The Montreal Gazette, March 25th, 1885. The Toronto Mail of March 24th
stated, “It is a monstrous exaggeration to say that rebellion is afoot. Riel, who is
never happy except when he is posing as the hero of some desperate cause, has
talked war for months; but no one acquainted with the ex-President will credit
him with either the courage or the capacity to make serious trouble.” The
Winnipeg Times, March 23rd, 1885, expressed a similar view.

* Macdonald to Dewdney, telegram, March 14th, 1885: Macdonald Papers,
Vol. IV. Fathers Lacombe and Hugonard were Roman Catholic priests with great
influence over the Indians and the meétis.

Vy sDewdney to Macdonald, telegram, March 22nd, 1885: Dewdney Papers,

ol. V.

« Macdonald to Dewdney, telegram, March 23rd, 1885 : ibid.

5 Jackson, Report on Questions Relative to the Suppression of the Insurrection
ia the North-West Territories in 1885, December 24th, 1886: C.S.P. 1887, Vol. VIII,

©. 9c.

§ Sackville-West to Bayard, March 28th, 1885 : Notes from the British Legation,
Vol. CXI, MSS. Department of State.

” Bayard to Sackville-West, March 28th, 1885: Notes to the British Legation,
Vol. XIX, ibid.

® Bayard to Sackville-West, April 11th, 1885 : sid.

® McGirr (pp. Dewdney) to Macdonald, April 24th, 1885: I.D. file 19550-1.

© Report of a Committee of the Privy Council, January 28th, 1885: C.S.P. 1885,
Vol. XIII, No. 116.

™ Burgess to Street, March 30th, 1885 ; Macpherson to Street, telegram, April
6th, 1885: ibid. Oliver is in error when he writes “ it was after the granting of
the scrip in March 1885 .. . that Riel formed his provisional government ” (Oliver,
Saskatchewan and Alberia, General History 1870-1912, Canada and its Provinces, Vol.
XIX, p. 210) Ricl’s government was formed on the March 19th. The Commission
‘was not appointed until the 30th nor the issue of scrip authorized until April 6th.

12 Middleton, Special Report upon the Military Operations in the North-West,
December 30th, 1885 : C.S.P. 1886, Vol. V, No. 6a.

13 Ibid,

™ Henry, Report, April 23rd, 1885 ; Carriére, Report, April 22nd, 1885 : Dewd-
ney Papers, Vol. VIII. Carriére reported that the troops had three cannon “ and
another machine with a handle that fires 100 shots a minute.”

16 After the engagement at Duck Lake,

16 Dumont, op, ci#., p. 127.

1 Ibid.

18 Riel, Advice on the defence of Batoche, April 22nd, 1885 : Dewdney Papers,
Vol. VIII.

19 Dumont, op. ci#., p. 130.

30 Thid., p. 131.

71 Boulton, op. cit., pp. 225-6 ; Dumont, op. cit., p. 132.

#2 Middleton, Report on the Engagement at Fish Creek, May tst, 1885 : Appendix
A, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. V, No. 6a.

*8 Middleton stated in his Report on the Engagement at Fish Creek that the métis
numbered 280 men. Begg, op. ci#., Vol. III, p, 213, basing his account on Middleton
gives the same figure. According to Dumont, the métis reached Fish Creek with
150 men. Dumont then went ahead with 20 and stationed 130 in the coulée.
At the end of the engagement Dumont had only 54 men when Edouard Dumont
arrived with a reinforcement of 80 horsemen. (Dumont, p. 134.) This is corro-
borated by reports by Maxime Lépine and Charles Trottier on the engagement.
Trottier stated that he counted 48 men and then 6 more came out of the wood,
making a total of 54. Dumont’s casualties consisted largely of deserters from the
meétis ranks. As Middleton had no means of telling the exact numbers of his
opponents his estimate is very likely exaggerated.

*4 Lépine, Report on the Battle of April 24th: Dewdney Papers, Vol. VIII.

448 NOTES

*5 Otter to Major-General Middleton, May 26th, 1885: Appendix E, C. S.P. 1886,
Vol. V, No. 6a.

** L'Heureux, Report, November rst, 1886: Macdonald Papers, Vol. VII.
L’Heureux was the interpreter on Crowfoot’s reserve.

37 Steele, Forty Years in Canada, pp. 183-4.

** Macdonald to Lacombe, telegram, March 24th, 1885: I.D. file 19550-1.

29 Lacombe to Macdonald, telegram, March 31st, 1885 : ibid.

80 Macdonald to Dewdney, telegram, April 1st, 1885 : ébid.

8! Dewdney to Macdonald, April rath, 1885 : sbid.

33 Lacombe to Dewdney, confidential, July r1th, 1885: Macdonald Papers,
Dewdney to Macdonald. Steele of the N.W.M.P. also shared this distrust of Crow-
foot, Steele, op. cé#., p. 185.

** Strange, Report of Operations of Alberta Field Force from March 1885, to
July and, 1885 : Appendix G., C.S.P. 1886, Vol. V, No. 6a; Perry to Irvine, August
19th, 1885 : Appendix F, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. VI, No. 8; Steele, p. 214.

* McLean, op. cit., p. 20.

#5 On May 14th Indian Agent Macrae wrote to Dewdney :

“ T learn that that chief has twice been serious of sending a messenger to
us—once to treat—and subsequently to desire the garrison to leave the country.
It would seem. . . that his camp has been divided into a peace and war party ;
if this is so, it is to be greatly regretted that we have been unable to cause a sepat-
ation of the two.” LD. file 195 50-3.

#* Desjardins, Evidence, The Trial of Poundmaker : C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XIII, No.
5z. See also Jefferson’s evidence.

8? This was Otter’s force.

* Poundmaker to Riel, April 2gth, 1885: Confidential Papers, Department of
Justice. See also Trial of Poundmaker, op. cit.

3* Riel to Poundmaker, May rst, 1885: ibid.

Otter, Report on the Engagement at Cut Knife Hill, May sth, 1885 : Appendix
B, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. V, No. 6a.

41 Middleton disclaimed any responsibility for the attack. ‘‘ The movement
which led to the engagement was made without my orders, though Lieutenant-
Colonel Otter had the approval of Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney, to whom how-
ever he should not have applied on such a purely military matter.” Middleton,
Suppression of Rebellion in the North-West Territories (The United Service Magazine,
January 1894, p. 380).

4* Otter to Dewdney, telegram, April 26th, 1885 : Dewdney Papers, Vol. IT.

48 Dewdney to Otter, telegram, April 26th, 1885 : ibid.

Otter, Report, op. cit.

45 Bigonnesse, letter, June 7th, 1885: Missions des O.M.I., Vol. XXIII, 1885, p.
336; Yellerson, Fifty Years on the Saskatchewan, op. cit., p. 143; Cochin, Reminis-
cences of Louis Cochin (Canadian North-West Historical Society publications, Vol. 1,
No. 2, 1927, pp. 17-8). Both Jefferson and Father Cochin wete prisoners in Pound-
maker’s camp.

4* Otter to Middleton, May 26th, 1885 : op. cit.

“? Cochin, Reminiscences, op. cit., p. 19.

4@ Middleton, Special Report, December 30th, 1885 : op. cit.

4* Captain Smith, who was in charge of the Northcote stated in his Report, May
13th, 1885 (Appendix C.1, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. V, No. 6a), that Middleton ordered him
to reach Batoche at ‘“‘ the hour named by you, 8 a.m.” Middleton, on the other hand,
stated in his report (Report on the Capture of Batoche and the Surrender of Riel,
May 31st, 1885 ; Appendix C, ébid.) that the time was fixed at 9 a.m. The only other
testimony on this point is that of Colonel Houghton, Deputy Adjutant General,
who stated in a letter to the Montreal Gazette (The Gazette, March 31st, 1894) that
the steamer was under orders to be at Batoche at 8 a.m., and that its failure to
connect with the troops was due to the fact that Middleton was an hour late in
reaching the point of attack.

6° Middleton, Report on the Capture of Batoche, op. cit.

51 Jn his account of the fighting of May 11th, Middleton wrote, “‘ though as yet
we had not made much progress I resolved, to use a historical expression, “ to peg

NOTES 449

away * until I succeeded in my object of taking Batoche, which I was sure I should
0.

52 Mgr. Grandin to T.R.P. Supérieur-Général, October 17th, 1885: Missions des
O.MLL, Vol. XXIV, 1886, p. 23.

58 The responsibility for the charge at Batoche has been a matter of considerable
dispute. Middleton in his Report and Van Straubenzie (Van Straubenzie to the
Montreal Gazeffe, July 22nd, 1885: the Gazette, July 27th, 1885) both claimed to
have ordered the charge. Other evidence seems to show that the charge was a
spontancous development and was led by Colonel Williams of the Midland Battalion.
In the first place, as Colonel Denison points out (So/déering in Canada, p. 297), General
Middleton was at lunch, the goth and the two mounted units as well as the machine
gun and batteries were resting in the zarecba. Only 260 men were opposite the
enemy, while the remainder, about 470, were behind the lines. ‘ But who ever
heard,” wrote Denison, ‘‘ of a General commencing an action with one-fourth or
one-third of his men, with only thirty rounds of ammunition each, and with his
artillery and cavalry unharnessed and unsaddled ! ” Denison attributed the charge to
Williams. Captain Kirwan, Assistant Transport Officer (Montreal Gazette, July
8th, 1885) and W.P.E., a member of the Surveyors’ Intelligence Corps, (Toronto
Mail, June 6th, 1885) support this statement. Colonel Houghton, Deputy Adjutant
General, declared that the Canadian militia officers charged the rifle pits on their
own initiative. “* Had they been unsuccessful, they would have been tried by court-
martial and shot, but being in close touch with their men, and knowing their metal,
they rove the rebels from cover and broke the back of the rebellion ” (Black, op.
cit., P. 322).

The half-breed tradition of the charge at Batoche is interesting. The half-breeds
claim to have run out ofammunition and “ina bravado gesture of defiance they drove
home their last charge of powder into their muzzle-loaders and fired their ramrods
at the troops. Some of the militia, secing these rods flying amongst them, guessed
that the ammunition of their enemies was exhausted and advanced with more
boldness. The movement spread along the line and developed into the final
spontaneous charge that broke the rebel defence.” (Jefferys, Fifty Years Ago,
Canadian Geographical Journal, June 1935, Vol. X, No. 6.)

54 Riel to Middleton, May 12th, 1885: Confidential Papers, Department of
Justice ; Exhibit No. 4, Queen vs. Riel.

§5 Middleton to Riel, May 13th, 1885: ibid.

5® Riel to Middleton, May ith, 1885 : bid. Exhibit No. 19.

57 Dumont, @p. cit., p. 142.

58 Irvine to Macdonald, Part II, December 31st, 1885 : op. cit.

5° Poundmaker to Middleton, May 19th, 1885 : Middleton, Special Report.

60 Middleton to Poundmaker, May 23rd, 1885: ibid.

8! Kennedy, The Book of the West, p. 112.

8 McLean, op. ¢if., p. 33.

6 Strange, Report on Encounter with Big Bear, May 28th, 1885: Appendix D,
C.S.P., 1886, Vol. V, No. 6a; Steele, op. cif., p. 221.

84 Ibid,

*§ Strange, Gunner Jingo’s Jubilee, p. 468. This book was Strange’s autobiography.
Strange later wrote to the press that his official report had not been published in its
entirety, but had been truncated and altered. (La Presse, July 26th, 1885.) Strange
also related these incidents in a private letter to his wife (sce Mrs. Strange to Caron,
June 2nd, 1886: Caron Papers) and stated that upon one occasion one of his
messengers, who had reached Middleton with great difficulty, asked the Major-
General for a pistol to replace one lost en route. Middleton replied “‘ ‘ pouf,’ you
don’t need a pistol, you could walk through the country where General Strange
is with a good stick.”’ ‘This illustrates the lack of good fecling between the two
generals.

68 McLean, op. cit, p. 40.

67 Steele, op. cit., p. 225-6.

*8 Irvine to Macdonald, Part II, December 31st, 1885: of. cit. The Assistant
Indian Commissioner considered this to be anerror. “* For the purpose of chasing
Indians young active officers are required, that will run through the country with

2H

450 NOTES

what they can carry on their horses’ backs and not with a waggon for nearly every
man.” Reed to Dewdney, June 23rd, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. IV.

6* McLean, op. cit., p. 43.

7 The Commission on Wat Claims investigated claims for transport and supplies
and stated in a Preliminary Report that ‘“ It cannot be denicd, however, the people
generally in that part of the country adhered to the time-honoured practice of

etting all they possibly could out of the Government.” Jackson, Whitehead and
‘orrest, Preliminary Report of the Commission on War Claims, February 25th,
1886: Appendix IV, C.S.P. 1886, Vol. V., No. 6a.

71 Bergin, Report of the Surgeon General, May 13th, 1886: ibid. The following
criticism was written to Caron by Army Surgeon Labat ; ‘Le service de l’intendance,
de l’ambulance, et de la poste est ridiculement fait. Nous recevons ni lettres ni
journaux depuis plus d’un mois, nous manquons souvent de viandes fraiches,
toujours de tabac. Nos blessés n’ont aucun medical comfort. Pourquoi ne pas
faire une razzia sur tous les spéculateurs d’ici et leur payer leur produits dix pour
cent au dessus du cours ? Comme vous le voyez votre administration laisse beaucoup
a désirer.”” Labat to Caron, June ist, 1885: Caron Papers. See also Labat to
Caron, May 7th, 1885: sid.

73 Steele, op. cit., p. 215.

78 Strange, Report of Operations of Alberta Field Force: op. cif.

7% Vankoughnet, memorandum, August 17th, 1885: I.D. fle 195 50-4.

CHAPTER XVII

THE POLITICAL RESULTS OF THE NORTH-WEST REBELLION

1 This idea is expressed in Dafoe, Laurier: A Study in Canadian Politics, pp. 17-19.

2 David, Laurier, p. 39.

3 L’ Etendard, Montreal, April Ist, 1885.

‘ Beauregard, Le ome Bataillon au Nord-Ouest, p. 11.

5 Le Nowelliste, April 1st, 1885.

6 La Verité, quoted in L’ Esendard, April qth, 1885.

7 Te Métss, Montreal, May and, 1885. Only two numbers of this sheet appeared.

® This article was the subject of a protest in the House of Commons by the French
Canadians. Sce Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, pp. 1678-9.

® These are printed in C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XII, No. 43h. In one of Riel’s strange
writings we find the following:

“Dieu veut que le Nom du Zodiac soit changé, et qu’on Je nomme
désormais SON DIADEME; Que ses signes ne soient plus nommeés signes mais
DIAMANTS ; et qu’ainsi au lieu de dire ‘ Les signes du Zodiac’ on dise et on
écrive ‘ Les diamants de son Diadéme.’

‘Dieu veut qu’on donne au premier diamant de son Diadéme, dans le
calendrier et dans tous les écrits chrétiens le nom d’oxrorp. . .” (Confidential
Papers, Department of Justice.)

1@ Macdonald to Lavell and Valade, October 31st, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol.
Ill.

11 Valade to Macdonald, telegram, November 8th, 1885 : Lavell to Macdonald,
telegram, November 8th, 1885. The reports of the Insanity Commission are
printed in C.S.P. 1886, Vol. XI, No. 43, but these printed versions are misquoted.
Valade’s telegram laid stress upon the fact that Riel was ‘“‘ not an accountable
being,” which statement is omitted from the printed version. The original telegram
fead as follows :

“ After having examined carefully Riel in private conversation with him
and by testimony of persons who take care of him, I have come to the con-
clusion that he is not an accountable being, that he is unable to distinguish
between wrong and right on political and religious subjects, which I consider
well-marked typical forms of insanity under which he undoubtedly suffers,

NOTES 451

but on other points I believe him to be sensible and can distinguish right from
wrong.”

Dr, Jukes of the Mounted Police also submitted two reports, one to Dewdney
and one to Macdonald. The former is printed but the following statement is
omitted,

“That Riel differs systematically from the large majority of mankind in
the views he entertains respecting certain questions relating to religious
subjects or rather to certain spiritual phenomena such as Inspiration, and
Prophetic Vision in relation thereto, must be admitted; on these subjects
he cherishes illusions or hallucinations which vary materially in intensity
under varying physical and mental conditions ; but diversities of opinion, I
believe, upon these and kindred subjects do not properly constitute insanity.’

(Jukes to Dewdney, November 6th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. III.) The
Government were apparently unwilling to strengthen the hands of their opponents
by printing the complete reports.

” Riel to Taylor, October, 1884: MSS. Consular Despatches from Winnipeg,
Vol. VI, Department of State.

19 Riel to Taylor, July 21st, 1885 : ibid.

44 Riel to President Cleveland, n.d.: enc. in Taylor to Porter, September 12th,
1885: ibid.

18 Bayard to Choquet, October 27th, 1885: Senate Executive Documents.
No. 1, 51 Congress Special Senate Session, Serial 2613.

18 Macdonald to Lansdowne, August 28th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. II.

1” Lansdowne to Macdonald, August 31st, 1885: sbid.

‘8 Carnarvon to Salisbury, private, October 22nd, 1885 : G.D. 6/130.

19 Stanley to Carnarvon, confidential, October 23rd, 1885: ibid.

20 Carnarvon to Stanley, private, October 25th, 1885 : ébéd.

21 “In spite of Tupper and of other Colonial authorities I have great misgivings
as to hanging Riel.” Carnarvon to Herbert, November 11th, 1885: bid. Tupper
was High Commissioner for Canada.

22 Lansdowne to Stanley, confidential, November 13th, 1885: éid. This
despatch is also printed in North America, 116, Colonial Office Confidential Print.

3 T’Electeur, June 25th, 1885.

4 The Selkirk Herald, quoted in the Toronto Mai/, December 5th, 1885.

25 The Orange Sentinel, quoted in the Montreal Star, September 11th, 1885,

3° Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, pp. 2030-40.

2 Ibid., pp. 3075-3110.

28 The Montreal Cazette, July 7th, 1885.

29 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1885, p. 3213.

39 Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Quebec, Vol. XIX, 1885, p. 123.

31 Ibid., p. 124.

32 Chapleau to Macdonald, confidential, November 12th, 1885: Macdonald
Papers, Chapleau to Macdonald, 1873-85.

33 The details of the defection of the French Canadian Conservatives are taken
from the Montreal Star, November 14th, 1885, and La Presse, November 13th, 1885.

34 Langevin to Macdonald, telegram, November 12th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers,
Langevin to Macdonald, 1884-91.

35 Macdonald to Langevin, telegram, November 13th, 1885 : ibid.

36 Quimet was Lieutenant-Colonel of the 65th Rifles and had served with the
Alberta Field Force.

37 Coursol and others to Macdonald, telegram, November 13th, 1885 : Macdonald
Papers, Vol. V.

3® Macdonald Papers, Vol. V.

3° Ibid,

40 Ibid,

41 Ibid.

42 O’Brien to Macdonald, August arst, 1885 ; ibid.

& Parkin, Sir John A. Macdonald, p. 244.

41 Ward to Macdonald, August 26th, 1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. V.

45 Chapleau to Macdonald, confidential, November rath, 1885: op. cit.

452 NOTES

4° Possibly because Chapleau had voluntarily defended Lépine in 1874. His
refusal to assist Riel in 1885 centred much of the agitation upon him.

47 La Presse, November 13th, 1885. ‘The same idea is expressed in the Montreal
Star of November roth.

48 La Patrie, quoted in the Toronto Mail, November 23rd, 1885.

49 All quotations from speeches upon this occasion are taken from the Montreal
Gazette, November 23rd, 1885.

50 The Toronto Mail, July 8th, 1885.

51 Ibid., November 231d, 1885.

53 Ibid., November 25th, 1885.

53 The Toronto G/obe, April 15th, 1885. Another Liberal Paper, the London
Times, stated on April 3rd, “‘ For the second time Riel has appealed to arms. His
followers may have some excuse made for them. For Riel there can be no excuse,
and if he is suffered a second time to escape condign punishment, we shall put it
down as proof, not of the clemency, but of the culpable weakness of the Govern-
ment.”

54 The Globe, July 24th, 1885.

55 The Mai/, August 21st, 1885. See also Brereton to Macdonald, August 22nd,
1885 : Macdonald Papers, Vol. V.

5€ Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1886, p. 160.

57 The Mal, November 23rd, 1885.

58 Debates of the House of Commons, Canada, 1886, p. 59.

59° I saw Sir Hector as requested and afterwards called on Chapleau. Sir Hector
will do as you suggested. He will move the previous question and make his speech
after Landry’s motion.” Caron to Macdonald, private, March roth, 1886; Mac-
donald Papers, Caron to Macdonald, 1886-91.

60 Journals of the House of Commons, Canada, 1886, Vol. XX, pp. 73-4.

*1 Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Quebec, Vol. XX, 1886, p. 76.

82 [bid., p. 77.

*3 Chapleau to Macdonald, private, October 7th, 1886: Macdonald Papers,
Chapleau to Macdonald, 1886-91.

* Langelier, Souvenirs Polstiques de 1878 @ 1890, Vol. I, p. 249.

% La Veérité, quoted in L’ Ltendard, August 7th, 1886.

6* Chapleau to Macdonald, private, October 7th, 1886: op. cit.

87 I,’ Evendard, October 16th, 1886.

*8 Langevin to Macdonald, confidential, October rsth, 1886: Macdonald
Papers, Langevin to Macdonald, 1884-91.

89 Le Canadsen, October 15th, 1886.

70 La Justice, quoted in the Montreal Star, February 4th, 1887.

71 Chapleau to Macdonald, January 15th, 1887: Macdonald Papers, Chapleau
to Macdonald, 1886-91.

98 Etendard, February 24th, 1887; Montreal Sar, February 24th, 1887.

INDEX

A
Act of Parliament—

Act for the Temporary Government of Rupert’s Land, 42; B.N.A. Act, 37,
120; B.N.A. Act 1871, 120; Dominion Lands Act, 250, 251, 252, 2543
Manitoba Act, 119-20, 123, 124, 162, 189, 191, 243, 244, 245, 267; North-
West Territories Act 1875, 191 ; Rupert’s Land Act, 39, 78

Ahtackakoop, 290, 291

Alaska, 35, 37, G0

Alberta, 184, 192, 197, 199, 225, 284, 304, 360, 361, 362
Alexander, Fort, 139

Algoma, the, 129, 134

Americans—

Westward expansion of, 24-5 ; their interest in Canadian fur trade, 26, 46 ; their
proposals to annex Canadian North-West, 35-6 ; encourage half-breed unrest,
45-6, 58; follow events in Red River, 58-60; offers of assistance from, 58,
123; their attitude towards Red River expedition, 126-7, 134; suppress
Fenian invasion, 166; whisky runners, 199, 205; keep buffalo south of
boundary, 224; their protests against incursions of Canadian Indians, 232 ;
rebels hope for support from, 334, 342, 365 ; preserve neutrality during North-
West Rebellion, 353 ; and execution of Riel, 386

Amnesty—

Promise of, 108 ; stipulated in List of Rights, 113 ; promised by Taché to Red
River insurgents, 123, 140; stipulated in Bunn’s letter to Ottawa, 124; con-
troversy over alleged promise of, Chapter VII; Ricl complains in 1885 of
non-promulgation of, 307

Anderson, Wm., 271
André, Father Alexis—

Visits Duck Lake for first time, 179 ; guides formation of Dumont’s Provisional
Government, 180; founds Sacré Coeur, 182; his warnings re fate of buffalo,
220, 221-2 ; his petitions, 252-3, 257; his invitation to Riel, 299 ; his efforts to
bring about Riel’s departure from North-West, 309~10, 311; his fears of half-
breed tising, 312; refuses to assist Riel form Provisional Government, 315 ;
cited on situation in Prince Albert during the rebellion, 330-1.

Antoine Lose Brave, cited 333
Antrobus, Inspector, 287
Archibald, A.G.—

Appointed Lieutenant-Governor, 121; his arrival at Red River, 125, 141 ; forms
new government, 142; cited on flight of Riel, 164; thanks Riel for offer of
assistance against Fenians, 167 ; secures withdrawal of Riel’s candidature, 168 ;
appoints Council for North-West, 191 ; and the Indian treaties, z0z, 204, 208,
218

Assiniboia, 15-7, 57, 58, 67, 113, 112, 113, 115, 121-2, 192, 304
Assiniboia, Council of—

Representative character of, 15-6; discuss Sayer case, 47; Riel’s statement to,
48, 49, 70; refuse to appoint Schultz as member, 51; vote assistance during
famine, 53 ; and half-breed rising 69-70, 73, 98 ; advise McDougall to return
to Canada, 75.

Assiniboia, Governor of, 16, 45, cited 57; see also Mactavish, William
Assiniboine, River, 11, 68, 71, 100, 140, 143

Athabaska, 192, 347.

Athabaska, Lake, 5

453

454 INDEX

Baby, L. F. G., 170
Badger, 290
Bannatyne, A. G. B.—

Cited 52; intercedes for Canadians in Winnipeg, 84; seconds motion at mass
meeting, 93; his powder appropriated by half’ breeds, 102; seconds vote of
thanks to Ritchot, 124.

Batoche—

Founded, 182 ; petitions from, 254, 258; claims of reported on, 255 ; inaugur-
ation of L’Union Métisse at, 303; provisional government established at,
315-6 ; letters from half-breeds under arms at, 318, 319; Mitchell and McKay
interview Riel at, 324; Middleton marches against, 354-6; Riel seeks aid for
defence of, 363, 365, 366; fall of, 368-71, 373

Battleforad—

Founded, 183; development of 183-4, 185, 186; Indian distress at, 224 ; con-
ference on Indian distress at, 226-7; Indian Industrial School at, 240, 270;
arrival of Indians from south at, 281; rumours of Indian gathering at, 285 ;
preparations at in event of Indian rising, 287; Indians from not present at
Duck Lake Council, z90; Crozier raises volunteer troops at, 316, 322;
Mounted Police at reinforced, 321 ; Riel demands surrender of, 324 ; Indians
occupy, 334~6 ; Mounted Police from Fort Pitt retire to, 343 ; infantry units
organized at, 352; relief of, 355, 360; Poundmaker asks for assistance against,
365 ; Indians intercept supply train en route to, 368; Middleton proceeds to,

725 Poundmaker's surrender at, 373; troops return to after pursuit of Big
©, 37

Battle River, 183, 281, 283, 334, 335, 344

Battle River Crossing, 344

Bayard, T. F., American Secretary of State, 353

Beardy, 290, 291, 315, 327

Bear’s Child, 230

Bear’s Head, 231

Bears’ Hills, 344, 363

Beauport, Riel confined in asylum at, 296, 314, 384

Beaver Lake, 345

Beaver River, 347, 376

Begg, Alexander, 65

knap, Fort, 230

Berens, J. N., Governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34; cited 32

Big Bear—
is attitude to treaty negotiations, 212, 281; foregathers with Indians near
boundary, 231, 234; signs Treaty 6, 235 ; leaves for north, 235 ; his character,
280-1; becomes leader of malcontent Indians, 281; refuses to take reserve,
281, 282; endeavours to bring about concentration of Saskatchewan Indians,
282-5, 288, 289, 294; at Poundmaker’s reserve, 285-8; interviews Riel, 289,
302-3; at Duck Lake council, 290, 293; winters at Frog Lake, 336; his
Indians gather ammunition, 337; dwindling authority of, 337-8; at Frog Lake
massacre, 339; at Fort Pitt, 341-3; his emissaries to other bands, 344, 345-6 ;
Strange marches against, 355, 360, 363 ; instructed to join Poundmaker, 363 ;
factional disputes in his band, 364, 373 ; engagement at Frenchman’s Butte,
373-4; flight and pursuit of, 374-7; his surrender, 377; his imprisonment,
387; his release and death, 379

Big Plume, 230

Bird, J. C., 94

Birtle, 271, 352

Black, Judge John—

Secretary at mass meeting, 93; chairman of the Convention, 94; Red-River
delegate to Canada, 99, 110, 114-5, 118; suggested as Lieutenant-Governor,
121; conversation with Taylor re amnesty, 151

Blackfoot Crossing, 225, 229, 230, 277, 36!

INDEX 4$§

Blake, Edward—

His motion deploring death of Scott, 155-6; offers reward for apprehension of
Riel, 167, 170; his mission to England regarding Governor-General’s instruc-
tions, 173-4; charges Macdonald with neglect of half-breed claims, 259, 261,
390; raiscs question of Riel’s sanity, 401, 402

Bobtail, 344
Bois Brulee see Half-Breeds

Boucher, Bte., 316

Boulton, Major C. A.—

Supporter of Dennis, 81, 83, 84; leads the Portage expedition, 100, 101 ; con-
demned to death, 102-3; reprieved, 104; returns to Canada, 115; at Fish
Creek, 359.

Boulton’s Scouts, 352, 355, 359, 371, 375
Bourget, Archbishop Ignace, 316

Bow River, 185

Bowell, Mackenzie, 170, 392

Boyd, A. H., 99, 142

Boyer, Bte., 316

Boyne, River, 166

Brandon, House 11

Breland, Pascal, 227

British Columbia, 31, 33, 35, 49, $9, 185
British Government—

Its interest in colonization, 20 ; Select Committee on H.B.C., 21 ; and the H.B.C.
charter, 29-30; and the purchase of assets of H.B.C., 32; renews H.B.C.
licence of exclusive trade, 44 ; memorial and petition to, 46-7 ; Canada throws
responsibility for transfer on, 78-80 ; conciliatory attitude of towards insur-
gents, 87; its observer at Red River negotiations, 117; not prepared to
recognize insurgent claim to ratify agreement, 124; withdraws troops from
Canada, 128, 143; authorizes use of British troops in Red River expedition,
129-30; refuses to assume responsibility for amnesty, 159-64, 169; favours
partial amnesty, 169; and commutation of sentence of death passed on

épine, 171-3 ; and the execution of Riel, 386-8 ; see also Colonial Office.
Britedlebank’s Scouts, 375
Broadview, 192
Brooks, Sergeant 303
Brown, George, 23, 34, 156, qo1
Bruce, John—
President of the Métis committee, 43, 69; appears with Riel before Council of
Assiniboia, 70 ; willing to negotiate with Canada, 71 ; resigns presidency, 86
Bryce, Rev. George, cited 58, Go
Buckingham and Chandos, Duke of, 38, 39, 40, 42, 63
Buckingham, William, 51
Buffalo—

Importance of buffalo hunt, 13, 178 ; extermination of, 180, 193, 200, 218-224;
importance of to Indians, 197, 219; Buffalo Ordinance, 222-3; effect of
extermination of, 224 e¢ seq., 342

Bull Elk, arrest of, 277-8
Buller, Captain Redvers, 138
Bunn, John, 15

Bunn, Thomas—

Member of Council of Assiniboia, sympathizes with Métis, 62; chairman of the
mass meetings, 93; member of committee on rights, 94; secretary of the
provisional government of Red River, 115; his letter to Howe ratifying
agreement, 124, 161

Burbidge, G. W., 384
Butler, Captain W. F.—

His mission to Fort Garry, 136, 141; cited 177, 200; his report on conditions

in the Saskatchewan, 191, 200, 202
Button Chief, 203

456 INDEX

Cc
Calf Robe, 230
Calgary, 186, 203, 344, 352, 355, 360, 362
Calling Eagle, 230
Cameron, Captain D. R., 65, 75, 90
Cameron, J. i. 117, 156
Cameron, M. C., 170, 265, 402
Cameron, W. B., at Frog Lake, 338-9 ; cited 338
Canada First party, 115-7, 155
Canadian Government—

Commissions Draper to watch Select Committee, 23; resolution in favour of
transcontinental railway, 26; pctitions to re acquisition of the H.B.C. terri-
tories, 27; case against I{.B.C. charter 27-30; rejects Watkins proposals, 34 ;
delegation to England, 34-5; resumes negotiations, 37, 39-42; Fleming’s
petition to, 50; send road builders to Red River, 53 ; association of employees
of with Schultz, 54; purchase of lands by employees of, 55 ; surveys in Red
River, 36; ignores inhabitants of Red River during negotiations, 57; attitude
of English-speaking inhabitants of Red River to, 62 ; warned of feeling in Red
River, 63-4; Riel willing to negotiate with, 71, 73, 84; correspondence of
with McDougall, 77-8; refuses to complete transfer, 78-80; alarmed at
Dennis’s actions, 82-3; stores of at Schultz’s, 83; their fears of provisional
government, 85 ; send emissaries to Red River, 87-90; invite delegates from
North-West to Ottawa, 96; request assistance of Bishop Taché, 107-8 ;
negotiations with Red River delegates, 114, 118-9, 124, 150-1; retain counsel
for Ritchot and Scott, 117 ; conclude arrangements for transfer, 121 ; consider
despatch of troops to North-West, 128-9, 131--3; protest against stopping of
Chicora, 134; send emissaries to Indians, 135-6; state military expedition not
punitive, 132, 133, 140; and question of amnesty, Chapter VIII; send police
to St. Laurent, 181 ; and colonization companies, 186 ; land policy of, 187-90 ;
establishes government in North-West, 190-2; Indian policy of, re treaties,
Chapter X, reserves, Chapter X]; half-breed petitions to, Chapter XII; pro-
crastination of, 259-60 ; animosity to as result of depression, 262-3 ; farmers’
delegation to, 263; policy of economy of in Indian affairs, 270-4 276-7;
attitude to Indian grievances, 293-4; attacked by North-West agitators, 298,
300-2, 304-5, 318; reccive petition from North-West, 306-7; Ricl’s alleged
claims against, 311-2 ; promise to investigate half-breed claims, 312 ; increase
police in North Saskatchewan, 321; Ricl hopes to force negotiations with,
332; forbid sale of ammunition to Indians, 337; Indian distrust of, 342,
377; take steps to suppress rebellion, 350-3; concede half-breed claims,
3543 secure loyalty of Crowfoot, 361; Indian policy after rebellion, 378-9 ;
take responsibility for execution of Riel, 386-7 ; debate on execution of Ricl,
402; federal clection, 406

Canadian Party—

Antagonize half-breeds at Red River, 48 ef seg.; avoided by Howe, 65; in

communication with McDougall, 76 ; responsible for Portage expedition, 100,

103
Cardwell, Edward, 34, 35, 38
Carlton, Fort—

Half-breeds settle near, 179; Mounted Police despatched to, 181-2; first,
steamer to, 185 ; Treaty 6signed at, 212; disappearance of buffalo from, 219,
224; Big Bear native of, 280; Indian council at, 289~93 ; Mounted Police
stationed at, 310, 321; half-breeds threaten, 321-2 ; voluntecr troops sent to,
323; Riel demands surrender of, 324; evacuation of 329-30, 331; Big Bear
surrenders at, 377

Carnarvon, Earl of, 171, 173, 387-9

Caron, J. P. R. A., Minister of Militia, 377, 392, 396, 397, 398
Carriére, Damase, 316

Cartier, Sir George E.—

Delegate to England, 34; negotiates transfer of H.B.C. territories, 39-41 ; snubs
Taché, 64, 107 ; confers with Taché, 108 ; negotiates with Red River delegates,

INDEX 457

118-9 ; introduces second reading of Manitoba Bill, 120; assures Ritchot Riel
to carry on government, 125; Wolseley’s charge against, 135; his ideal of
confederation, 144, 381; his promise of an amnesty, 145, 149-54, 158, 161-3 ;
cited 149-50, 153, 155, 162-3 ; attacked in Ontario, 156 ; his defeat in Montreal
and election in Manitoba, 168; his death, 168

Cartwright, Sir R. J., 265, 403

Casgrain, T. C., 384

Cauchon, J. E., 28, 174

Chandler, Z., American senator, cited, 126-7

Chapleau, J. A.—

His motion for pardon of Lépine, 171 ; petition of Settlers’ Union addressed to,
306, 317; prepares memorandum for resignation from government, 392, 396 ;
continues to support Macdonald Government, 394, 397, 398; cited, 396,
403-4; his jealousy of Langevin, 397, 406; offered leadership of Parti
National, 399.

Cheadle, W. B., cited 7-8, 9, 219

Chicago, 385

Chicora, the, 129, 134, 159

Chouteau, Messrs., 46

Christie, Alexander, Governor of Assiniboia, 45
Christie, W. J., 202, 205

Clarke, Lawrence, 248-9, 253-4, 347

Clarke’s Crossing, 356, 358, 368

Cleveland, Grover, President of the United States, 386
Clifford, Lord, 385

Cocking, Matthew, 4

Cold Lake, 364

Coldwell, William, 51, 94

Colleston School House, programme of the North-West agitation adopted at, 265,

307
Collingwood, 31, 133
Colonial Office—

And the F1.B.C. charter, 29-30; negotiations with the H.B.C. for the surrender
of Rupert’s Land, 30-4; negotiations with Canadian delegates, 34-5, 38-42;
protest to from the minority of shareholders, 42 ; Fleming’s petition to, 50;
annoyance at refusal to accept transfer, 78 ; and the arrest of Ritchot, 117 ; and
Red River negotiations, 117; and amnesty question, 145-6, 138, 161-4; and
commutation of Lépine’s sentence, 171 ; Settlers’ Union petition forwarded to,
307; petitions sent to on behalf of Riel, 385-6; attitude of non-interference
regarding execution of Riel, 387

Colonization—

In Red River, 10; incompatible with fur trade, 12, 20; British interest in, 20-1,

22; Canadian interest in, 23 ; colonization companies in North-West, 186, 262
Colville, the, 185
Communications—

Atlantic and Pacific Transit and Telegraph Company, 34; Canadian Pacific
Railway, 185, 186, 187, 189, 210, 235, 262, 263, 264, 304, 314, 352, 395 ;
Hudson Bay Railway, 263, 265, 304, 307; Lake Superior and Pacific Railway
Company, 25 ; North-West Navigation Company, 185; North-West Transit
Company, 31 ; North-West Transportation, Navigation and Railway Company,
26

Conventions—

First Convention at Red River, 72~4, 80-1, 82, 128 ; Second Convention, 94-99,

100, I10, 113, 115, 142
Corbett, Rev. James, 51, 52
Corne, Fort 4 la, 178, 184, 293
Coureurs de Bois, 5, 9
Coursol, C. J., 393, 398
Coutu, 104
Cowan, Dr. Wm., 62, 68, 71, 95

458 INDEX

craig, John, Farm Instructor, 286, 293
Crofton, Colonel J. F., 47; cited 127

Crooked Lakes, 276, 278, 333, 337

Crooked Neck, 136; cited 204

Crowfoot—

His appreciation of Mounted Police, 203 ; signs Treaty 7, 213; cited, 221, 224;
promises to settle down, 229; and the arrest of Bull Elk, 278; contrasted
with Big Bear, 281; his relation to Poundmaker, 283 ; messengers from Big
Bear to 284; mentioned at Duck Lake council, 291; half-breed emissary to,
361; loyalty of during North-West Rebellion, 361-2

Crown Colony, 21, 22, 39, 42, 62
Crozier, Superintendent L.N.F.—

His efforts to get Indians on reserves, 230; favours abandonment of Fort Walsh,
233 ; His opinion on Indian policy, 273 ; arrests Bull Elk, 278 ; and the Indian
troubles at Poundmaker’s, 286-8; reports Indian messengers on the move,
294; informed of meeting of Big Bear and Riel, 303 ; urges action on half-
breed claims, 312, 313, 321; raises volunteers, 316, 322, 323 ; his efforts to win
over English half-breeds and pro-Ricl whites, 318; reports rising imminent,

21-2; his negotiations with Riel, 323-5 ; marches out of Carlton, 325-6 ;
is defeat, 327-8, 332; fears Indian rising, 333 ; Dickens to, 337

Cumberland House, 178

Cummings, William, 99

Cut Knite, 367

Cut Knife Creek, 367

Cut Knife Hill, engagement at, 366-8, 375

Cypress Hills—

Massacre at, 199; Indians gather in region of, 223, 230-4, 283-4; petition from
half-breeds of, 246, 247

D
Dakota, 60, 187, 353
Dallas, A. G., Governor of Rupert’s Land, 16, 32, cited, 50
Dawson, S. J., 129, 131, 135
Dawson, W. M., 27
David, L. O., cited, 381
Davin, N. F., 240, 248
Deane, Inspector R. B., 279
Décorby, Father, 246
Delorme, Joseph, 105, 316
Delorme, Norbert, 316
Denison, Colonel G. T., 155, 355
Dennis, Colonel, J. $.—

His statement regarding Schultz’s land purchases, 55 ; superintends surveys in
Red River, 56~7 ; complains of stopping of survey, 68 ; his commission from
McDougall, 81 ; his ‘‘ call to arms,” 82-4, 99; enlists Indians, 81, 198, 203

Denny, C. E., 233, 272, 361
Desjardins, A., 393, 398
Dewdney, Edgar—

Indian Commissioner, 228, 229, 231, 234, 235, 238, 272, 280, 292, 294, 337 ; and
Riel, 310-3 ; urges increase in military force in North-West, 322, 350-1; and
Indian rising, 335, 344, 361, 366-7

Dickens, Inspector Francis—~
And Bull Elk episode, 277-8; his reports on Big Bear’s Indians, 336, 337;
advises Quinn to come to Fort Pitt, 338 ; and surrender of Fort Pitt, 340-3
Dickieson, M. G., 222, 238
Dickson, 44
Dog Rump Creek, 337
Donnelly, Ignatius, 36
Doucet, Father, cited, 225
Douglas, Fort, 11

INDEX 439

Draper, Chief Justice, W. H., 23-7
Dreever, Mr., 116
Duck Lake—

Métis settlement near, 179, 182; discontent of métis at, 253 ; Indian council at,
289-94, 302; police warnings from, 321; Mitchell at, 323; skirmish near,
325 ; engagement between half-breeds and police near, 327-8, 330, 332, 348,
385; effect of engagementat, 334, 340, 351 ; Dumont wounded at engagement
at, 357

Dufferin and Ava, Marquess of, 114, 171-4
Dulhut, D. G., 4

Dumas, Michael, 268

Dumont, Gabriel—

President of Provisional Government of St. Laurent, 180-2; petitions of, 246,
251; not good political leader, 261; delegate to Riel, 268; makes arrests
and helps form Provisional Government of the Saskatchewan, 315-6; his
skirmish with the Mounted Police, 325 ; defeats Crozier, 327-8 ; sends tobacco
to Indians, 334; his plan of campaign, 356-7; overruled by Riel, 355, 357-8 ;
wounded, 357; at Fish Creek, 358-9; his flight, 371-2

Dumont, Isidore, 327-8

E

Eagle Hills, 283, 336, 368, 372

Eagle Tail, 230

East Durham, by-election at, 395, 401

Edmonton, 178, 179, 187, 184, 185, 192, 199, 203, 205, 248, 258, 271, 284, 294, 344,
_ B43, 355, 360, 362, 363

Elgin, Earl of, 47

Ellice, Edward, 20

Ellice, Fort, 184, 236

England, 9, 34, 37, 40, 45.46, 53, 57, 6§, 79, 108, 130, 133, 143, 169, 173, 306

Ermatinger, Edward, 23

Ermine Skin, 344

Falcon, Pierre, ‘‘ chanson”? of, 12

Faraud, Bishop H. J., cited, 345, 346

Fenians, 123, 131, 133, 136, 164-6, 353

File Hills, 276, 333

Fiset, Dr., 311

Fish Creek, engagement at, 356, 358-9, 363, 365
Fish, Hamilton, American Scerctary of State, 134
Fisher, John, 246

Fitzpatrick, Charles, 384

Fleming, Sandford, 26, 49-50, 185

Foremost Man, 234

Forget, A. E., 310, 354

Fortin, P., 393

Foster, W. A., 116

Fourmond, Father, cited on Riel, 303 ; preaches against Riel, 316
Frances, Fort, 136, 204

Fraser, John, 98

Fraser, River, 36

French, Colonel G. A.—

His march to St. Laurent, 181-2; reports Indian unrest, 202, 211-2; first Com-
missioner of the North-West Mounted Police, 203; reports diminution of
buffalo, 221, 222

French Canadians—

Western exploration by, 4, 28; marriage of with Indians, 5, 6 e¢ seq.; racial
survival of, Go-1; appointment of F.C. emissaries to Red River, 88 e¢ seq. ;
oppose military expedition to Red River, 132, 133, 135 ; their attitude towards

460 INDEX

execution of Scott, 157-8; they defeat Cartier, 168; threaten Macdonald
Government 169; development of racial antagonism among after North-
West Rebellion, Chapter XVII; change in party allegiance of, 381, 407;
strength of national sentiment of, 382, 405; appeals in press to national
prejudice of, 381-2, 389; their petitions for clemency for Riel, 385; their
protest against Riel’s execution, 389, 398-9 ; attitude of F. C. Conservatives,
392-4, 396-7, 398

Frenchman’s Butte, engagement at, 373-5

French’s Scouts, 352, 355, 375

Frog Lake—

Mounted Police detachment at, 321; Indians at hear of engagement at Duck
Lake, 334; Big Bear winters at, 336-7; Indian massacre at, 337-9, 340, 348,
379; effect of news of massacre at, 344, 345 ; Big Bear moves cast from, 373

Futvoye, Major G., 154

G

Gagnon, Inspector S., 315, 321, 323

Galt, Sir A. T., 34, 66

Gardiner, Rev., 139

Gariepy, Pierre, 316

Garnot, Philip, Secretary of the Provisional Government of the Saskatchewan, 296,
14, 316; cited, 332

Garrioch, A. C., cited, 58

Garrioch, W., cited, 106

Garry, Fort—

Withdrawal of troops from, 36 ; free trade in furs movement at, 44-5 ; prison at
broken open, 51; Americans at, 58; taken by Riel and French half-breeds,
zo-1; Convention called at, 72; McDougall to proceed to, 74 ; Cameron’s
attempt to reach, 75 ; imprisonment of Canadians in, 83-4; H.B.C. money at
confiscated, 86; hostile feeling at towards Canadian emissaries, go ; arrival of
Smith at, 91; mass meetings at, 92-3; opposition half-breeds ordered to
leave, 95 ; escape of prisoners from, 99; release of prisoners from, 100, 101 ;
Portage party imprisoned in, 102, 103 ; steam communication to demanded,
112; business tesumed at, 122; Union Jack raised over, 123 ; military weak-
ness of, 131, 166; Butler’s visit to, 136; captured by Wolseley, 139-40;
arrival of Lieutenant-Governor at, 141

Girard, Marc, 142, cited, 154

Girouard, D., 390, 392, 393

Gladman, George, 27

Gladstone, W. E., 22

Glenelg, Baron, 20, 22

Goulet, Elzéar, 105, 165

Goulet, Roget, 69, 354

Government Ford, 363

Grahame, J. A., 185

Grandin, village of, 182, 306

Grandin, Bishop V. J., cited, 183-4 ; 277, 303, 309, 310, 370
Grant, Cuthbert, 11, 15, 55

Grant, G. M., cited, 220

Grant, U. S., President of the United States, 37, 164
Granville, Earl of—

Colonial Secretary, and transfer of the H.B.C. territories to Canada, 40, 41, 78,
121; and the military expedition to Red River, 129, 131, 1333 his corres-
pondence relative to promise of an amnesty, 87, 146, 150, 152, 160-1

Grassett, Colonel, 371

Great Britain, 20, 25, 26, 28, 35, 36, 37, 40, 85, 144, 146, 139, 173, 269, 302; see
British Government

Green Lake, 346-8

Greenshields, J. N., 384

INDEX

Grey, Sir George, 195, 216
Grey Owl, cited, 200-1.
Gunn, Donald, 13-4, 98

Halcro, 265, 315, 329
Half-Breeds—

Offspring of fur traders and Indians, 6; the “‘ New Nation,” 10; stirred up by
North-West Company, 11~2 ; settle at Red River, 13 ; represented on Council
of Assiniboia, 15 ; their simple life, 17-18 ; their unrest at Red River, Chapter
III; their opposition to political change in Red River, 48-9, 67 ef seq. ; d
reserve for, 119, 120, 189, 244-5 ; suitability as soldiers, 127; their discontent
after Red River insurrection, 165, 245 ; settle in the North-West territories,
178-9 ; abandon nomadic life, 193 ; their influence over Indians, 214-5 ; basis
of their claims in North-West, 244; claims and petitions of in North-West,
Chapter XII; co-operate with white discontents, 264-8, 296-303; their
petition to Ottawa, 306-7; exasperation of, 312, 313, 321; their demands
conceded, 354
French Half-Breeds—Origin and character of, 6-9; number of at Red River, 13;
1847 petition of, 46-7; they release Sayer, 47 ; irritated by road builders, 54;
object to surveys, 56-7, 68 ; national committee of, 69 ; organized by Riel, 7o ;
take Fort Garry, 71; in the Convention, 72-4, 80-1 ; expel McDougall, 70,
75; take Canadian prisoners, 83-4; masters of Red River, 86; Canadian
emissaries sent to, 88 ef seq.; and Portage expedition, 102-3 ; try Scott, 105 ;
‘Taché’s influence over, 107 ; do not resist Wolseley, 139, 140, 141 ; and Fenians,
165~7; their settlements in the North-West, 177, 178; they trek to North-
West, 179, 245; form provisional government at St. Laurent, 180-2; their
petitions, Chapter XII; and the return of Riel, 265-8, 297-8, 303-4; their
reach with clergy, 309; meet at Batoche, 315-6; defeat Crozier, 327-8 ;
unable to carry out successful rebellion, 332; at Lac La Biche, 345-6; their
engagements with troops, 356-9, 369-71 ; effect of rebellion upon, 378
English and Scotch Hal. “Breeds—origin and character of, 9; their common
ecling with French, 10, 166; less affected by the developments at Red River,
62; some of co-operate with F rench during Red River Rebellion, 62, 71-2, 81,
93 ef Seq. ; unwilling to form provisional government, 73-4; do not adopt
Canadian cause, 76, 81-2, 112; participate in provisional government, 98-9 ;
and Portage expedition, 103 ; their settlements in the North- West, 177; their
petitions, 246-7, 248, 249 ; co-operate with French to bring back Riel, 266- 8;
their favourable attitude to Ri el, 297, 298, 305-6, 311, 3135 disapprove of

recourse to arms, 317, 318, 320

Halifax, 128
Hardisty, Richard, 92, 205
Hargrave, J. J., cited, 52; 54, 72

rmon, Daniel, cited, 6
Head, Sir Edmund, Covernor of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 34
Headingly, 1Ol
Heavy Shield, 229
Hector, Dr. James, 219
Henday (also spelled Hendry), Anthony, 4
Henry, Jérome, 356
Herchmer, L. W., 271
Herchmer, Superintendent, 241, 279-80, 360, 366
High River, 240
Hincks, Sir Francis, 163
Hind, H. Y., cited, 13; 14, 27, $7
Holton, L. Hi. 38, 170
Homestead regulations, 188-9, 250-254
Howe, Joseph——

Secretary of State for the Provinces, visits Red River, 64-5 ; meets McDougall en

462 INDEX

route to Red River, 74-5 ; his correspondence with McDougall, 76, 77, 81,
82; condemns McDougall’s actions, 80; his correspondence with Taché,
108, 110, 149, 15§; his letter to Red River delegates, 118; clashes with
McDougall, 120; Bunn’s letter to, 124; Archibald to, 142; appoints com-
missioners to negotiate Indian treaties, 208

Howe, Inspector, 326

Hudson Bay, 3, 4, 13, 24, 28, 126, 131, 213

Hudson’s Bay Company—

Charter granted to, 3; exploration by, 4; organization of in the North-West, 5 ;

view on intermarriage with Indians, 5-6; isolationist policy of, 10, 17, 20, 21,
23; grant to Selkirk, 10; union with North-West Company, 12; land policy
of, 14; administers Red River, 15-7; licence of exclusive trade, 20, 21, 26,
30, 44; Select Committee on, 21~2 ; press attack, 23 ; negotiations with Colonial
Office and Canada for the surrender of the H.B.C. territories, 27 ef seg. ; adopt
measures to cope with illicit trade in furs, 44-5; their monopoly attacked, 46-7 ;
half-breeds generally contented with, 48, 7o; weakened authority of in Red
River, 50 ef seq.; their assistance during Red River famine, 53; protest
against road workers, 53 ; grant permission for survey, 56 ; employees of not
enthusiastic for transfer, 62 ; does not warn Canada, 63 ; forced to surrender
public accounts, 73; Canada refuses to complete transfer with, 78-80; arms
and money of confiscated, 83, 86; Riel moves all bargains with H.B.C. be
deemed void, 95; reference to in List of Rights, 112, 113, 114; resumes
business in Red River on Riel’s terms, 122; transfer completed, 121, 1773
employees of settle in North-West, 183 ; land reserve of, 189, 190, 251, 253;
Indian policy of, 197-8, 200, 215, 342; report disappearance of buffalo, 220;
report Indian distress, 224-5 ; report economic distress in North-West, 305 ;
their posts pillaged, 335-6, 344-8

Hugonard, Father J., 322, 350

Huyshe, Captain G. L., cited, 136, 139-40

Ile 4 la Crosse, 347
Imasces, 338, 339, 378, 379
Indians—
Linguistic stocks in Rupert’s Land, 3; intermarriage with fur traders, 5-6;
.B.C. fur monopoly with, 14; apprehension of danger from, 87, 123, 133;
emissaries sent to prepare way for Red River expedition, 129, 135-6 ; problem
of contact with whites 194-5; character of, 195-6; their friendship with
H.B.C., 197-8, 342 ; effect of white expansion upon, 198-202; their appreciation
of Mounted Police, 203 ; treaties made with, 204 ef seg. ; basis of Canadian Indian
policy, 216-8 ; unwilling to settle, 218 ; distress of on disappearance of buffalo,
218-9, 223-5 ; Government feeds and endeavours to put on reserves, 226-36 ;
training in agriculture, 236-9; schools for, 239-40; destruction of tribal
organization of, 240-2, 379; effect of economy policy upon, 270-4; attitude
to treaties, 275-6; growing unfriendliness of, 276-80 ; their agitation in Sas-
katchewan, 281-5 ; their council at Duck Lake, 289-91 ; grievances of, 291-3 ;
and the Riel agitation, 303, 306; incited by half-breeds, 332~5 ; part played
during rebellion, 335-48, 354, 360-2, 363-8, 372-7; effect of rebellion upon,
378-9 ; amnesty to, 379.
Assiniboine, 3, 4, 196, 197, 199, 224, 231, 233, 234, 364, 366; Beaver, 3;
Blackfeet, 3, 196, 199, 201, 203, 205, 211, 213, 221, 223, 224, 225, 229-30, 272,
277-8, 294, 344, 360-2 ; Blood, 3, 196, 224, 361; Chipewyan, 3; Cree, 3, 4,
183, 196, 205, 207, 211, 212, 221, 223, 224, 229, 231, 233, 234, 276, 280, 281,
283, 293, 333, 345, 358, 362, 364, 366-7, 373, 375, 376; Ojibway, 3; Piegan,
3, 196, 201, 203, 224, 361 ; Satcee, 3, 196, 224; Saulteaux, 3, 81, 198, 207, 211,
223, 276, 358 ; Sioux, 3, 198, 218, 223, 224, 274, 333, 358 ; Stoney, 3, 219, 271,
_ 276, 285, 294, 333, 334, 335, 344, 364
Indian Department, 212, 222, 227-8, 235, 236, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 278, 282, 284,
285, 288, 292, 336, 362; see Indians

INDEX 463

Indian Head, 234, 271, 354
Indian Treaties—

Negotiation of, Chapter X ; Indian misunderstanding of, 275-6, 291; half-
breeds enter, 378; Selkirk’s Treaty, 207-8 ; Treaty 1, 209-10, 218; Treaty, 2,
210; Treaty 3, 210-11, 218; Treaty 4, 211, 218, 231, 353; Treaty 5, 211, 218,
223; Treaty 6, 211-3, 218, 221, 226, 229, 231, 235, 239, 280-1, 283, 348, 3533
Treaty 7, 213, 218, 226, 231, 353

International Financial Society, 32
Irvine, Colonel, A. G.—

Commissioner of the North-West Mounted Police, negotiates with Indians,
233; apprehensive of contact of whites and Indians, 274-3 ; marches north,
322, 323, 325, 328-9 ; evacuates Carlton, 329; arrives at Prince Albert, 330;
refuses to send force to Green Lake, 347; Riel fears, 357 ; Middleton and, 372,

_ 376
Isbister, A. K., 25, 27, 46, 47
Isbister, James, 265, 268, 300

Jack, 231, 233

Jackson, 265

Jackson, T. E., 303
Jackson, T. G., cited 305-6
Jackson, W. H.—

Secretary of the Settlers’ Union, speaks for Riel, 298 ; organizes agitation, 299-
300; his manifesto, 300-2; supports Indian grievances, 303; his letter to
Chapleau, 306, 317; his letter to Riel, 307; baptism of, 316; demands
Crozier’s surrender, 323-4; trial and acquittal of, 378

Jobin, Amb., 316

Johnson, Sir William, 195, 206, 207
Johnstone, T. C., 384

Judith Basin, 224

Kahweechetwaymot, 286, 287, 288
Karministiquia River, 135
Kamooses, 211

Kane, Paul, cited, 184, 219
Ka-Qua-Nam, 345

Keith, Farm Instructor, 278-80
Kelsey, Henry, 4, 5

Kennedy, W., 265

Kicking Horse Pass, 185
Kildonan, 12, 81, 83, 99, 101, 103
Kimberley, Earl of, 53, 146, 151, 161, 162, 163, 169, 173
Kingston, 351

Kipp, Fort, 203

Labouchere, Henry, 28, 29, 30

Lacoste, Senator Louis, 393, 399

Lac la Biche, 177, 344, 345-6

Lac Qu’Appelle, 246

Lac Ste. Anne, 177, 344

Lac St. Louis, 207

Lac Seul, 210

Lacombe, Father Albert, 322, 350, 361 ; cited, 362
Lagemoniére, E., 105

Lagimodiére, Julie, 67

Laird, David, 228, 238, 240, 246, 251, 252

464 INDEX

Lampson, Sir Curtis, 38, 77

Lanark and Renfrew, Municipal Council of, 27

Landry, Philippe, 402

Langevin, Sir Hector L., 99, 107, 135, 169, 392, 393, 396, 397, 398, 399, 402, 405,
40

Langevin, Bishop J. P. F., 107

La Noue, Z. R. de, 4

Lansdowne, Marquess of, 386-7, 388

Laurier, Wilfrid—

Votes for conditional amnesty, 174; leader of Liberal Party, 381, 406; his
speech on Blake motion, 390; his attitude on the Riel question, 398; his
specch on Landry motion, 402 ; assists Mercier, 404

Law Officers, opinions of—
On H.B.C. charter, 27, 28, 29, 30; on transfer, 38, 79; on Red River Rebellion,
85 ; on half-breed land reserve in Manitoba, 244
Lean Man, 285
Leduc, Father Hyppolite, cited, 180; 182, 220, 225, 258
Lee, John, 67
Lefroy, Colonel, J. F., 219
Légeard, Father, 179
Lemay, Pamphile, 157
Lemieux, Francois, 384
Lépine, Ambroise D.—

Consults Mactavish, 98 ; arrests Portage party, 102 ; passes sentence of death on
Scott, 105; interviewed by Taché, 109, 148; co-operates in defence against
Fenians, 167; induced to Jeave Manitoba, 168; trial and condemnation of,
170, 171; his sentence commuted, 171-3 ; conditional amnesty for, 174

Lépine, J. B., 105

Lépine, Maxime, 312, 316, 324-5, 359

Lestanc, Father J. M., 69, 94, 104, 105, 153

Léviellé, Pierre, 92, 93, 95

Lightfoot, William, 333

Lindsay, Lieutenant-General, the Hon. James, 130-2, 134, 135
Lindsay School House, meetings at, 265, 267, 297, 318, 320
Lisgar, electoral district of, 170

Lisgar, Lord, see Sir John Young

Little Child, 231, 233

Little Pine—

Signs Treaty 6, 229 ; at Fort Walsh, 231, 234; sent to North Saskatchewan, 235,
281, 284; assembles with others on Poundmaker’s reserve, 285 ; tries to calm
excited Indians, 288 ; at Duck Lake council, 290; expected to visit Blackfeet,
294; at pillage of Battleford, 334-5

Little Poplar, 294, 338, 341, 378

Lockyer, Dr., 385

London, 42, 50, 53, $6, 63, 78, 87, 121, 122, 169, 225, 305, 385
London (Canada), 351

Longfellow, 338

Long Lodge, 231, 233, 234

Longue Pointe, 296, 314, 384

Loon Lake, 375, 376, 377

Lorne, district of, 192, 248, 253, 264, 267, 306, 311
Lower Canada, 17, 22, 160, 388, 400

Lower Fort Garry, 81, 83, 208

Lucky Man—

Signs Treaty 6, 229; at Fort Walsh, 234; sent to North Saskatchewan, 235,
281, 284; assembles on Poundmaker’s reserve, 285; member of his band
assaults Craig, 286; tries to calm excited Indians, 288 ; at Duck Lake council,
290; flight of, 378; his return to Canada, 379

Lynch, Dr., 116, 155
Lytton, Sir E. B., 29, 30, 34

INDEX 465

M
MacBeth, Robert, 99
MacBeth, R. G., cited, 48
McCarthy, D’Alton, 156
McDermott, Andrew, 45, 46
McDonald, A., 271
Macdonald, Sir J. A.—

Delegate to England, 34; his opinion on Canadian proposals to acquire H.B.C.
territories, 38; warns McDougall, 77~8; disapproves McDougall’s actions,
80, 84-3 ; appoints Smith as Commissioner to Red River, 89; cited on the
half-breed insurrection, 95; disapproves of Portage expedition, 103; his
letter to Taché, 108, 110, 148 ; negotiates with Red River delegates, 118-9 ; his
memorandum on the Manitoba Act, 120; his choice for Lieutenant-Governor
121; prepares to send troops to Red River, 129-30; his compromise on
amnesty, 144-5, 148, 151, 152, 153, 158, 161-2, 169 ; is condemned by Orange-
men, 156; secures Riel’s withdrawal from Provencher, 168 ; criticizes partial
amnesty, 174; introduces Bill to establish Mounted Police, 202; head of
Indian Department, 216; on Indian policy, 238, 239, 240, 242, 274, 3373
Minister of Interior, 247 ; and half-breed grievances, 254, 258, 259-Go; Prince
Albert opponents of, 300; informed of meeting of Riel and Big Bear, 302 ;
his attitude to North-West petition, 307 ; his alleged offer to Riel, 311 ; warned
of growing discontent, 312, 322, 351; Riel’s threat re, 323; his measure to
secure Indian loyalty, 354, 361; on nature of North-West Rebellion, 386;
answers Blake’s charge of maladministration, 259, 390; his dilemma, 391-2,
395; and the bolting Bleus, 393 ; threats against, 394-5 ; retains support of
French Canadian ministers, 396-7; and Landry motion, 402; and federal
election, 406-7

Macdonald, J. S., 155, 156
Macdonnell, Allan, 25, 26
Macdonnell, Miles, 10, 11, 12
McDougall, Rev. George, 212
McDougall, Rev. John, 205, 363
McDougall, William—

Urges acquisition of North-West, 23, 38; negotiates transfer of North-West,
39-42; his appointment as Lieutenant-Governor, 42-3, 65-6; métis warming
to, 43, 69; Minister of Public Works, 56, 66; expulsion of, 59, 60, 70, 72, 75 ;
his accusation against Howe, 64 ; half-breeds organize against, 69-71, 73 ; his
instructions, 74; his meeting with Howe, 74-5 ; advised to return to Canada,
75 ; issues proclamation, 76-7 ; his correspondence with Government, 76-80,
84~5 ; his commission to Dennis, 81; returns to Canada, 86; criticizes
Manitoba Bill, 119-20; his alleged dealings with Sioux, 198

MacDowall, D. H., 311-2

Machray, Bishop Robert, 63, 82, 83, 93, 102, 104
Mclllree, Superintendent, cited, 231, 233
Mackay, James, 208

Mackay, John, 246

McKay, Thomas, 323-4, 325, 327

McKay, William, 335

Mackenzie, Alexander—

Opposes negotiation with Red River delegates 116-7 ; criticizes Manitoba Bill,
119; his position regarding amnesty to Red River insurgents, 144, 170, 171,
1743 surveys during administration of, 188 ; railway policy of, 189; and half-
breed land grant, 245 ; compared with Macdonald, 260; his alleged offer to
Riel, 311 ; his vote on execution of Riel, 403

Mackenzie, Kenneth, rox
Mackenzie River, 347
McLaughlin, 46

McLean, Archdeacon John, 104
McLean, John, cited, 9

McLean, W. J., 340-3, 363, 376-7

21

466 INDEX

Macleod, Colonel J. F., 203, 233

Macleod, Fort, 203, 225, 226, 278
Macpherson, Sir David, 249, 257, 259-60, 261
Macrae, J. A., 291, 293

McTavish, J. H., 136-7, 141

Mactavish, William—

Governor of Assiniboia, cited on causes of discontent in Red River, 54, 55, 56,
57; not informed of details of transfer, 57, 65 ; warns Canadian Government,
63-4; cited on Howe, 64; suggested as Lieutenant-Governor, 66, 121; and
the métis, 69, 73, 76; his proclamation, 72; his correspondence with
McDougall, 75, 85 ; co-operates with Smith, 89, 91, 92; cited on extent of
opposition to Canada, 90; threatened by Riel, 95 ; his advice re provisional
government, 98, 101 ; his negotiations with Riel, 122 ; supports amnesty, 148

Mair, Charles, 54, 55, 62, 76, 99, 116

Maloney, M. B., 258

Manchester School, 19, 23

Manitoba, 10, 21, 121, 140, 142, 149, 154, 156, 164, 168, 169, 170, 177, 182, 183, 185,
187, 189, 90, I9I, 203, 208, 209, 211, 227, 228, 236, 237, 239, 244, 245, 246,
247, 249, 261~3, 264, 265, 266, 296, 302, 313, 314, 318, 321, 354, 378, 380, 385

Manitoba Lake, 236

Manitoba and North-West Farmers’ Union, 262, 305

Manitoba Post, 208

Manitoba Rights League, 263

Manitoba Villa €, 248

Man-Who-Took-the-Coat, 234

Maple Creek, 186, 235

Marcil, Dr., 398

Martin, Sergeant, 337

Masson, L. F. R., 169, 174

Medicine Hat, 186, 360

Mercier, Honoré, 395, 397-9, 400, 404, 405, 406

Métis, see Half-Breeds (French)

Michel, Lieutenant-General Sir John, cited 130, 131

Michigan, 126

Middleton, Major-General Sir Frederick—

Sent to the North-West, 351; his character, 355 ; marches north, 356; at Fish
Creek, 358-9; not consulted regarding attack at Cut Knife, 366; captures
Batoche, 368-71 ; receives surrenders of Riel and Poundmaker, 372-3 ; and
Strange, 375 ; his pursuit of Big Bear, 376

Milk River, 230

Miller, Police Surgeon, 326

Miller, W., 299

Mills, David, 252

Milton, Viscount, 219

Minnesota, 10, 13, 24, 36, 37, 44, 58, 60, 131, 136

Missouri, 224, 231

Mistowasis, 290, 291

Mitchell, Hillyard, 323-4, 325

Monkman, Albert, 316, 319, 320

Monkman, Joseph, 116, 201

Montana, 199, 268, 296, 297, 298, 311, 313, 378, 379

Montreal, 4, 11, 67, 90, 116, 142, 168, 262, 351, 382, 392~3, 398

Moore, Captain, 322, 325, 326
Moosomin, Indian chief, 285
Mocsomin, town of, 186
Moose Jaw, 186, 192
Moose Mountain, 192
Morris, Alexander, 191, 211, 246, 250, 275
Morton, Captain, 326

Mosquito, 285

INDEX 467

Mousseau, J. A., 170, 171, 174
Murdoch, Sir Clinton, 117, 151, 152

Nault, André, 68, 105, 123, 165
Nault, Napoléon, 296, 315

New Brunswick, 35, 406
Newcastle, the Duke of, 30-3, 50
New France, 28

Newspapers—

Bulletin, Edmonton, 184, 305 ; cited, 304

Hamilton Spectator, 23; cited, 172

Le Canadien, Quebec, 157, 392, 398; cited, qos

L’ Electeur, Quebec, cited 389

L’Etendard, Montreal, cited, 381, 382, 405 ; 389, 392, 393, 404, 406

L’Evénement, Quebec, 398

Le Journal de Québec, 157

La Justice, Quebec, cited, 406

Le Métis, Montreal, 382

La Minerve, Montreal, 392, 405

Le Monde, Montreal, 392, 405

Le Nouveau Monde, Montreal, 157; cited, 158

Le Nowvelliste, Three Rivers, cited, 382

L’Opinion Publique, Montreal, cited, 157

La Patrie, Montreal, 389 ; cited, 398

La Presse, Montreal, 389; cited, 397

La Verité, Quebec, 389 ; cited, 382, 404

Montreal Gazette, cited, 172, 350, 390

Montreal Transcript, cited, 23

Montreal Witness, cited, 156

National Republican, Washington, cited, 126

New Nation, Fort Garry, 85, 92, 94, 123; cited, 93, 102, 109

New York Times, cited, 58

New York Tribune, cited, 35

North American, 23

Nor’ Wester, Calgary, cited, 304

Nor’ Wester, Fort Garry, 50, 51, $2, $3, 61, 85

Orange Sentinel, cited, 389

Ottawa Citizen, cited, 172

Port Hope Guide, cited, 401

Prince Albert Times, cited, 266, 267, 307, 308

Red River Pioneer, Fort Garry, 85

Saskatchewan Herald, Battleford, cited, 183, 308

St. Paul Daily Press, cited, 36, 75

The Times, London, 5

Toronto Globe, 24, $4, 64, 116, 134, 156, 1573 cited, 65, 102, 129, 305, 400, 401

Toronto Mail, cited, 400 ; 406

Toronto News, cited, 383

Toronto Telegraph, 116, 157

Toronto World, 384

New York, 385
Niagara, 153, 155
Nisbet, Rev. James, 183
Nolin, Charles—

Member of committee on half-breed rights, 94 ; seconds motion for provisional
government, 98 ; has not great influence, 261 ; Riel meeting at house of, 298 ;
speaks in favour of Riel, 303-4 ; withdraws tender, 312; refuses to take u
atms, 315 ; member of Riel’s provisional government, 316; his quarrel wi
Riel, 317; sent to enrol recruits, 320; sent to demand Croziet’s surrender,

324-5

468

INDEX

Norman, Inspector F., 235
Norquay, John, 101, 260
Northcote, the, 185, 360, 368-9, 372
Northcote, Sir Stafford, 39, 40, 41, 42, 108, 117
North-West
Exploration of, 4; fur companies in, 5; first white settlement in, 21-2, 23;

nadian interest in, 23-7 ; danger to British rule in, 24-5, 35-7 ; transfer of to
Canada, Chapter II ; warning to McDougall not to enter, 43 ; alleged suffering
of people of, 51; difficult to rule, 63 ; arms sent to, 64; Canadian emissaries
sent to, 88-90 ; Taché returns to, 108, 147 ; military expedition to, 119, Chapter
VI; the “ Great Lone Land,” 177; growth of settlement in, Chapter IX ;
half-breeds trek to, 179, 243 ; transition of, 182, 192-3; capital of, 183, 186 ;
survey of, 188; government of, 190-2; formation of Territories of, 192;
Indians of, 196-7 ; Mounted Police sent to, 203; surrender of by Indians,
206-16 ; fear of Indian rising in, 225 ; reorganization of Indian administration
in, 227-8; regarded by half-breeds as their patrimony, 251; economic
depression in, 264, 305 ; difference in position of in 1870 and 1885, 314; troops
sent to, 351 ef seq.

North-West Company, §, 7, 11, 12, 20, 49, $5
North-West Council, 191, 192, 202, 212, 222, 223, 246, 248, 249-50, 252
North-West Mounted Police—

Sent to St. Laurent, 181-2; founded, 191, 202-3 ; appreciation of Indians for,

203; urge treaty negotiations with Indians, 212; complaints of Blackfeet to,
223; ration Indians, 225, 230, 234-5 ; first constable of murdered, 225; urge
Indians to settle on reserves, 230, 233, 235; favour abandonment of Fort
Walsh, 232-3; increasing boldness of indians towards, 277 ¢# seq.; appre-
hensive of rising in North-West, 305 ; force of augmented, 310, 321 ; alleged
by Riel to be about to attack métis, 316; report rebellion imminent, 321;
defeated at Duck Lake, 327-8 ; withdraw from Frog Lake and Fort Pitt, 339,
40-1; numbers of insufficient to suppress rebellion, 351; and relief of
ttleford, 360; patrol of waylaid by Indians, 366; at Cut Knife, 367;
inaction of at Prince Albert, 372 ; their offer to pursue Big Bear refused, 376 ;
Big Bear surrenders to, 377

North-West Territories, 184, 186, 187, 189, 190-2, 201, 202, 226, 227, 228, 231,

236, 237, 243, 244, 246, 248, 251, 252, 255, 256, 259, 260, 261, 264, 265, 266,
270, 271, 285, 297, 299, 300, 302, 304, 306, 310, 385 ; see North-West

Norton, Moses, 9

Nor’

Westers, 11

Nova Scotia, 35, 57, 64, 121, 351, 380, 406
Noyon, J. de, 4

oO

Oak Point, 55, 56

Occumenical Council, 64, 107

O’Donoghue, W. B., 98, 102, 109, 123, 164-6, 174
Okemasis, 290

Old Sun, 239

Oliver, Frank, 184, 304, 308

O'Neill, “ General,”

J-, 165

One Arrow, 290, 315, 327

Onion Lake, 340

Only Chief, 230

Ontario, $4, 100, 115, 116, 118, 119, 123, 131, 132, 133, 145, 148, 153, 155, 156, 157,

138, 165, 168, 170, 171, 208, 299, 351, 380, 381, 382-4; 385, 389, 392, 395, 399,
400, 401, 402, 403, 406, 407

Oregon, 24, 126

Orkney Islands, 5

Osler, B. B., 384

Otter, Colonel W. D., 336, 355, 360, 363, 366-8, 374

Ottawa, 50, 63, 64, 77, 96, 107, 109, 110, 114, I1§, 117, 118, 119, 123, 124, 131, 140,

INDEX 469

147, 150, 152, 163, 169, 170, 215, 222, 226, 227, 228, 235, 247, 248, 249, 251,
253, 254, 25$, 258, 260, 265, 274, 285, 296, 301, 304, 306, 307, 308, 313, 318,
21, 351, 361, 391, 399, 400, 404, 405 ; see Canadian Government
Quellette, Moise, 268, 316
Ouimet, J. A., 393

Pagée, Xavier, 98, 99

Pangman, Peter, 11, $5

Parenteau, Bte., 316

Parenteau, Pierre, 167, 316

Parti National, 399, 400, 404~5

Peace River, 378

Pearce, William, 255, 258-9, 312
Peccan, 284, 344, 345

Pelly, Fort, 178, 236

Pembina, 36, 43, 46, 60, 70, 75, 76, 81, 82, 86, 90, 92, 165, 166
Petequaquay, 290

Piapot, 231, 233, 234, 235, 284, 290, 302
Pipestone Creek, 374

Pither, R. J. N., 135

Pitt, Fort—

H.B.C. post at, 178; trail to, 184; Treaty 6 signed at 212; Indians starving at,
224; economy at, 271; Big Bear from, 280; Big Bear meets Vankoughnet at,
282; half-breeds incite Indians against, 334; Quinn advised to retire to, 338 ;
news of Frog Lake reaches, 339 ; Indians pillage and take prisoners at, 340-3,
345, 348, 364, 374; troops sent to, 355, 363, 373, 3753 Indians’ prisoners
arrive at, 377

Pocha School House, 267
Poitras, Pierre, 124
Pope, Sir Joseph, cited, 63
Poor Man, 231
Portage Expedition, 100-3, 110
Portaging, method of, 138
Portage La Prairie, 100, 101, 104, 106, 119, 208
Portland, 108
Poundmaker—
His character, 283 ; his unrest, 284 ; co-operates with Big Bear, 283, 284; Indian
athering on bis reserve, 285-8; at pillage of Battleford, 334-6; proposed
junction with Big Bear, 363-4 ; Riel appeals to for assistance, 364-6 ; factional
disputes in camp of, 364; attacked by Otter, 366-8; his surrender, 372-3 ;
imprisoned, 378 ; released, 379
Prince Albert-—

Founded, 177, 1833; trail to, 184, 187; growing settlement at, 185; first
electoral district in North-West ; 192; petitions from, 246, 249, 251, 2543
feeling of insecurity at, 230 ; land office at, 252~3 ; claims investigated at, 255;
special survey of, 256, 257; economic depression at, 264, 305 ; agitation at,
264, 267; Riel’s meeting at, 298-9 ; Jackson’s Manifesto to the people of, 300
ef seg.; Riel and Big Bear meet at, 303; Police reinforced at, 310; troops
raised at, 322-3 ; Police retire to, 329, 330-1; party sent to Green Lake from,
347-8 ; Middleton marches to, 355, 372; Riel fears Police at, 357, 358

Prince Albert Volunteers, 326, 328, 329
Prince Arthut’s Landing, 134, 141
Prince, Henry, 81
Privy Council, Judicial Committee of-—
And H.B.C. charter, 27, 29, 30; North-West agitators threaten appeal to, 302,
06; uphold sentence against Riel, 385
Proclamations—

By Mactavish, 72, 75 ; McDougall, 76, 77, 78, 80, 86; Dennis, 82; Governor-

General, 87, 88, 91, 108, 109, 146, 147, 150, 151, 153 ; Wolseley, 136, 140-1

470 INDEX

Proulx, Rev. J. B., 311

Provencher, electoral district of, 168, 170

Provencher, J. A. N., 65, 71, 75, 90, 92, 216, 228

Provencher, Bishop J. N., 107

Provisional Governments—

First at Red River, 73, 74, 84, 85-6, 91, 93, 95 3 second at Red River, 96-9, 100,

IOI, 103, 104, 10§, 106, 109, 110, 113, 114, I1§, 121, 125, 132, 142, 148, 150,
164, 165 ; “* Legislative Assembly,” 109, 110, 113, 121-2, 124, 141 ; Dumont’s
at St. Laurent, 180-2 ; of the Saskatchewan, 314, 316, 317, 320, 323, 324, 3§4

Q
Qu’Appelle, 192, 220, 222, 231, 233, 236, 271, 276, 294, 302, 304, 324, 333, 351,
352, 353, 368
Qu’Appelle, Fort, 178, 225, 246, 355
Qu’Appelle, valley, 179, 185, 220, 235, 243
Quebec, 15, 118, T19, 131, 132, 133, 140, 145, 149, 156-7, 158, 169, 170, 171, 296,
351, 362, 380-2, 383, 384, 385, 389, 390-1, 392, 393-4, 395, 396-400, 403-5,
_ 406, 407
Quinn, Henry, 339, 340
» T. T., 337, 338, 339

R
Rae, J. M., 271, 335 ; cited, 272, 286, 288, 289
Ramsey, Alexander, Governor of Minnesota, 36, 59, 164
Rat Portage, 139
Red Deer, 363
Red Deer Creek, 374
Red Deer Crossing, 363
Red Deer Hill, 265, 298, 329
Red Pheasant, 283, 285, 294, 334
Red River, 4, 10, 12, 22, 28, 31, 36, 37, 48, 49, 57, 71, 143, 185, 219
Red River Settlement—

Attacked by Nor’Westers, 11; effect of union of two fur companies upon, 12 ;
population of, 12-3 ; economic life of, 13-4; survey of, 15 ; government of,
15-7; static nature of, 17-8, 47; agitation in against ELB.C. monopoly, 21,
44-7; apprehension in regarding erican expansion, 24-5; H.B.C. sur-
tender of, 22, 30, 33; lack of defensive force in, 36, 37, 41; half-breed unrest
in, Chapter III; famine in, 53 ; American interest in, 58-60, 126 ; insurrection
in, Chapters IV, V; Taché’s return to, 108, 147; temper of people in, 109 ;
refugees from, 116 ; administered by tovisional government, 121 ; change of
feeling in, 123, 125 ; routes to, 126; despatch of troops to, 129 ef seq. ; Butlet’s
visit to, 136; guides sent to Wolseley from, 139 ; Archibald takes census of,
first provincial election in, 142; half-breed leaders return to, 164; feeling in
generally favourable to amnesty, 168 ; half-breeds of trek to North-West, 178-9,
182; route to Saskatchewan from, 184, 187; buffalo brigade from, 220; differ-
ence in situation at and that in Saskatchewan, 314

Reed, Hayter, 235, 239, 280, 310, 350; cited, 285, 293
Reesor, David, 117

Regina, 186, 192, 271, 322, 329, 384

Richards, ALN., 65 3295

Riel, Louis—

On half-breed solidarity, 10; secretary of Comité National, 43, 69; on H.B.C.
government, 48 ; on cause of rebellion, 49; character of, 67-8, 295 ; holds
up survey, 68, 70; organizes métis, 70; takes Fort Garry, 70-1; invites

glish co-operation, 71-2; statements in Convention, 725 80-1; forms
provisional government, 73-4, 84-5 ; takes prisoners, 83-4 ; his aims, 71, 88,
95, 96; assumes presidency, 85; and Canadian Commissioners, 90-2; and
mass meetings, 92-3; and Convention, 94-6; forms second provisional

INDEX 471

government, 96-9 ; and Portage expedition, 99-104 ; and Scott, 105-6; and
Taché, 108, 109; demands provincial status, 95, 110, 113 ; formulates list of
rights, 110, 113, 114; takes oath as president, 122 ; his negotiations with H.B.C.,
122; his quarrel with O’Donoghue, 123, 164; his speech on ratification of
Manitoba Act, 125 ; does not fear troops from Canada, 128 ; Butlet’s interview
with, 136, 141; flight of, 140, 141, 164; Taché promises amnesty to, 148 ;
Ritchot promises amnesty to, 152; President United States suggests amnesty
for, 159; offers assistance against Fenians, 166-7 ; withdraws candidature in
favour of Cartier, 168; his expulsion from parliament, 170-1; conditional
amnesty granted to, 174; invited to return to North-West, 267-8 ; consulted
by Indians, 289, 290, 302-3 ; unfit for his task, 295-6; informed of events in
North-West, 296; his return and agitation in Saskatchewan, Chapter XIV ;
mental change in, 313-4; forms provisional government in Saskatchewan,
315-6; appeals to English half-breeds, 318-20; negotiations with Mounted
Police, 323-5 ; and engagement at Duck Lake, 328, 332, 348 ; incites Indians,
332-5 ; desperate position of, 348-9; overrules Dumont’s plan of campaign,
357-8; appeals to Poundmaker for assistance, 364-6; his surrender, 371-2 ;
trial of, 378, 384; insanity commission on, 385; execution of, 385; his
petition to President Cleveland, 386; racial recriminations and political
agitation over the death of, Chapter XVII

Riel pére, Louis, 47, 67

Rights—

irst Bill of, 80, 82, 94, 114; Second Bill of, 94, 96, 110, 114, 118, Third List of,

110-3, 114, 150; Fourth List of, 114; Farmers’ Union Declaration of, 263 ;
Settlers’ Union Bill of, 306, 307

Ringing Sky, 344

Ritchot, Janvier, 105

Ritchot, Abbé, J. N.—

Assists half-breeds during Red River Rebellion, 61, 69, 70, 92, 93, 108; Red
River delegate to Ottawa, 99, 110, 114, 115 ; his arrest, 117; negotiates with
Canadian Government, 118-9, 150-1; returns to Red River, 123-4; and
promise of amnesty, 150-2, 153 ; and Riel on occasion of Fenian invasion, 166

Riviére aux Ilets de Bois, 165-6

Riviére Qui Barre, 344

Riviére Sale, 69, 164

Riviére Seine, 104

Robertson Ross, Colonel, 132, 191, 202 ; cited, 199, 200
Robinson, Christopher, 384

Robinson, Major H. N., 58

Robitaille, Théodore, 169

Rochester, 386

Rogers, Sir Frederic, his memorandum on amnesty, 159 ef seg. ; 161, 164
Rolette, J., 58

Roman Catholic clergy—

Represented on Council of Assiniboia, 15-6 ; their part in the Red River Rebel-
ion, Go-1 ; and the stopping of survey, 69; Thibault holds high position in,
88; at meeting of Convention, 94; sepatate schools in List of Rights, 114 ;
oppose Riel’s activity in Saskatchewan, 309-10; their breach with Riel,
316~7 ; opposed to Riel agitation in Quebec, 395

Rose, Sir John, 78, 121, 147
Ross, Alexander, cited, 8

Ross, Donald, 316

Ross, James, 52, 72, 73, 94, 96, 98
Ross, John, 26

Ross, John Jones, 399, 404, 405
Rouge, Fort, 4

Rouleau, Charles, 310

Royal Canadian Regiment, 36
Royal, Joseph, cited, 154
Running Rabbit, 230

472 INDEX

Rupert’s Land—

Extent of, 3; early colonization in, 10; fur trade interests predominate in, 12;
Recorder of, 16; isolation of, 20; boundary with Canada, 22, 29; H.B.C.
willing to surrender portion of, 33; transfer to Canada of, 35, 37, 38-9, 41,
121, 177; Council of, 45; half breeds opposed to change in, 48; Public
Notice to the Inhabitants of, 71-2 ; Declaration to the People of, 84; See also
North-West

Russell, Lindsay, 254
Rykert, J. C., 402

S
St. Albert, 177, 179, 181, 182, 220, 225, 246, 251, 257-8, 352, 353
St. Antoine de Padoue, see Batoche
St. Boniface, 12, 67, 69, 107, 153, 167, 296
St. Catherines, 264, 265, 318, 329
St. Florent de Lebret, 181, 184
St. John, N. B., 305
St. Laurent—

Founded, 179-80; Dumont’s provisional government at, 180-2; becomes
electoral district, 192 ; métis petitions from, 246, 251, 253; investigation of
claims at, 255 ; survey at, 256 ; concessions to St. Albert not extended to, 258 ;
Riel’s return to, 297, 303 ; economic distress at, 305 ; visited by Grandin and
Forget, 309, 310; rebellion localized at, 354

St. Louis, U.S., 220, 385

St. Louis de Langevin, 182, 258

St. Norbert, 43, 44, 69, 92

St. Paul, U.S., 13, 14, 24, 36, 37, $8, $9, 67, 75, 86, 113, 221
St. Paul des Cris, 200

St. Peter’s Mission, 297

St. Vital, 57, 166

Sacré Coeur, 182

Sackville-West, Sir Lionel, 353

Saddle Lake, 344

Salaberry, Colonel Charles de, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 115, 146, 148
Saskatchewan—

Recommendation re surrender of, 22, 30; American interest in, 35, 59; first
white settlements in, 183 e¢ seq. ; colonization companies in, 186 ; Territory of,
192; Indians in, 197, 205, 281, 283, 293 ; lawless conditions in, 199 ef seq. ;
buffalo in, 220; discontent in, 264 ef seq.; Provisional Government of,
314-6; Riel on situation in, 318, 319; fears of people in, 331

Saskatchewan, Fort, 258

Saskatchewan Landing, 360

Saskatchewan River, 4, 28, 33, 36, 49, 185, 187, 199, 233, 235, 245, 256, 258, 264,

29§, 297, 305, 343, 347, 375

North Saskatchewan, 179, 183 185, 186, 189, 211, 312, 326, 348, 355, 360, 363, 373
South Saskatchewan, 179, 182, 257, 258, 259, 265, 274, 340, 356, 360, 369

Saskatoon, 186

Sault Ste. Marie, 129, 133, 134

Sayer, Guillaume, 47

Schmidt, Louis, cited, 67, 68, 297; 94, 109, 124

Schultz, Dr. J. C—

His agitation in Red River, 48, 50, 51, 52; Canadian Government employees
associate with, 54; stakes land, 55 ; Howe avoids, 64; organizes resistance to
Riel, 83; escapes from Fort Garry, 99; Riel’s threat against, 100; joins
Portage party, 101 ; member of “ Canada First,” 115 ; and agitation in Ontario,
116; defeated by Smith in election, 142 ; votes for expulsion of Riel, 170 ; his
recommendations re preservation of buffalo, 222

Scotland, 5, 9, 23
Scott, A. H., 99, 114, 115, 117, 118, 151, 154, 160, 169
Scott, D. L., 384

INDEX 473

Scott, Hugh, 117
Scott, Thomas (Red River)—

His escape from Fort Garry, 99, 100; imprisoned with Portage party, 104; his
character, 104~5 ; his trial and execution, 105, 106 ; effect of his execution in
Red River, 109; English Canadian and Ontario indignation at execution of,
115, 116, 133, 145, 156; French Canadian and Quebec opinion regarding, 145,
157; result of execution, 155

Scott, Thornas (Saskatchewan)—
Supports Riel, 298, 299, 300, 318, 320; trial and acquittal of, 378
Seenum, 205
Siegfried, A., cited, 144
Selby Smythe, Major-General Sir Edward, 181-2
Selkirk, 185
Selkirk colony, 11, 35, 49, $9, 60; see Red River Settlement
Selkirk, Earl of, 10, 12, 13, 14, 1§, 207
Semple, Robert, 11
Settlers’ Union, 265, 298, 299, 300, 308, 317
Seven Oaks, massacre of, 11, 12, 15
Seward, W. H., American Sectetary of State, 35, 36, 59
Shebandowan, Lake. 129, 135
Shellabarger, Mr., 36
Shepherd, John, Governor of the H.B.C., 29, 34
Sherbrooke, 400
Shoal River, 236
Simpson, Sir George, cited 14, 21-2, 26, 45, 46, 47
Simpson, W. M., 135, 208
Sinclair, James, 45, 46
Sitting Bull, cited, 223 ; 224, 232°
Slater, J. C., 299
Smart, Sergeant, 377
Smet, Father de, cited, 220
Smith, Donald, A.—

Canadian Commissioner to Red River, 89-94, 96, 146; invites delegates to
Ottawa, 96, 99; disapproves of Portage expedition, 103; intercedes for
Boulton and Scott, 104, 105, 106; considered as Lieutenant-Governor, 121 ;
welcomes Wolseley, 139; administers Red River until Archibald’s arrival, 142;
defeats Schultz in election, 142

Smith, James, 290

Smith, John, 290

Snow, J. A., 53, $4, 55, 72 76, 84, 104, 129, 137
South Branch ; see Sceatche aan River, South
Southesk, Earl of, cited, 7, 219

Sparrow Hawk, 231, 233

Spence, Andrew, 265, 267, 306

Spence, Thomas, 50, 123

Stand Off, Fort, 203

Stanley, Sir Frederick, cited on execution of Riel, 387
State Department, the, $9, 109

Steele, Major S. B., 138, 363, 374, 375-6

Steele’s Scouts, 352, 363, 375, 376

Stephen, George, 89

Stephen, Sic James, cited, 22

Stone Fort, the, see Lower Fort Garry

Strange, Major-General, T. B., 355, 362-3, 373-6
Street, W. P.R., 354

Strike-Him-on-the-Back, 285, 335

Stuttsman, Enos, 58

Sulte, Benjamin, 154

Superior, Lake, 4, 5, 31, 112, 113, 127, 129, 133, 352
Sutherland, John, 94, 98

474 INDEX

Swan River, 181

Swain, T. 265

Sweetgrass, 205

Swift Current, 335, 355, 360, 365, 368

T
Taché, Archbishop, A. A.—

Bishop of St. Boniface, cited on Council of Assiniboia, 16 ; on Red River famine,
53; on American influence during the Red River Rebellion, 58 ; on his fears
regarding entry of North-West into confederation, 61 ; on amnesty, 147 ; his
influence over the half-breeds, 54, 90, 107; warns Canadian Government,
snubbed by Cartier, 64, 107 ; suggests Mactavish as Lieutenant-Governor, 66 ;
sends Riel to Montreal, 67; absent during the insurrection, 69, 107; returns
to assist pacification, 107-8, 147; his influence at Red River, 1og-r110, 123;
and the List of Rights, 110, 113, 114; promises complete amnesty, 123, 140,
148 ; his efforts to expedite arrival of Archibald, 141-2 ; confers with Canadian
Government, 147-8 ; correspondence re amnesty 149-50, 155; his visit to
Governor-General, 152-3, 155 ; tequested to obtain withdrawal of Riel, 168 ;
continues to agitate for amnesty, 169, 171; on the half-breed land grant in
Manitoba, 244; consulted on half-breed policy, 248

Taillon, L. O., 405

Tanner, James, 165

Tarte, J. 1, cited, 398

Taylor, J. W., 36, 37, 593 cited, 119, 151, 154, 214
Telegraph Flat, 183

Texas, 24, 48

Thibault, Very Rev. Grand Vicar J. B., 88-91, 93-96, 121, 146, 148 ; cited, 94, 99
Thibert, P., 99

Thompson, i: S. D., 402

Thornton, Sir Edward, 134

Thunder Bay, 141, 208

Toronto, 25, 26, 27, 31, 116, 117, 155, 157, 3§1
Touchwood Hills, 178, 184, 225, 236, 271, 276, 333
Tourond, David, 316

Tourond, Patrice, 316

Trottier, C., 333

Troy, 351

Trudel, Senator, 393, 398

Tupper, Sir Charles, 90, 265

Turner, Edward, 105

Tumer, John, 249

Two Mountains, Lake of, 207

U
Union Métisse de St. Joseph, 303
United States, 13, 24, 25, 35, 36, 37, 43, 46, $3, 59, 60, 70, 78, 85, 126, 127, 128, 129,
131, 134, 136, 148, 164, 187, 188, 189, 190, 199, 201, 213, 214, 220, 227, 230,
231, 232, 235, 240, 242, 261, 269, 274, 296, 297, 302, 305, 313, 353, 361, 364,
372, 379, 384, 385, 386; see also Americans and Washington
Upper Canada, 11, 17, 22, 119, 160, 207

Vv

Valleyfield, 394
Vanasse, Fabien, 393
Vancouver Island, 21

Vankoughnet, Lawrence—

Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, 216; his memorandum on

dian policy, 237; his visit to North-West and his economy in Indian expendi-

ture, 270; Dewdney’s complaints re, 272; cited on outbreak at Crooked

Lakes, 280; his ultimatum to Big Bear, 282; advises increase of Mounted

INDEX 475

Police in North Saskatchewan, 285; refuses to restrict movement of Indians,
289; on Indian grievances, 294

Van Straubenzie, Colonel, 371

Vavasour, Licutenant, 25

Végreville, Father, 182, 258

Vérendrye, P. G, Sieur de la, 4

Victoria, 177, 205

Ww

Walker, Inspector James, 250
Wallace, Major J., 65, 82
Walsh, Fort, 203, 223, 226, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 275, 284
Wandering Spirit, 338, 339, 342, 379
Warre, Lieutenant, 25
Washington, 35, 36, 46, 59, 60, 119, 134, 154, 164, 214, 352
Water Hen Lake, 348
Watkin, Edward, 31, 32, 34
Webb, Captain, 56, 68
White Fish Lake, 177, 205, 344
Whoop-Up, Fort, 203
William, Fort, 11, 12, 31, 134, 135
Williams, Colonel A. T. H., 371
Winnipeg, 4, 51, 71, 81, 82, 83, 84, 104, 113, 115, 142, 184, 185, 263, 352
Winnipes, Lake, 13, 37, 126, 127, 184

g River, 136, Br 139, 142
Wale > Colonel ’G jJ.—

Desires to accompany Smith, 89; suggested as Lieutenant-Governor, 121 ; leads
Red River Expedition, 132 e# seg.; his charges against Canadian Ministers,
135; his request for road-workers, 136-7; cited on running pics, 137-8 ;
captures Fort Garry, 139-40, 153; his proclamation, 140-1, 1 requests
Smith to administer settlement, 142; his pow-wow with indians at Fort
Frances, 136, 204

Wolseley, town of, 304

Wood Mountain, 184, 223, 35

Woods, Lake of the, 4, $3, 130, 137, 185, 187
Wrigley, Joseph, 321

Y
Yellow Calf, 279-80
York Factory, 5, 10
Yorkton, 352
Young, Captain, 135
Young, Captain George, 332
Young, Rev. George, 53, 84, 105
Young, H.S., 345
Young, Sir John—

Governor-General of Canada, notifies Colonial Office of Canada’s refusal to
accept transfer, 78; his proclamation, 87-8, 146, 147, 148, 153; cited on
Thibault, 88; his letter to Taché, 108; Lynch petition to, 116; Ritchot
protests to, 117; and the mili expedition, 131, 133; his protests against
stopping of Chicora, 134; forwards Taché’s correspondence to Colonial Office,
150; and the promise of amnesty to Red River insurgents, 151-3, 161, 169

Printed in Great Britain by the Kemp Hate Press, Ltp.
in the City of Oxford

TT